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‘Madinah’: Handwritten Urdu newspaper that spoke from Bijnor to subcontinent

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Bijnor (former Northwest United Provinces) – presently (Moradabad Division), UTTAR PRADESH :

Started as a local bi-weekly newspaper, Madinah soon commanded a massive subcontinent-wide circulation. While most newspapers at the time focused on major colonial urban centres such as Lahore, Delhi or Calcutta, Madinah instrumentalised its place of inception—Bijnor—as a political shield.

‘Madinah,’ a bi-weekly newspaper founded in 1912 by Mohammad Majeed Hasan, began in his courtyard in the small qasbah of Bijnor in the Northwest United Provinces (present-day Uttar Pradesh). Its inception is later recounted in a dream narrative published in Madinah’s silver jubilee edition in 1939, which describes how Hasan dreamt of “a bright moon shining in the sky, being eclipsed by another moon appearing from behind and drifting away from it, becoming brighter as the dream continued.”

Hasan had been working as a journalist in Lahore while also preparing for a career as a judge. He is said to have had the dream shortly after abandoning his training and returning to Bijnor to continue working for the family newspaper Sahifa, whose modest readership had already begun to dwindle. Hasan later interpreted the dream as a sign that he should start his own newspaper, symbolised by a new shining moon.

Hasan’s first wife, Muhtarma Kaneez Fatimah, whose altruistic nature and firm belief in his venture compelled her to help him start the paper, sold her jewellery to support it. She later proved to be an intelligent and capable assistant in the newspaper’s production, despite being unable to read or write.

It was she who inspired the newspaper to include a separate women’s section named Akhbar-i-Nisvan on one of its last pages. The section frequently appeared during the newspaper’s first three years, from 1912 to 1915, and was intended to serve the interests of Muslim women by including editorials and creative pieces written by both men and women.

Soon, the paper had distinctly identified itself among its audience by creating a space for Muslim women, with a special focus on mothers, to discuss their issues through genres such as poetry and fiction.

The unlikely epicentre: importance of the Qasbah

Started as a local bi-weekly newspaper, Madinah soon commanded a massive subcontinent-wide circulation. While most newspapers at the time focused on major colonial urban centres such as Lahore, Delhi or Calcutta, Madinah instrumentalised its place of inception—Bijnor—as a political shield. In the same year as Madinah’s inception, Maulana Azad, at the age of 23, started the paper Al-Hilal in Calcutta, which was lauded among the Muslim elite and others for its publishing style and genre, soon reaching a pinnacle of readership.

In contrast, Madinah’s unique approach, which embraced the values of the gentry while also appealing to a broad readership beyond the traditional urban elite, distinguished the paper from the incessant urban cynicism that was becoming a prevalent theme throughout the landscape of production. Due to better readership and the greater availability of resources in urban areas, similar endeavours to Madinah redirected themselves to these spaces.

In its founding years, Madinah also addressed British officials, adopting varying strategic and bargaining stances against surveillance and strict government policies through explicit deference to colonial authorities. For instance, Hasan, the proprietor of the newspaper, cited the Ijazat (permission) of the Magistrate and Collector of Bijnor in its inaugural issue. This attentiveness to British intelligence provided the necessary immunity required for the functioning of the newspaper, unlike Azad’s Al-Hilal, which came under heavy scrutiny from the colonial government and had to cease publication by the end of 1914.

Newspapers in urban centres, such as Awadh Akhbar, persisted in their efforts to speak to a broad audience delineated more by language and culture than by religion, while papers such as Madinah reinforced an already rich discursive tradition surrounding religion and identity in the social crevices known as qasbahs (small towns). They also engaged with contested political themes debated by scholars and leaders, including the shaping of early narratives of separatism and communalism among Indian Muslims.

The success of Madinah can be attributed to the spatio-temporal advantages of the qasbah, which can be defined as a place of bureaucratic and market significance where a Muslim minority or majority lived alongside populations from other communities, alongside an influential enclave of intellectual vivacity and economic and political importance for Muslims. Scholar M. Raisur Rahman described qasbahs as “an alternative site for contestation with strong autonomous networks of culture, literature and religion”, while simultaneously defining them as a ‘unique space’ and a ‘microcosm of larger idealized national life’.

These spaces have been significantly important sites in the history of South Asian culture, shaping identities and literary traditions while remaining distinct from the typologies of urban environments, where modernity had already seeped through the sutures of cultural exchanges with the outside world.

Madinah and its role in politics

The political trajectory of Madinah transformed profoundly during the period of World War I, following the Balkan Wars. The paper broadened its purview by juxtaposing the localised ethos and culture of the qasbah with larger international crises, particularly the imminent dismantling of the Ottoman Empire. 

Navigating the intricacies of a contested political landscape, Madinah supposedly guarded a global Islamic consciousness through its promotion of the Khilafat Movement and its shared affiliation with Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind. Consequently, its support for the Indian National Congress and its anti-separatist stance against Jinnah became apparent, aligning with Jamiat’s idea of Composite Nationalism, as Madinah continued to anchor itself in the secular, anti-colonial bedrock of Urdu journalism.

According to scholar Gyanendra Pandey, Madinah served as a vital barometer of Muslim public opinion across this shifting timescape. Driven by the ideological synergy of Hindu-Muslim unity during the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat movements, the publication commanded an astounding peak circulation of 12,500 copies by 1922. However, this radical nationalism invited severe repercussions from the colonial state, notably resulting in the paper being banned in Punjab following its courageous and explicit reporting on the 1919 Jallianwala Bagh massacre. Following the ban, the paper was relaunched in August 1919 under a new name—Yasrab (Madinah in Arabic)—as an act of strategic defiance against the colonial government, with a couplet from Iqbal:

Khāk-i Yasrab az do ‘ālam khūshtar ast,
Ā’e khunak shahre ke ānjā dilbar ast

(The dust of Madinah is better than both worlds,
How wonderful is the city where the beloved is.)

As the landscape of production became increasingly fragmented by communal cynicism and the mass political momentum of the early 1920s waned, the paper witnessed a decline in readership, with circulation dipping to 6,500 in 1927 and further to 6,000 by 1931.

Despite this dwindling circulation, Madinah remained a formidable and persistent critic of communal separatism throughout the 1930s and 1940s. Engaging with the contested political themes of the era, the paper sought to dismantle the early narratives of the All-India Muslim League. Pandey highlights a remarkably bold editorial from the 1930s that dismissed the League as being “neither dead nor alive”, asserting that its existence was confined merely to “the brain and mind of Mr. Jinnah”. 

