Monthly Archives: August 2014

Vinod, Ayub in the fray for HCA presidentship

Elections to the top post being held after a gap of 50 years, following an amendment to the association constitution

Arshad Ayub   /    V_V_SUBRAHMANYAM

It will be a straight contest for the post of presidentship between former India off-spinner Arshad Ayub and incumbent chief G. Vinod when the Annual General Meeting and the elections will be held to various posts in the Hyderabad Cricket Association (HCA) on September 7.

G. Vinod / The Hindu
G. Vinod / The Hindu

With the withdrawals coming to an end on Saturday, the presidential battle has a tinge of history. Former HCA secretary P. R. Man Singh reminds this will be the first time there will be an election for the president’s post after 1964. “Then, the battle was between Maj. N. K. Guruswamy and J. Ramakrishna Rao, the latter being one of the youngest (in late 20s) to contest the post which the former won,” recalls Man Singh in a chat.

Interestingly, after that 1964 elections, the HCA constitution was amended stating the senior most vice-president will automatically be the next president and it continued till 2012 when another amendment made a contest mandatory for presidentship. By coincidence it was Mr. Vinod who was declared elected president after Mr. Ayub withdrew from the race just before the election day.

“I am fortunate, I can say, that I was there in 1964 elections and now will be a witness to the September 7 polls. Incidentally, I along with Mr. Ramakrishna Rao and Mr. K. S. Iyengar, are the only survivors of that AGM,” recalls Mr. Singh.

For the secretaryship, it will be another straight fight between incumbent joint secretary Seshadri Venkateshwaran and John Manoj. Others in the fray for posts include ex-MP G. Vivekanand, M.V. Sridhar for the post of vice-presidentship from the ruling panel.

Following is the final list of contestants left in the fray for some key posts: Arshad Ayub group: president – Arshad Ayub, secretary – John Manoj, treasurer – Devaraj, joint-secretaries – Purushotham Agarwal and Vijayanand, vice-presidents – Narender Goud, P. Yadgiri, Prakash Chand Jain, Surender Agarwal, Moizuddin.

Ruling group: president – G. Vinod, secretary – S. Venkateshwaran, treasurer – Naresh Sharma, joint secretaries – Basavaraju (commercial taxes) and Gerard Carr, vice-presidents – G. Vivekanand, M.V. Sridhar, E. Venkatram Reddy, T. Seshnarayan, Kishen Rao.

source: / The Hindu / Home> News> Cities> Hyderabad / V. V. Subrahmanyam / Hyderabad – August 31st, 2014

FORSAKEN BY HISTORY – Fazlul Huq’s actions directed history at many levels

First Person Singular – A.M.


The significance of the year 1937 as a major milestone in the colonial history of India is often either brushed aside or missed altogether. The British parliament had, a couple of years ago, passed the new Government of India Act promising Indians limited self-governance and suggesting a federal structure of administration for the Indian empire. Provincial elections were ordered in 1937 all over ‘British India’ so that people’s representatives, though elected on the basis of restricted franchise, could still wield some power. The Indian National Congress, despite its reservations over the provision of the act, participated in the polls and, as was only to be expected, had a cakewalk victory in most of the ‘general’ constituencies everywhere; it also succeeded in electing its candidates from an impressive number of constituencies reserved for the scheduled castes and tribes. The All India Muslim League, presided over by Mohammed Ali Jinnah, did much below its expectations. Even in the provinces where Muslims constituted a clear majority of the electorate, its performance was none too impressive. In Punjab, it was defeated by the Unionist Party put together by Sikander Hyat Khan, representing the landowning interests, who became the prime minister (this was the nomenclature used in the 1935 Act) of the province. In Bengal, A.K. Fazlul Huq’s Krishak Praja Party prevailed over the League in a majority of the constituencies reserved for the Muslim community. His party lacked an overall majority in the provincial assembly; it nonetheless emerged as the largest single party. The Indian National Congress claimed the second place, the Muslim League was a not too impressive third. In Sind, it was a rag-bag coalition of regional parties which formed the provincial government, the Muslim League was isolated. In the North-West Frontier Province, given the popularity of Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan and his brother, Khan Sahib, the Congress did tremendously well; it won seats which fell short of a majority by just one; the Muslim League failed in its mission to capture the province. It was only the Indian National Congress in the rest of the country, including the United Provinces, the Central Provinces, Bihar, Assam, Orissa, as well as the Madras and Bombay Presidencies.