By 1942, the newspaper had effectively transformed into an open town hall, enabling ordinary citizens to debate and largely resist the looming Pakistan movement from within the landscape of the qasbah.

The script and scripture

The prevalent Urdu script, Nastaliq, which had been used throughout South Asia for centuries and was imported from Persia, featured intricate details, ornamentation and a complex structural form forged through the meticulous amalgamation of the Naskh and Ta’liq calligraphic traditions. It became the most recognisable Urdu script and developed strong cultural and ideological ties with the Urdu language. However, due to the rise of globalisation and the growing demand to produce literature for the public, it became increasingly difficult to produce works in the script lithographically on a mass scale. By the end of the 1970s, Nastaliq began to advance with the help of Mirza Jamil Ahmad, who created more than 20,000 combinations to bring the script into the digital world under the name Noori Nastaliq.

By the time the digitisation process began, Madinah was already out of business, shutting down its press with its last issue in 1976. During the seven decades that the paper survived, its editors had no keys to the press and no screens to reflect upon. Instead, the issues of Madinah were produced solely by hand, by calligraphers and artists alike.

The Urdu script Nastaliq had been established as the standard for almost every copy of the holy book Quran in South Asia since the Mughal period. By the time Madinah began using the same script as its standard, it already carried connotations of purity, holiness and divinity within the cultural landscape. Combined with the organic practice of producing it by hand rather than by machine, the paper was considered by its readers to embody a deliberate resistance against illegitimate mechanisation and the rising industrialisation of the subcontinent, curating a new political discourse based on the cultural symbolism of the script.

By using and retaining lithographic practices in an era when other papers were increasingly relying on mechanical typography for efficiency, Nastaliq was perceived as a tactile and handcrafted discipline that preserved the inherent spirit of prose, shielding the paper’s contributions from the mechanical and indifferent processes of Western print capitalism.

The inevitable descent

By the 1940s, Madinah had begun engaging in intense print debates with the supporters and proponents of pro-Muslim League newspapers and writers, arguing in a polemical fashion that religion could not be the sole determinant of a nation’s survival. Despite the paper’s persistent efforts to resist the pro-League and separatist stance, it witnessed the partition of the Indian subcontinent into two parts. The social capital of Madinah was on the verge of collapse, as the paper saw affluent members of the Muslim community, who had constantly contributed to its production and editorials, leave for the other side of the border.

The Language Act of 1951 became a huge blow to the publishing house of Madinah, as Hindi was soon adopted as the state language in Uttar Pradesh, mandating officials and government offices to maintain all data in Hindi and extensively replacing Urdu in institutions under the newly formed Indian government. Although the apparent marginalisation of the paper’s foundational language and the loss of its social capital were significant blows in the paper’s history, they were unable to overshadow its continuing legacy.

Madinah, managing to survive, remained a prominent, albeit ageing, symbol of pre-Partition nationalist Muslim political identity, advocating for the preservation of Urdu heritage amid the growing socio-political shifts in Uttar Pradesh. At the same time, it continued to struggle against declining circulation as newer, faster-printed typographic dailies overtook the market. Its reports on the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971 and the creation of Bangladesh vindicated the paper’s historical assertion that religion alone could not hold a nation together, while it also continued reporting on rising communal tensions in the country.

The prodigious endeavour was about to culminate in the years following the Indo-Pakistani War. Near the end of its operational life, the paper’s traditional lithographic format and qasbah roots struggled to attract younger, urbanised readers. The deteriorating health of Hasan finally caught up with him, leading to his death in 1972. The handling of the newspaper remained in the hands of Hasan’s family until its last editor, Syed Hasan, finally ceased publication, quietly closing the press in 1975.

References

  • Jones, J. (2023). Megan Eaton Robb: Print and the Urdu Public: Muslims, Newspapers, and Urban Life in Colonial India. New York: Oxford University Press, 2021; pp. xi + 247. Journal of Religious History, 47, 151–153. https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9809.12917
  • Abduhu, G. R. (1973). The Educational Ideas of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. Sterling Publishers.
  • Rahman, M. Raisur. (2014). “Beyond Centre-Periphery: Qasbahs and Muslim Life in South Asia.” South Asian History and Culture, 5, 163–178. https://doi.org/10.1080/19472498.2014.883762.
  • Eaton Robb, M. (2016). “Women’s Voices, Men’s Lives: Masculinity in a North Indian Urdu Newspaper.” Modern Asian Studies. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0026749X15000335
  • Pandey, G. (1978). The Ascendancy of the Congress in Uttar Pradesh, 1926–34: A Study in Imperfect Mobilization. Oxford University Press.

source: http://www.maktoobmedia.com / Maktoob Media / Home> Features /by Mohammad Azim / August 30th, 2026

This Urdu newspaper was banned after criticising General Dyer. Here’s what it did next

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Bijnor (former Northwest United Provinces) – presently (Moradabad Division), UTTAR PRADESH :

In ‘Print and the Urdu Public’, Megan Eaton Robb writes about the impact and role of popular Urdu newspaper Madinah and how it pushed back against censorship.

File photo | Gen. Reginald Dyer | Wikimedia Commons

Madīnah’s community of editors, subeditors, and proprietors illustrate the interconnected network of professionals working on newspapers across North India, with a shared commitment to confounding censorship laws. Editors of Madīnah were products of qasbahs and lived in Bijnor or nearby while employed by the publication. At least one assistant editor, Ḥamīd Ḥasan “Fakīr” Bijnorī (1903–1991), was a relative, having married Majīd Ḥasan’s daughter in the 1910s before he became the editor of Madinah Press’s children’s magazine Ghunchah after 1922. Ḥamīd Ḥasan would later be listed as an assistant editor from 1930 to 1935 and even take over as editor for several months when the need arose in 1945. When a new editor took over the work of Madīnah and was not already resident in Bijnor, he would move into the Ḥasan compound, which acted as the administrative office of the paper. Several small apartments attached to the main verandah, so editors could live in comfort with their families, remaining accessible to the newspaper office while maintaining privacy. Maulānā Majīd Ḥasan’s name, along with the name of the current chief editor, always appeared on the paper’s title page. At any given time there could be up to three editors of the paper, with the chief editor being referred to as “mudīr-i mas’ūl.”

Although Majīd Ḥasan’s proprietorship provided continuity for the newspaper, its different editors influenced the paper’s tone and focus. The turnover between editors could be rapid when legal troubles emerged. For instance, in 1924, when the editor Qāẓī Badrul Ḥasan Jalālī (1891–1956) was prosecuted by the British Raj for an article, he resigned his editorship, but he stepped back into his position once the dust of government scrutiny had settled. If Majīd Ḥasan attracted too much scrutiny from government surveillance, he could retreat from view behind the shadow of his prominent editors, continuing to exert the same influence behind the scenes. This allowed his outfit to survive draconian censorship measures while retaining the continuity essential to the newspaper’s success.

When he launched the newspaper in 1912, Majīd Ḥasan had little local influence. The only person of significance attached to the newspaper initially was a prominent journalist of the period, Nūr ul-Ḥasan Zahīn, who wrote for Ṣaḥīfa as well. Colonial censors initially dismissed Madīnah as a “bigoted Muhammadan organ, inclined to make trouble between Hindus and Muhammadans.” Madīnah first earned the ire of colonial administrators by criticizing the headmaster of Bijnor High School for complying with the British Educational Code. This was only the first of many encounters with censorship legislation.

April 1917 marked the beginning of Editor Mazh̤ ar ud-Dīn Shairkoṭī’s tenure, and the newspaper’s shift to publishing more explicitly political, anti-British stances. Shairkoṭī, a novelist as well as a journalist, was born in the Shairkoṭ qasbah of Bijnor in 1888. Initially educated by Maulānā ‘Abdul Qayūm Arshāq and Miyānji Sa‘ad Allah Sahib, he had attended Deoband as a pupil of Maulānā Mahmud ul-Ḥasan Asīr Mālṭā, known as Shaikh ul-Hind. After completing his education at Deoband, Mazh̤ ar ud- Dīn returned to Shairkot, where he worked on the newspaper Dastūr under the management of Ḥakīm Asrār ul-Nabī and on the newspaper Nagīnah.

Maulānā Majīd Ḥasan saw Maz̤har ud-Dīn’s affiliation with the newspaper as the beginning of a new period of commitment to the Muslim community and wrote an illustrious introduction for his new editor. Majīd Ḥasan’s message in his introduction was clear: he had brought in a power player to man the ship of Madīnah, a man who indubitably linked the paper to a network of powerful publications and individuals. The new editor transformed Madīnah into a more explicitly political entity. Maz̤har ud-Dīn associated with prominent political Muslims of the period, including Syed Ḥasan Imām, who presided over the Indian National Congress’s consideration of the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms in Bombay in 1918. His other associates included Nawab Muḥammad Ismā’il Khān. He was, along with Khalīquzzamān, a key organizer of the UP Muslim League, and a prominent member until 1947; he remained in India after independence.

After the end of World War I in November 1918, discussions of independence and postwar reality in India began in earnest. The state of Islam, and the progress of both national and local branches of organizations such as the Muslim League and Congress, became matters of intense concern. Mohandas Karamchand “Mahātmā” Gāndhī (1869–1948) featured in several articles musing on the way forward for political Muslims. In addition, discussions of the fall out of World War I in Turkey and the caliphate took center stage. Under Mazh̤ ar ud-Dīn’s leadership, the newspaper emphasized the connection between the fate of Indian Muslims and of those in Turkey and other nations with significant ties to Islam.

Mazh̤ ar ud-Dīn presided over Madīnah’s publication of an article critical of the government’s role in the Jallianwallabagh massacre, which led to a dramatic conflict with the British Raj. In April 1919 Madīnah published an article criticizing Lieutenant Governor Sir Michael O’Dwyer’s (1864–1940) endorsement. Putting Madīnah on the Muslim Map of the actions of Colonel Reginald Dyer, who had overseen the disproportionate response at Jallianwallabagh. The article minced no words:

His honour O’Dwyer’s government of Panjab, from the very beginning, kept as the foundation of its policy a despotic course of action [ . . . ] This was his honor O’Dwyer’s last period of government; therefore it was necessary that he make amends for his past course of actions. This was the time when, instead of extinguishing the fire with the water Of gentleness and kindness, he inflamed the hearts of the ahl-i Punjab. Perhaps it could be said that he did not put out the fire with water, but instead doused it with oil. If that were not the case, then why would he at the conclusion of his reign, give orders that were so repellent, so far from resembling affection that they approximated hate?

It was actually illegal at this point in time to question the motives of the colonial government; thus, the final statement of the quotation accusing O’Dwyer of “hate” fell afoul of censorship laws. The government banned Madīnah from circulating in Punjab as a result of this piece. Mazh̤ arud-Dīn and Majīd Ḥasan’s response was defiant: in August 1919 they renamed the newspaper Yasrab, an Arabic synonym of Madīnah, as a bid to evade censorship.64 On the cover of each issue of Yasrab an Iqbal couplet appeared, a knowing wink to its readership base:

The dust of Madinah is better than both worlds. How wonderful is the city where the beloved is.

Khāk-i yas̱rab az do ‘ālam khūshtar ast Ā’e khunak shahre ke ānjā dilbar ast.

The couplet hinted at the paper Yasrab’s true identity, offered praise for the paper’s unpretentious popularity, and emphasized the link between the newspaper and the city Madīnah. Madīnah’s proprietor and editors were men who wore their few educational laurels lightly. More important than formal education was the ability to use that knowledge in the service of Indians generally and Muslims particularly. Unsurprisingly, the attempt at flouting the circulation ban was quickly detected. The paper reverted back to the title Madīnah after a few weeks, and the ban on circulation was lifted eventually.66 Madīnah was a space offering a figurative point of access to the community of Islam, the qaum, and it was a space increasingly under siege of colonial censorship laws.

Madīnah had been only one of many significant voices in the press commenting on the Jallianwallabagh fiasco. As the UP fortnightly report complained, “[The] occurrences in the Punjab [ . . . ] practically absorbed the entire attention of the press.” Along with Madīnah/Yasrab, the British excluded from Punjab al- Khalīl of Bijnor, The Independent of Allahabad (a Nehru paper), Hamdam and Akhuwat of Lucknow (Farangi Mahalli papers), Swadesh of Gorakhpur, and Amrita bazar patrika of Calcutta. The government demanded securities, or large sums of money as surety against future crimes of sedition, from papers in Bengal, Nagpur, Lucknow, and Madras. Madīnah’s inclusion in this censorship was a testament to its growing influence; its subterfuge demonstrated a growing sense of urgency in its mandate to reach readers and an emerging resolve to flout British restrictions.