Jawaharlal Nehru was the Congress’s president that year. At his direction, the Congress set down two conditions for joining a coalition with others for forming a government in a province where it would be unable to form a ministry on its own: (a) the Congress would not enter into alliance with any ‘communal party’ and (b) even where it chose to form a coalition with another party to form the government in any province, the prime minister must be only from the Congress; it would supposedly be demeaning for the great national party to take orders from a prime minister who belonged to a nondescript political formation.

What was ironical was that in its anxiety to keep the Muslim League out of power in the NWFP, the Congress did not hesitate to breach immediately the first of these conditions and agreed to accommodate the sole Hindu Mahasabha legislator in the state assembly, Mehr Chand Khanna, in the ministry it formed. When it came to Bengal, the party’s high command, so-called, was adamant in sticking to principles. Fazlul Huq, having successfully snubbed the Muslim League in the just-held polls, was most reluctant to have any truck with the League and was keen to have the Congress as his partner. He sent a formal proposal to the Congress authorities inviting the party to form a coalition with the KPP and join the ministry he would form as the province’s prime minister. Sarat Chandra Bose, elected leader of the Congress in the Bengal assembly, was eager to respond affirmatively to Fazlul Huq’s invitation. His request to do so was contemptuously turned down by the high command. Poor Fazlul Huq had no alternative but to approach his erstwhile sworn enemy, the League, to join his ministry. The League responded with great alacrity; the KPP-Muslim League coalition regime took charge of the provincial administration in Bengal. The course of history changed in Bengal from that point onwards.

Fazlul Huq’s KPP had a clear-cut programme to protect the interests of the rural masses. Once installed in office, Fazlul Huq wasted no time in implementing the pledged promises to relieve the peasantry of the burden of unbridled exploitation by big landlords and loan sharks. A legislation imposed ceilings on land cess charged by intermediaries. Of far greater relevance was the introduction of a separate legislation concerning rural indebtedness. It either considerably reduced or even squashed altogether the burden of land cess charged by intermediaries in the recovery of past loans. Fazlul Huq did not quite stop here. He decided to set up a commission — the Floud Commission — to introduce major land reform all over the province. A further measure, perhaps of equal, if not greater, significance, was an order which, taking into account the denominational distribution of the province’s population, reserved 54 per cent of job opportunities in the provincial government henceforth for members of the Muslim community.

This series of measures had a tremendous impact on all sections of the Muslims in Bengal whose support for Fazlul Huq soared. The reaction of Hindus and the Indian National Congress was, perhaps not totally surprisingly, to the contrary. The prospect of losing the opportunity of making easy money by increasing exploitation of the rural poor disturbed the thinking process of the Hindu gentry and middle-class Hindus; the additional, very real, possibility of shrinkage in opportunities to enter government service further alienated them from Fazlul Huq and his administration.

Ignoring advice for restraint, the Congress launched a virulent campaign depicting Huq as an arch communalist. It was conveniently forgotten that, barely a couple of years ago, the same Fazlul Huq had made the Congress happy by taming the League in the polls. The news media in Calcutta, both English and Bengali, owned by Hindu fat cats, were full of reports, often concocted, of how much sections of the Hindu community were suffering in different parts of the province under the tyranny unleashed by the coalition government. Fazlul Huq withstood the calamity for a while. He was a man of emotions though. At one point he decided that enough was enough, if he was dubbed communal for being a friend of the poor, he would rather turn into a full-fledged communalist. He liquidated his own party and joined the Muslim League, along with the bulk of the KPP legislators. He, so to say, handed on a platter the crucial province of Bengal, with its huge density of Muslim population, to Mohammed Ali Jinnah.

The rest of the story is well known. Huq was persuaded to move at the League’s annual session in 1940 the resolution demanding the creation of Pakistan. The League reaped what Huq’s KPP had sown in Bengal. Muslim masses all over the country were bowled over by reports of what the League had supposedly done for poverty-stricken Muslims in the eastern province. Their loyalties got swiftly transferred to the League. Jinnah begun to roar like a real lion. Pressure was unbearable on Muslim politicians who till then had kept their distance from the League. Sikander Hyat Khan could read the signs, and capitulated in Punjab and joined the League too. It was the same story in the rest of the country. Only Abdul Gaffar Khan’s NWFP refused to bend all the way.