In the 1920s, Madīnah focused on coverage of the Muslim League and the Indian National Congress, showing a preference for Congress.

It was per- haps Maz̤har ud-Dīn’s affection for the League that motivated him ultimately to resign from Madīnah in 1921. It is also possible that Mazh̤ ar ud-Dīn’s taste for politics pulled him closer to Delhi and toward the League after the political awakening accompanying the Khilafat Movement.

It was common for editors to move around among different qasbah-based newspapers, and after leaving Madīnah, Mazh̤ ar ud-Dīn joined Munshī Safīr Aḥmed’s Naginah-based paper Almān as its first editor; he was instrumental in relocating that paper to Delhi. He later became close to the leadership of the All-India Muslim League, including Muḥammad ‘Alī Jinnāh. In the 1930s he founded a paper entitled Vaḥdat (Unity) in order to assist the propagation of Muslim League ideals. When Maulānā Shabbīr Aḥmed ‘Usmānī, a Deobandi who supported the creation of Pakistan, resigned from the pro-Congress Jam‘īat ‘Ulamā and declared his allegiance to the Muslim League and Jinnah, he did so from Mazh̤ ar ud-Dīn’s office. This demonstrated Madīnah was one node in an important network of political power and publishing prestige in this period and had to make considered choices when it came to balancing shifting political alliances.

This excerpt from Print and the Urdu Public: Muslims, Newspapers, and Urban Life in Colonial India has been published with special permission from Oxford Univerity Press.

source: http://www.theprint.in / The Print / Home> Page Turner> Book Excerpts / by Megan Eaton Robb /May 15th, 2021

Why We Need a Book About Muslims Who Fought for India’s Freedom

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Mumbai, INDIA :

Can a stable and just democracy flourish on foundations of wilful amnesia and erasure?

A c. 1800 painting showing the last stand of Tipu Sultan, ruler of Mysore in 1799 at the end of the Anglo-Mysore Wars with the East India Company. Photo: Henry Singleton/Public domain.

Many will ask why a book about Muslims who fought for India’s freedom? There’s no answer to such questions except another question. Had we been better memory keepers as a nation, could we have avoided the peak disinformation and stupidity which normalises reviling ordinary Muslims as outsiders, infiltrator and insurgents? 

Muslim Freedom Fighters of India is a two-volume biographical compilation by Salim Khan on less-known, mostly forgotten and hardly known Muslim figures. The books aim to clear the fog around Muslim freedom fighters whose names are heard of without them being extensively known and this requires us to understand why this fog exists. Written in an extremely readable and accessible format, these biographical accounts embed the historical figures in the context of their times, responding to unprecedented events with foresight, clarity and conviction that sealed their fate and shaped and the nation’s destiny.

 Whether we are reading about Generals of 1857 – Bakht Khan and Khan Bahadur Khan – or the Cambridge-educated Rampur scion Mohammad Ali Juahar of Khilafat moment and his fiery mother Bi Amma, the larger questions seething beneath the stories keep rising to surface. Who does a society and nation choose to remember and celebrate? Whose memories are deemed worthy of preserving? History is always shaped by those who control archives, narratives and memorialisation and hence memory. 

Reading about Tipu’s dazzling reign through the three Anglo Mysore wars where he proved superior to British forces, I was reminded of the controversy sparked by the late Girish Karnad’s suggestion of naming the Bengaluru airport after Tipu Sultan. Karnad had said, “It is true that Tipu Sultan was not born in Bengaluru, but he was a son of this soil and a freedom fighter. Had Tipu been a Hindu, he would have achieved the status of Shivaji, and the airport would have been named after him.” I recalled Karnad because his play Dreams of Tipu Sultan echoes the same theme that this two-volume tribute to erased, obscured and deliberately unremembered historical figures echoes: that when politics lays down who should be forgotten, remembering the erased becomes a duty, an affirmation and a political act. 

It is important to clarify that this is not a compilation of eulogies but well-researched fact based account of people who had the uncommon clarity to resist colonial domination even before the nationalistic narratives took shape. That they happened to be Muslims is important today because of the distortions that have obscured and erased them. But back then when they fought and resisted, they were simply rallying for the cause of their soil and their watan. From the earliest times they understood that freedom from foreign domination required Hindus and Muslims to put up a united front as in the war of 1857, the Khilafat movement, and the period between 1919 and 1924. Back then too, traitors cut across religious lines – Jagat Seth, Mir Jafar, and Ilahi Baksh.

Muslim Freedom Fighters of India: Part 1 and Part 2’, Salim Khan, Qalam Aur Kaagaz Books.

From Siraj ud Daulah to Tipu to Shahzada Firoz Shah, the book shows how the fog around these personalities is not accidental but meticulously designed – initially by the colonial mind, then picked up by early nationalists and woven into simplistic narratives. The macabre dance of history further stifled Muslim voices. Cataclysmic events like the ‘end’ of the Mughal Dynasty in 1857 and the Partition in 1947 sundered clans, erased family histories, legacies crumbled with no one is around to defend and uphold them. Today, even people who don’t know history have heard of Lakshmi Bai, but many who read history may not have heard about Shahzada Firoz Shah, the Mughal Emperor’s grandson who in August 1857, led a band of armed soldiers to rally the rebels in Rohilkhand and Malwa and who fought alongside Tatia Tope and called for a united Hindu-Muslim front against the Company. 

The British understood the dangerous potential of popular memory and subverted any potential for memorialisation of hugely influential figures. No one knows if Shahzada Firoz died in battle or escaped to West Asia. The Maulavi Ahmadulla of Faizabad whose authority and fearlessness scared the British so much that they kept a reward on his head, was likewise interred in an unmarked grave. Knowing that even his memory could become a node to unite the rebels, the British saw to it that no commemoration was permitted or possible. Zafar, the last Mughal was exiled to Rangoon for the same reasons.

In her book, India, 5,000 years of history on the subcontinent, Audrey Truschke, elucidates how Muslim rulers like Nawab Siraj ud Daulah and Tipu Sultan to Zafar felt a responsibility for their subjects no matter what their religion. For example, Siraj ud Daulah actively intervened in times of famines and drought in Bengal. But after the British took over they did nothing to alleviate human suffering, so that 20% of Bengal’s population died in the famine of 1768 and the small-pox epidemic of 1769-70 following it. This had never happened during earlier episodes of failed harvests. Truschke says, British historians initiated the custom of categorising Indian rulers as tyrannical, effete and incompetent, reducing them to their religion and writing in terms of Hindu rulers and Muslim rulers. The British needed to demonise Muslim rulers who were their immediate predecessors in subcontinent so that they might look good by comparison, Truschke notes. It was a part of the colonial propaganda.

Another pattern Salim Khan’s compilation brings out is that from mid-18th century onwards, the first responders and the most committed crusaders resisting colonial domination – the kings, queens, princes, preachers, noblemen – were Muslims. Not only because the British had wrested from them the power they had wielded for centuries (howsoever fragmented or diluted it may have become); but also, because they were looked upon as leaders. In Awadh, for example, the Shia elite took it as their moral-ethical duty (see Chapter 7, volume I: Shia Ullema and Noblemen of Awadh) 

Even in the 20th century, Muslim freedom fighters like Hasrat Mohani of the Inquilaab Zindabad fame and Asfaqullah Khan of the Kakori conspiracy who was an icon for Bhagat Singh, remain in the shadows, seen only in a hazy half-light. Were their contributions any less or only less remembered? One of the most important projects post-Independence should have been to restore memory and affirmation to those whom the British put on the wrong side of history, no matter what their religion or caste. But we know this is not what happened.

Since the arrival of the political controversy over Tipu Sultan, we have entered in an era of deliberate distortion of history. The larger question that these accounts refrain from asking but that jumps to any thinking person’s mind is this: can a stable and just democracy flourish on foundations of wilful amnesia and erasure? Should the memory of Muslim freedom fighters be kept only by the Muslims? The heritage and memory of Indian Muslims needs to be reclaimed by them. But equally, these volumes are required reading for the casually miseducated, hopelessly disinformed or simply ignorant Hindus who have been stupefied into denying and distorting their composite history.

Varsha Tiwary is a Delhi-based writer and translator. She has recently published 1990, Aramganj a translation of the best-selling Hindi novel Rambhakt Rangbaz.

Ghee Bowman (1961-2025): A British historian who unearthed the stories of Indian soldiers at Dunkirk

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BRITISH INDIA :

He shone the spotlight on the often-ignored role of the 2.5 million members of the British Indian Army who had served during the Second World War.

Historian Ghee Bowman. | https://www.forcek6.org.uk/about

One day in 2013, when Ghee Bowman was working on a project on the city of Exeter’s multicultural history, he found a book featuring three photographs of Indian soldiers in the English county of Devon during the Second World War.

It piqued his curiosity.

“I thought I knew about the Second World War, but I’d never imagined that there were Indian soldiers with turbans and mules in Devon,” he wrote.

Though he had a BA in drama, Bowman decided to start an MA in history – and went on to write a PhD dissertation on the 4,227 men of Force K6 contingent who spent most of the war in England.

Through their stories, he shone the spotlight on the often-ignored contribution of the 2.5 million men and women of the British Indian Army who had served during the Second World War.

When Bowman started digging, he found that the British Army arrayed against Nazi Germany in Europe early in the war needed mules to transport artillery and supplies. The men of Force K6 and their mules were shipped in from India, more than 11,000 km away.

Several had been evacuated from Dunkirk in France in 1940 when the Allied defense collapsed and spent years in England.

source: youtube.com

Before Bowman died on May 10, he had spent the previous 12 years researching the Indian Army in Europe during the Second World War. His two books on the subjects are superbly researched and cracking reads.

pix: google.co.in/books

Bowman’s first book was The Indian Contingent – The Forgotten Muslim Soldiers of the Battle of Dunkirk, published in 2020. It is the story of the 299 men of the 25th Animal Transport Company of the Royal Indian Army Service Corps.

Because the British used to group men of the same religion and creed together, these men were mainly Muslim. The role of Indian soldiers fighting in North Africa and Italy during the war had been documented. But little was known about the men who were in France.

The Great Epinal Escape – Indian Prisoners of War in German Hands was published in late 2024. Bowman had been toying with the title The Greatest Escape, a reference to the popular movie about the war, The Great Escape. It was about the escape of 500 Indian prisoners of war from a camp at Epinal in France in 1944.

On May 11, 1944, American planes bombed a camp at Epinal in France housing 3,000 Indian prisoners, breaking some walls. Several hundred escaped, of whom 500 reached Switzerland. It was the largest PoW escape during the Second World War.

Though the Indians were conspicuous in the middle of France, they managed to make their way across the border through their grit and the bravery of civilians who helped them along the way.

______________________________

Ghee Bowman / @GheeBowman

#OTD 11th May 1944; a sunny day in Épinal, a small town on the river Moselle, close to the Vosges mountains and Germany. The scene is set: nobody knows that this quiet French place, untouched by war since 1940, will become the site of the largest POW escape of #WW2

1:21 PM . May 12, 2024· / 18.7K View

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Very little has been written about the experience of individual Indian soldiers in the Second World War. With his micro-histories, Bowman took a step towards filling this gap – and pointed the way for other researchers to do so too. Besides, in a time of rising xenophobia in the UK, Bowman’s work serves as a reminder of the long presence of South Asians – and Muslims – in the country and their contributions to keeping it secure at one of its most vulnerable moments vulnerable moments .

After submitting the manuscript for his second book, Bowman wondered how he could do more to tell the story of Indian soldiers during the Second World War. About six months ago, he decided that he had he hit upon the best and most gratifying way of doing this – not by writing more books or articles and making podcasts but by helping families get to know more about a grandfather or uncle who had fought in the conflict.

This would not result in thousands of social media posts and perhaps only one family would get to know about the work. But to Bowman, helping even one person trace their family history was priceless.

“I’m very happy to share what I already know with families and the wider Indian public,” he wrote. “I’ve got letters, photos, recommendations for medals that I’ve found in archives and newspapers. I would love to be able to restore these to the descendants of these brave men.”

He decided to co-opt the willing and reached out to researchers across the world. He created a page on his website listing useful resources. I was proud to be his man in India and Southeast Asia.

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Ghee Bowman / @GheeBowman

To the good people of #Plymouth. As you think about Muslims in the city this morning, you might like to know about the 4 Muslim graves at Weston Mill Cemetery, 3 miles from where the #plymouthriots happened last night.

@BBCSpotlight / @Plymouth_Live / @SAHM_UK

5:30 PM . Aug 06, 2024 / 3,216 Views

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Ghee Bowman / @GheeBowman

These four men were soldiers of the Indian Army, part of #ForceK6 – Muslim Punjabis sent 7000 miles to help the British in its hour of need. Here are some of their officers inspecting coastal defences in November 1941.