Since at heart Fazlul Huq, besides abhorring Jinnah’s overwhelming ways, could not reconcile himself to the League’s exceedingly aggressive communal stances, he soon fell out with the League leadership. He tried to form an alternative government in Bengal by parting with the League. Most of his former supporters were, however, no longer with him. Even so, Huq succeeded in scraping together a majority in the provincial assembly with the help of Sarat Chandra Bose, who too had now broken with the Congress following Subhas Chandra Bose’s expulsion. What raised a furore was Huq’s seeking and receiving support from the Hindu Mahasabha leader, Shyama Prasad Mookherjee. This latest move by Fazlul Huq unnerved the British rulers. They had been happy when he merged his party with the Muslim League, which kept the Congress out of power in Bengal. The Congress was turning increasingly hostile. Mahatma Gandhi was threatening to launch the Quit India Movement, and the spreading influence of the League was considered a good antidote by the foreign masters. That apart, the Second World War was reaching a critical stage. Subhas Chandra Bose had disappeared from the country and had surfaced in Berlin. And now his elder brother, Sarat Bose, was Fazlul Huq’s choice for the post of home minister in the new ministry he was proposing to form. This could not be allowed to happen, for the home department handled many sensitive and confidential matters. Sarat Bose was arrested under the Defence of India Act before he could be sworn in. A shaky new ministry anyway took office with Huq as prime minister. It did not last long because of more desertions by his past followers who did not like his associating with Mookherjee. Huq’s self-styled Progressive Coalition government soon collapsed and the Muslim League got back to power. Huq was by now a totally isolated figure; his soliciting the support of the Hindu Mahasabha leader added grist to the anti-Huq propaganda by the League, which succeeded in establishing absolute control over the Muslims in Bengal. It was equally true elsewhere in the country. In the provincial elections held in 1946 after the war was over, barring the NWFP, it was the Muslim League, and only the Muslim League, triumphing in nearly all the constituencies reserved for Muslims. The country got partitioned barely a year later. The League was almost a non-entity in 1937; it could divide the country exactly a decade later.

The Congress could infringe its principles in the NWFP in 1937, but would not do so in Bengal; it instead, made a gift of Fazlul Huq to the Muslim League. This individual, Huq, in that sense played the most important role in settling the destiny of the sub-continent. He is nevertheless a forgotten person as much in India as in Pakistan. What is even more astonishing, his name is barely mentioned these days in Bangladesh too. What remains under layers of oblivion is the fact that the Bangladeshi national ethos was created by the emergence of a self-assured Muslim middle class in Bengal, which in turn was the direct consequence of the measures introduced by Fazlul Huq on assumption of office in 1937. The reforms initiated by Huq emancipated an impressive percentage of the rural as well as urban Muslim masses, offering them opportunities to get educated, provided them with jobs, and thereby created a substantive middle class full of pride and self-confidence. It is this class which, in spite of its mistrust of the Bengali Hindu exploiters, had a deep attachment for their mother tongue, Bengali, in spite of its Hindu roots. The constituents of this class had been shapers of mass opinion in East Pakistan, and have continued in that role in Bangladesh. The national consciousness built around pride for their own language would not accept their mother tongue to be treated with contempt in Pakistan, where they — Bangladeshis — made up the nation’s majority. Resistance grew and grew and was compounded by rising resentment against the oppressive domination of their land and people by West Pakistanis both in civil as well as military administration. The parentage of this Bangladeshi national ethos belongs to Fazlul Huq. History however is habituated to bypass those who create history.

source: / The Telegraph, Calcutta / Front Page> Opinion> Story / Tuesday – August 26th, 2014

Admin steps in to restore Moti Jheel

Agra :

The district administration has initiated steps to restore the Moti Jheel that is located behind Fatehpur Sikri fort complex, following the directions from the central government.

The project is aimed at rediscovering the beauty of this Mughal lake by preventing encroachments and settlements around it. The union tourism ministry wants the water body to be restored near the Unesco heritage site (Sikri fort complex) so as to promote tourism in the area.

Speaking on this aspect, district magistrate Pankaj Kumar said, “The Moti Jheel is a massive project. So, in the meantime we plan to build a pond nearby the fort. The biggest obstacles that would make the task of reviving the Jheel quite difficult, are the settlements and farm lands, surrounding it.”

“The work for constructing the pond will start in the next 15 to 20 days. As far as the Jheel is concerned, we have two options – either we compensate the villagers and ask them to vacate the land or convince them for the same. We are looking in to the matter,” Kumar added.

Sources said kumar recently conducted an inspection of the area along with a team of revenue and irrigation department officials to identify the area, where once this lake existed. The officials were asked to demarcate the lake area with the help of old maps. They were also directed to file a report on the size and appropriate depth of the lake.

The project has been gathering dust for the last two years, but revived once again during the visit of union tourism minister Shripad Naik, who instructed the ASI and the local administration to look into the feasibility of restoring the Moti Jheel.

An ASI official said, “It is the responsibility of the administration to restore the lake. There are historical evidences about the Jheel and about its tributaries. No doubt, it will take time to acquire land before restoration work can starts.”

source: / The Times of India / Home> City> Agra / Aditya Dev, TNN / August 25th, 2014

Honouring the icons of Telangana

The recent decision of the Telangana government to rename the Acharya N G Ranga Agricultural University after Telangana ideologue Prof. Jayashankar, led to a great hue and cry from the Andhra coterie. Surprisingly, the most vociferous protests came from TDP leaders as the party was responsible for putting an end to the great leader’s record run of six terms in parliament. The party had hailed its candidate Lal Jan Basha  as a ‘giant killer’ in the 1991 elections when the late Guntur MP had trounced Ranga, inflicting on him the worst ever defeat. Public memory is short and even the party’s own leaders seem to have forgotten the tirade unleashed by their brethren against the feeble senior parliamentarian, then in his nineties.

Egyptian Pharaohs, it is said, made a habit of striking off references from stelae (commemorative markers) in order to establish their legitimacy and superiority over their predecessors. Despite such measures, neither the identity nor the legacy of those targeted could be erased absolutely. The legacy of N G Ranga too, cannot be obliterated by a mere change in the appellation of an institution commemorating the great man, especially when the divided assets of the university which remain with the Andhra state will continue to bear his name. Telangana needs to recognize and perpetrate the memory of its own icons and hence the tendency to claim a right to naming institutions based in the region. Those still upset about the change need to reconsider their stand in view of recent developments on the national front. It is reported that the Centre is seriously mulling over the proposal of renaming over 650 public schemes which bear the names of Nehru-Gandhi family members. Given its agenda of making the nation ‘Congress mukt’, the BJP government in all likelihood will go far beyond rechristening welfare schemes and target public institutions and infrastructure projects too. Already questions have been raised regarding the naming of the Shamshabad airport after Rajiv Gandhi and hundreds of other similar objections are bound to be raked up in the future. While one cannot deny the sycophancy of succeeding generations of Congress workers, who have honed the art of groveling at the feet of the Gandhi clan to perfection, a total whitewash of the family legacy would be a great injustice as both Nehru and Indira have indisputably contributed immensely to the nation.

Changing names of streets, institutions and buildings is nothing new either for Hyderabad or the country. The process began immediately after independence when replacing British era names with Indian ones was considered essential in asserting the hard earned freedom from the colonial rule. But even then, there was generally a distinction based on individual contributions which ensured that dedications to benefactors of India were left unchanged. That should have been the defining criteria for determining change, but unfortunately bigotry very often tainted decisions and resulted in unjustified sidelining of some very eminent personalities whose contributions to society are indisputable. As a result, while the Nizam was acceptable as the titular head after merger of Hyderabad with the Indian Union, the only street in the city named after him was not. The Shahrah-e Osmani thus became Jawaharlal Nehru Road, leaving one wondering as to why it could not renamed Raj Parmukh Marg if assertion of swaraj was the sole reason prompting change.

The Kutub Khana-e Asafia, which was designated the State Central Library, had evolved out of the personal collection of rare books and manuscripts donated by renowned litterateur Syed Hussain Bilgirami – Imadul Mulk. Years later, the manuscript collection was separated to form the Oriental Manuscripts Library which should have rightfully been named after the late Nawab. The Telangana government can as yet set right the lapse if it is serious about honouring icons from the city’s past.