5:30 PM . Aug 06, 2024 / 264 Views

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I had the privilege of getting to know Bowman in June 2023, when I reached out to him as I had just begun researching the Indian Army in World War II Singapore. He helped me find sources, to write a book proposal and introduced me to his publishers and others who turned out to be crucial for my own book.

Even as he was trying to help family members trace their relatives, Bowman had been going through a grave personal health crisis. In his regular newsletter in May 2024, he mentioned that he had a fall. His last newsletter was on February 1. He said he had been diagnosed with a brain tumour, was undergoing radiation and chemotherapy and doing well.

He died three months later. Bowman once described himself as “a historian, teacher and story teller…a Quaker and a lifelong learner”. He was all that and much more – he helped others without any gain for himself.

Gautam Hazarika is a Singapore-based author whose book The Forgotten Indian Prisoners of World War II is being published by Penguin India and Pen & Sword UK later this year. He can be contacted at  ghazarika70@yahoo.com.sg

source: http://www.scroll.in / Scroll.in / Home> Tribute / by Gautam Hazarika / May 27th, 2025

Bihar Collective to Release Booklet “Remembering Muslim Makers of Modern Bihar” in Patna on Feb 23

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Patna, BIHAR :

Patna :

In an era of unprecedented majoritarian ascendance and anti-Muslim hatred, Bihar Collective, a platform of intellectuals and activists, has brought out a booklet highlighting the contribution of eminent Muslims in making the modern Bihar in the last 200 years.

The booklet titled Remembering Muslim Makers of Modern Bihar has been compiled and edited by renowned academician and writer Prof. Mohammad Sajjad on the initiative of Bihar Collective.

The booklet will be released at an event in Patna on Saturday (February 23).

On the occasion, a discussion will also be held with Prof Faizan Mustafa, Vice Chancellor, NALSAR University of Law, Hyderabad; Prof Vivek Kumar, JNU, New Delhi; and Prof Mohammad Sajjad, AMU, Aligarh as panelists.

A Brief about Booklet:


Pre-empting a reasonable question about the title of the booklet, Prof Sajjad, who has compiled and edited it, writes in its preface: “A simple and obvious question that may readily arise is: why only Muslim makers of modern Bihar? Why not others too? This is indeed a valid and pertinent question.”

Responding to the question, he further says: “Candidly put, this is because of an unprecedentedly menacing rise of majoritarianism, bigotry, and anti-Muslim hatred, with open support of the state.

The Muslim identities are ominously threatened. There are also unabated attempts to dilute (or even take away) whatever little accomplishments have been made by the forces of social justice and secularism.

Only the Muslim segment however is threatened by the jingoist, exclusionary, violent nationalists, to be thrown out to another country. As if the other country is a dustbin, owned by these bigots, into which they can throw away everything they dislike! As if only the religious majority constitutes the nation! Notably, these jingoists had aligned with the British and had stayed away from the national movement.”

“Muslim contributions in the nation-making (and in the freedom movement) remain under-acknowledged, forgotten or even omitted. Erasure of their histories and memories seem to have become even more pronounced and vociferous, now, than ever before…The Bihar Collective therefore decided to compile a short profile of these inspiring role models, history-makers…This is small and humble step towards retrieving and restoring the nationalist provincial pantheons bearing Muslim identities,” says Prof Sajjad.

He, however, admits that the list of Muslim heroes of Bihar given in the booklet is not exhaustive as “…many have been left out essentially because of lack of documentations and researches. Not many have left their own accounts/memoirs; the available memoirs/accounts have not written much about all the personalities. In many cases, even otherwise “resourceful” descendants and/or associates of the history-makers have not been able to provide us with adequate (and credible/verifiable) details.”

Prof Sajjad hopes this small exercise may lead to some big academic work on these history-makers. “In short, this kind of venture may be said to be an ongoing exercise. This effort may hope to open up (and obtain) more details about such history-makers and would also get to know about many more of such peoples and processes, we failed to include here in this hastily prepared tiny volume, amidst constraints of resources and time.”

Names of Muslim Makers of Modern Bihar Mentioned in Booklet:
1. Syed Imdad Ali (d.1886]
2. Khuda Bakhsh (1842-1908)
3. Syed Amir Husain (1843-1910)
4. Imdad Imam Asar (1849-1934)
5. Shah Badruddin(1852-??)
6. Syed Ali Bilgrami (1853-1911)
7. Rasheed-un-Nesa (1855-1926)
8. Syed Noorul Huda (1855-1939)
9. Justice Syed Sharfuddin (1856-1921)
10. Shaikh Gulab (1857-1920)
11. Sarfaraz Husain Khan (1860-1931)
12. Maulana Mazharul Haque (1866-1930)
13. Batakh Miyan Ansari (1867-1957)
14. Sir Fakhruddin (1868-1933)
15. Syed Ali Imam (1869-1932)
16. Syed Hasan Imam (1871-1933)
17. Salahuddin Khuda Bakhsh (1875-1931)
18. Shafi Daudi(1875-1949)
19. Khwaja Md. Noor(1875-??)
20. Abdul Wadood (d.1955)
21. Syed Abul Hasan (1878-1960)
22. Sir Sultan Ahmad (1880-1963)
23. Maulana Sajjad (1880-1940)
24. Pir Mohammad Munis (1882-1949)
25. Abdul Bari (1882-1947)
26. Syed Sulaiman Nadvi (1884-1953)
27. Mohammad Yunus (1884-1952)
28. Shah Md. Zubair (1884-1930)
29. Syed Abdul Aziz (1885-1948)
30. Zubaida Begum Daudi (1886-1972)
31. Syed Tafazzul Karim (1886-1964)
32. Mr. Mohammad Shafi (1888-1955)
33. Qazi Ahmad Husain (1889-1961)
34. Dr. Syed Mahmud (1889-1971)
35. Ali Husain Aasim Bihari (1890-1953)
36. Shah Mohammad Umair (1894-1978)
37. Abdul Ahad Mohammad Noor (1894-1975)
38. Hakeem Md. Kabiruddin (1894-1976)
39. Maulana Usman Ghani (1896-1977)
40. Manzoor Ahsan Aijazi (1897-1969)
41. Shah Md Ozair Muni’mi (1899-1961)
42. Maghfur Aijazi (1900-1966)
43. Syed Jafar Imam (1900-1965)
44. Syed Badruddin Ahmad (1901-1983)
45. Mohammad Tahir (1903-???)
46. Syed Jafar Imam (1903-1979)
47. Syed Fida Husain (1904-80)
48. Abdul Qaiyum Ansari (1905-1974)
49. Wajihuddin Minhaji (1907-1984)
50. Syed Md. Aiyub (1910-1964)
51. Abdul Sami Nadvi (1913-????)
52. Abul Hayat Chand (1914-1958)
53. Ahad Fatmi(1915-1980)
54. Zawwar Husain (1916-80)
55. Shafiqullah Ansari (1917-1980)
56. Shah Mushtaq Ahmad (1917-2002)
57. Abdul Ghafoor (1918-2004)
58. Col. Mahboob Ahmad (1920-1992)
59. Taqi Raheem (1920-1999)
60. Zahra Daudi(1923-2003)
61. Shakoor Ahmad (1924-1981)
62. Syed Hasan (1924-2016)
63. Yunus Lohia (1925-2019)
64. Ghulam Sarwar (1926-2004)
65. Syed Shahabuddin (1935-2017)

A Brief about Author:


Prof Mohammad Sajjad teaches late-colonial and post-independent Indian history at the Centre for Advanced Study in History, Aligarh Muslim University. He has written several books including Muslim Politics in Bihar: Changing Contours; and Contesting Colonialism and Separatism: Muslims of Muzaffarpur since 1857.

His articles are published in reputed academic journals from Routledge, Sage, EPW etc. and also in anthologies from the Oxford University Press and Cambridge University Press.

Bihar Collective:
It is a platform of artists, intellectuals, journalists and activists to promote diversity, pluralism and constitutional values. It aims at bridging the gap between people working in various fields such as media, culture, law, science, arts, human rights, gender equality, films, music, etc.
Email: biharcollective@gmail.com
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/biharcollective

source: http://www.indiatomorrow.net / India Tomorrow / Home> Society / by India Tomorrow / February 21st, 2019

The Indian Contingent: The Forgotten Muslim Soldiers of Dunkirk

Amazing Feats, Books (incl.Biographies - w.e.f.01 jan 2018 ), Indian Muslims in World War I and II (wef. July 09th, 2022),

INDIA :

May 28, 1940: Major Akbar Khan of the Royal Indian Army Service Corps marches at the head of 299 soldiers along the beach at Dunkirk—the only Indians in the BEF in France and the only ones at Dunkirk.

These men of the Indian Army, carrying their disabled imam, find their way to the East Mole and embark for England in the dead of night. On reaching Dover, they borrowed brass trays and started playing Punjabi folk music, upon which even “many British spectators joined in the dance.”

Where had they come from and why were they in France?

And what happened to them after that?

Ghee Bowman reveals in full, for the first time, the story of these soldiers, from their arrival in France on December 26, 1939 to their return at war’s end to an India on the verge of partition.

It is one of the war’s hidden stories that casts fresh light on Britain and its empire.

source: http;//www.goodreads.com / GoodReads / by Ghee Bowman / 1st published May 21st, 2020

Men of the Horse

Amazing Feats, Indian Muslims in World War I and II (wef. July 09th, 2022), Karnataka (under research project), Martyrs of the Nation, World Opinion, , , , , , , , , ,

Mysuru (Mysore), KARNATAKA :

There are many miles that separate Bengaluru from Haifa. But our city’s connection to this distant Mediterranean port town goes beyond geography to that of the spirit. It is where Mysorean cavalrymen earned honours and distinguished themselves during World War I. The town also became a final resting place for many who never returned home.

These men on horseback were the inheritors of an older legacy.  Both Hyder Ali and his son Tipu Sultan, the 18th century rulers of Mysore, were known for their famous cavalry, the `Savar’ that had fought on home territory in the Anglo-Mysore Wars almost 150 years ago.

The Mysore Lancers (says a commemorative souvenir) were raised from what remained of this cavalry following the 4th Anglo-Mysore War in 1799.

The regimental insignia and Mysore’s royal emblem, the two headed Ganda Berunda eagle

Bengaluru’s equestrian legacies also extended beyond the military; the Bangalore Turf Club is a heritage institution and the Race Course that was initially located near Domlur was as old as the Cantonment, Horse riding in Cubbon Park was `de rigeur‘ till the early 1900’s, many large houses had private stables and British Commissioner Sir Mark Cubbon even built a new home beyond Cubbon Park  to accommodate his beloved horses!

Military forces in India’s princely states were maintained purely as a formality for a very long time following 1857.

But Viceroy Lord Dufferin’s landmark speech in Patalia (1888) signalled a change.

The Mysore (Mysuru) Maharaja Chamarajendra Wodeyar X was one of the first to raise a military force (including an Infantry and Transport Corps) capable of fighting alongside Imperial troops anywhere in the world. Major Mellis arrived here in 1890 to rearrange the two existing Silledar regiments into the Mysore Horse based in Mysore, and the Bangalore based Mysore Imperial Service Lancers (Mysore Lancers).

The Investiture Ceremony: “On the arrival of the Viceroy at the Imperial Service Lines, he was received by Dewan Krishna Murthi and conducted to a position near the saluting flag. After the horses of the entire regiment had lain down on the word of command so as to form covers for their riders in action, the regiment formed mass and the men dismounted and left their horses entirely alone with the rein passed through the girths. Rockets, carbine discharges and other noises were then made to test the training of the horses and except one or two horses which broke away, the remainder kept perfectly steady and unconcerned. After galloping past and advancing in review order, the Lancers cheered His Excellency. The Viceroy remarked that the display he had seen proved the excellence of the training of the horses and the special attention paid to the matter by Colonel Desaraj Urs… The manoeuvres subsequent to special show in connection with the horses reflected great credit, said His Excellency, on the regiment.” –M Shama Rao, Modern Mysore

The Mysorean, with his “superior physique” was also “specially noted for his endurance and hard work in distant countries and under the most trying conditions of climate and fatigue.”* And so, as part of the 15th Imperial Service Cavalry Brigade (this included the Patiala, Jodhpur and Hyderabad Horse) the men left Bangalore on 13th October, 1914 under the field command of Lt.Col. Chamaraj Urs Bahadur.

They were accompanied by Special Officers Major MH Henderson and Lt. K Evans-Gordon and Colonel J. Desraj Urs (Commander-in Chief of the Mysore State Forces and brother-in-law to Maharaja Sir Nalwadi Krishnaraja Wodeyar IV).