With the legacy of N G Ranga having been handed over to rightful heirs, it is hoped that a similar action follows with regards to Potti Sriramulu. The move will be perfectly justified as the exemplary services of renowned Telugu poet and scholar Devulapalli Raemanuja Rao, the moving force behind the Sahitya Akademi and the Saraswat Parishad of erstwhile AP, remain unacknowledged. Among just a few others who need to be honored without further delay are world renowned archaeologist Ghulam Yazdani (by renaming the Archaeology Museum after him instead of YSR who made no contributions to the field whatsoever), Mahabalwant Raja Umapati Rao of Domakonda for contributions to Persian language, Maharaja Sir Kishen Pershad for promotion of syncretic culture, Ravi Narain Reddy and Raj Bahadur Goud for spearheading the Telangana Armed Struggle, P M Reddy and Babar Mirza for pioneering aviation (strong contenders if the airport is to be renamed), and Abdur Razzak Lari for his resolute defense of Golconda against the Mughals.

(The writer is a well-known conservation activist)

source: / The Times of India / Home> City> Hyderabad / Sajjad Shahid / August 24th, 2014

Kalam Stresses on Importance of Family in Nation Building

New Delhi :

Economic growth or military strength alone won’t make India strong, a truly sustainable society, at the heart of which is the family, is very much necessary, argues former President A P J Abdul Kalam in his new book.

Kalam and celebrated Jain thinker late Acharya Mahapragya in the book “The Family and the Nation” say that only a strong and happy family can lead to a strong and noble nation.

In writing the book, the ideas of the two authors were shaped by their interaction during the past few decades with millions of countrymen hailing from different walks of life.

“Each interaction enhanced our experience and added to our understanding of the development of a noble family, a noble society and a noble nation,” they write.

While embarking on this journey of writing a book, we realised the magnitude of connectivities involved and the extent of our society’s evolution during the last few centuries,” they say.

“It is true that all of us realise that today’s world is a connected one. Technology and travel have nearly made the world a global village. The world has to become a federation of nations.

A nation is a federation of states, social groups, families and individuals. So what is needed is a situation of live and let live.

“One’s needs, aspirations, accomplishments are all important. But there has to be a concept of a noble nation, where the welfare of the whole nation as a whole is ingrained in the thinking and actions of its people.

This is the need of the hour. How do we achieve this idea of a noble nation,” the authors ask.             According to them, their visualisation of a noble nation is two-fold.

“One is internal, concerned with the individual and encompassing the family, community and society. Another concerns enterprise and covers the issues of livelihood, business, distribution of wealth and respect for individual property and rights,” they say.

The authors do not offer any new theory or postulate any new concept but draw from the heritage of our civilization.

“The bottom line is that a citizen with a value system respects the family, respects society, and thereby respects the nation. Furthermore, the person is conscious that he or she is a part of the world family.

“The operational line is the prosperity of people with adequate earning capacity. We call such a nation a developed nation. Economic prosperity and an embedded value system would promote a peaceful and prosperous society and thereby the evolution of a happy nation,” they write.

The book, published by HarperCollins India, stresses on the values that make for a truly sustainable society, at the heart of which is the family. For it is not economic growth or military strength alone that will make India strong.

Sustainable success comes from values, and these can sustain a society and a nation even in times of hardship. The book expresses an ideal by which Indian society may prosper and speaks of how spirituality can help create a noble nation and a better world. It provides a valuable counterpoint to the modern-day emphasis on consumerism and the philosophy of more is better, highlighting the sanctity of the natural world and its great power to evoke human creativity and love.

The two writers bring their vast experience to bear on this important subject. As the authors put it, it’s only a strong and happy family that will lead to a noble nation, one that can be a true fulfilment of 5,000 years of India’s civilization.

source: / The New Indian Express / Home> Nation / by PTI / August 26th, 2014

‘DIET’ Develops Multimedia Based Smart Learning System for Schools

Vellore :

The District Institute of Education and Training (DIET) centre at Ranipet has come out with a first of its kind ‘Smart Learning System’(SLS) for the benefit of middle school students.

The multi-media based learning system packed in DVDs contains vivid explanations of lessons, add-on information and questions and answers as supplementary information for class 6, 7 and 8 textbooks, for the trimesters.

DIET principal A Basheer Ahmed told Express that a group of 25 teachers from government schools had prepared the SLS under the guidance of the DIET.

The purpose of the SLS is to make use of multi-media devices such as laptop and LCD projectors provided by the  State, while motivating teachers to make use of digital support, to explain the lessons to students better,  Basheer Ahmed said adding, “The SLS aims at overall development of students and teachers as well,” he added.

Around 20 to 28 lessons for English, Tamil, Maths, Science and Social Science subjects for classes 6, 7, 8 for one trimester are packed in four DVDs. Pictures, videos, animations and additional explanations for each lessons would enhance the grasping capability of students, Basheer Ahmed added.

The DIET would also prepare audio lessons for the visually-challenged children. We are in the process of handing over the DVD set to schools through the chief educational officer attached to the ‘Sarva Siksha Abyan’ Basheer Ahmed said while making a presentation of the DVDs to the CEO (SSA) on Monday. The CEO Anitha said, the distribution of DVDs to schools would begin soon after the nod from the government.

source: / The New Indian Express / Home> States> Tamil Nadu / by V. NarayanaMurthi / August 27th, 2014

Job market on wheels, an initiative by Hyderabad Municipal Corporation, TMI

Hyderabad :

You do not have to now visit offices of placement firms to look for jobs in Hyderabad. Look out for Hyderabad Municipal Corporation’s mobile employment vans in your area.

In a novel initiative, the Greater Hyderabad Municipal Corporation and city-based training and placement firm TMI Group has pressed into service a fleet of eVans (employment vans) which would move around select employment zones in the city.

Job seekers can approach these mobile vans, which will help them look for the right job on the basis of their qualification and experience.

Earlier, the corporation and TMI had together set up Youth Employability Centres across seven locations.  However, it was seen that for many job seekers, it was difficult to approach these centres.  This led to the concept of mobile employment vans.

“These mobile vans are equipped to provide placements in the micro small and medium enterprises, apart from the private sector,” T Muralidharan, managing director of TMI said.

City Mayor Mohammed Majid Hussain launched the eVans today.

source: / Business Line / Home> National / The Hindu Bureau / Hyderabad – August 16th, 2014

Nagaraj is ‘Mr. MCICIT 2014’

Nagaraj (second from left) of Govt. First Grade College, Siddarthnagar, Mysore was crowned as the “Mr. MCICT 2014” in the Best Physique Competitions 2014, conducted by the Department of Physical Education, UoM at the University Gymnasium Hall on Thursday. Seen in the picture from left are B.D. Kantharaj, Dr. C Krishna, Director, DPE, UoM (third from left), Prof. Seshanna, Anthony Moses and Lohith, Physical Education Director, GFGC, Siddarthanagar, Mysore.
Nagaraj (second from left) of Govt. First Grade College, Siddarthnagar, Mysore was crowned as the “Mr. MCICT 2014” in the Best Physique Competitions 2014, conducted by the Department of Physical Education, UoM at the University Gymnasium Hall on Thursday. Seen in the picture from left are B.D. Kantharaj, Dr. C Krishna, Director, DPE, UoM (third from left), Prof. Seshanna, Anthony Moses and Lohith, Physical Education Director, GFGC, Siddarthanagar, Mysore.


Nagaraj of GFGC, Siddartha Layout, Mysore, hogged the limelight by winning the ‘Mr. MCICIT 2014’ title, in the Mysore City Inter-Collegiate Best Physique competition 2014, conducted by the Department of Physical Education, University of Mysore at the University Gymnasium hall here on Thursday.

Nagaraj had earlier won the first place in the 60kg category and later in the title round excelled with his display of triceps and biceps to bag the title. Government First Grade College, Siddarthnagar, Mysore won the team championship title with 15 points.


Category 60 Kg.:1.Nagaraj (GFGC Siddartha Layout); 2. S. Suchitha (VVK FGC, Mysore); 3. M.R. Shreyas (ATME College, Mysore ).

Category 65 Kg: 1. S. Harish (D Banumaiah College); 2. Y.K. Nuthan Kumar (NIE College, Mysore); 3. N. Prasanna (SBRR Mahajana’s FGC).

Category 70 Kg: 1.S. Vasanth Kumar (GFGC Kuvempunagar, Mysore); 2. Aditya Pandith (Amrita School of Arts & Science, Mysore); 3. G. Akshay Kumar (NIE College, Mysore).

Category 75Kg:1.Girisha (GFGC Siddarthanagar, Mysore); 2. K. Buvaneeth (NIE IT, Mysore); 3. S.S. Vimal (Vidya Vikas FG. C, Mysore).

Category 85 Kg:  1.Wasim Akram (GFGC, Siddartha Layout, Mysore); 2. Shaik Wajahath (VVFGCollege, Mysore).

Mr. Mysore City Inter Collegiate 2014-15: Nagaraj, GFGC, Siddartha Layout, Mysore.

Team Championship: Government First Grade College, Siddarthanagar, Mysore-15 points.

source: / Star of Mysore / Home> Sports News / August 22nd, 2014

And the State Film Awards Go To…

Chairman of the State Film Awards selection committee, K C N Chandrashekhar (left), handing over the list of winners to Information Minister Roshan Baig on Monday
Chairman of the State Film Awards selection committee, K C N Chandrashekhar (left), handing over the list of winners to Information Minister Roshan Baig on Monday

Bangalore :

The state film awards for 2012 were announced on Monday. The Best Actor award goes to Darshan for his role in Kranti Veera Sangolli Rayanna and Nirmala Chennappa has been adjudged the Best Actress for her role in Tallana.

Announcing the winners, K C N Chandrashekhar, the chairman of the State Film Awards selection committee, said 58 films vied for the top honours of 2012.

He said M Bhaktavatsala has been chosen for the Dr Rajkumar Award and Chi Dattaraj for the Puttanna Kanagal Award. The Dr Vishnuvardhan Award will be bestowed on senior actor Rajesh. All these awards carry a purse of `2 lakh and a gold medal.

And the Top Films Are

Tallana, directed by N Sudarshan, has been chosen as the best film of the year, followed by P Sheshadri’s Bharath Stores and D Suman Kumar’s Edegaarike. While the winning film gets a cash prize of `1 lakh and 50 gm gold, the second and the third best films will get `75,000 and `50,000, respectively, in addition to 100 gm silver.

C Lakshman’s Karanika Shishu has been adjudged the best movie with a social concern. Naganna’s Kranthi Veera Sangolli Rayanna and K Shivaram Krista’s Little Master have been chosen as the best entertainment and children’s movie,  respectively. Santosh’s directorial effort Alemari has been chosen as the best debut film while Umesh Naik’s Konchavaram has been chosen as the best regional movie.

‘Awards Will be Given on Time’


Information Minister Roshan Baig said from next year onwards, the awards will be given for the same year.

“We are yet to constitute a selection committee for 2013. Awardees will be finalised soon. The date for the 2012 award ceremony will be fixed after consulting CM Siddaramaiah,” he said.

source: / The New Indian Express / Home> States> Karnataka / by Express News Service / August 26th, 2014

Chess gold medallist calls on Naidu

Global chess Academy K.Venkata Krishna Karthik and his coach Shaik khasim met Chief Minister Nara Chandra Babu Naidu at Hyderabad on Assembly premises. / The Hindu
Global chess Academy K.Venkata Krishna Karthik and his coach Shaik khasim met Chief Minister Nara Chandra Babu Naidu at Hyderabad on Assembly premises. / The Hindu

Commonwealth chess gold medallist under physically challenged category K.V. Krishna Karthik along with his coach Shaik Khasim of Global Chess Academy called on Chief Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu at Hyderabad on Tuesday.

Mr. Naidu appreciated the medal-winning achievement of Mr. Karthik, who suffers from an acute orthopaedic disorder and assured all assistance to him in the future. Later, Mr. Khasim narrated Mr. Karthik’s on-board exploits at Glasgow to the Chief Minister and also explained him about his unflinching commitment towards promoting and playing chess, said a press release.

Mr. Khasim said that the Chief Minister had enquired about the support offered by the Sports Authority of Andhra Pradesh and the benefits Mr. Karthik was getting from it. “We told him the fact that SAAP was not financially helping the physically challenged players for which he asked us to put a note with his personal secretary.”

Incidentally, Mr. Karthik is qualified to participate in the World Physically Challenged Chess Championship to be held in Serbia later this year.

source: / The Hindu / Home> News> Cities> Vijayawada / Special Correspondent / Vijayawada – August 20th, 2014