The men in the distinctive black head collar rope, black and white lance pennant, crossed lance badges on the chain mail epaulettes and the royal Ganda Bherunda insignia of Mysore disembarked to defend the Sweet Water Canal and undertake reconnaissance duties to the east of the Suez Canal. 

Many of us in the city can proudly trace family who in 1914, were a part of the largest volunteer army in the world!

Fans of a sun tanned Peter O’ Toole in the film `Lawrence of Arabia’ will know that our Mysorean men and the legendary TE Lawrence were both part of a WWI force commanded by Field Marshall Sir Edmund Allenby. But off screen conditions were very tough. Water sources were scarce. Thousands of cavalry horses and Transport Corps animals perished at various stages-en route, during combat and post-war.The emaciated and weak were left by the road to be picked up and (hopefully) rehabilitated by the Remount and Veterinary Corps.Most were not so lucky.

Much has been written about the Battle of Haifa where Mysorean cavalrymen braved German and Austrian guns as they charged alongside the Jodhpur Lancers to route an artillery battery located on a hill above the town.

Mysore’s two headed eagle also altered history at Gaza, Jordan Valley, Sharon, Megiddo, Damascus and Palestine. Their roles in these decisive battles saw the officers, including Captain B. P. Krishne Urs, 29 year old Mir Turab Ali and Risaldar Subbaraja Urs, and their loyal horses receive a hero’s welcome in 1920.

Sirdar Bahadur Lt.Col. Chamaraj Urs succeeded the distinguished Col.J Desraj Urs to the post of Commandant-in-Chief in 1919.

The horsemen were then reconstituted into the New Horsed Cavalry Regiment, raised in Jaipur on January 1st, 1953 under the special dispensation of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru.It was named the 61st Cavalry a year later. It is the only horse cavalry regiment in the world and is equally well-known for its indomitable equestrian sportsmen.

My grand aunt, Mrs. Syeda Mirza tells me that her husband, my grand uncle the late Major Mohammad Mirza, a Bengalurean 61st cavalryman, dashing polo player and nephew of Sir Mirza Ismail, Diwan of Mysore (1926-1941) commanded the elite President’s Bodyguard for Dr.Rajendra Prasad and Dr. S Radhakrishnan in the 1960’s. He was also in the Ganganagar Sector with the 61st Cavalry during the 1971 War.

Standing second from right: Major Mohammad Mirza. Photo Source: Sixty First Cavalry Diamond Jubilee Souvenir, courtesy: Mrs. Syeda Mirza

“I was returning to Jaipur with the children after visiting my parents in Hyderabad” she says “and hired a porter to help with the luggage. He deposited me near the army vehicle that had come to receive us, and refused to take any payment. He said he could not take money from someone whose husband was fighting for the country.” She adds, “those were very tough times for wives and families.With no mobile phones or connectivity like it is today, we had no way to stay in regular touch with our loved ones.We just had to manage as best as we could on our own.”

While a tribute to Indian cavalrymen is visibly embedded at Teen Murti Circle, New Delhi, a smaller Memorial Column on Col. Desraj Urs Road in Bengaluru’s Munireddy Palya stands overshadowed by the massive TV Tower nearby. The long forgotten structure lists all the brave men including officers Captain A.Lingaraj Urs (son-in-law to the Field Commander) and a Meer Ashroff Ali who lost their lives upholding the honour of Mysore state. Most city folks ride by without a second glance these days.

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On the Roll of Honour:

A Lingaraj Urs and Meer Ashroff Alli, Venkata Rao Maney, Annaji Dhummal, Rachunatha Rao Birjey, Mohammed Abdul Sattar, Nar Singh, Mohammed Peer Khan, Rahimon Khan, Ganapaty Rao Sindhey, Rama Rao Gaikwad, Manadeva Rao Bobdey, Sheik Ibrahim, Sham Singh, Roya Sundaram, Chithambara Rao Ithapay and Meer Abdul Latheef.

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This story was originally published in the Bangalore Mirror on April 11th 2016.Read it here.

* M Shama Rao, Modern Mysore, Page 104-106

source: http://www.aturquoisecloud.wordpress.com / A Turquoise Cloud / by Aliyeh Rizvi

Muslims: The first architects of India

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INDIA:

Mughal Art and Architecture

We, The Indian Muslims are proud to be citizens of this great country. We have been an architect of this land all through centuries since the days of dynastic rule. Whether it was construction of world class network of transport facilities like Grand Trunk Road linking major cities, founding new cities of highest standards for that age, huge monumental structures to attract the world, development of living standards and maintain cordial relationships between groups belonging to various religions, languages, castes and cultures, we pioneered justice and maintained the system.

With the passage of years, decades and turn of events, the foreign forces got attracted to it and slowly took over the rein of rule.

We were first to challenge and fight for country’s independence valiantly. Even our clergymen took to streets and fought, thousands laid down their lives. Colonel Balwan Singh Nagial, a third-generation Indian Army officer who retired in 2019 wrote in Times of India (April 23, 2022), thus: “Muslim leadership contributed enormously to divergent phases of the  Indian struggle for independence. They (Muslims) played a larger-than-life role and made significant sacrifices in this struggle for independence.

From the last Mughal ruler Bahadur Shah Zafar to nawabs, princes, landlords of all sizes, clergy, ulema and the ordinary people, they all stood for the cause and took on enormous challenges and made supreme sacrifices.

When the INC was formed in 1885, the Muslims responded enthusiastically and supported all its efforts throughout the freedom struggle until India became free. The most enthusiastic support for the INC was from the Muslims of the conservative Ulama of Deoband. Earlier, the Ulama had participated in the 1857 uprising with heart and soul.

They made great sacrifices, and hundreds of them were sent to Andaman-Nicobar and many to Malta, an island to the south of Italy.

Muslim leaders who contributed to India’s struggle for independence were:

Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Maulana Muhammad Ali, Maulana Shaukat Ali, Allama Iqbal, Muhammad Barkathulla, Bi Amma (mother of Ali brothers), Badarudeen Tyabji, Hakim Ajmal Khan, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Dr M.A. Ansari, Dr Siafudeen Kichlu, Dr Basheer Ahmad, Syed Ameer Ali, Dr Syed Muhammad, Hasrat Mohani, Nawab Abdul Latheef, Altaf Hussain Hali, Syed Ahmad Sirhindi, Syed Ahmad Bareilly, Maulana Shibli Numani, Munshi Karamat Ali, Munshi Zakaullah.

Hindus and Muslims together fought the foreign forces shoulder to shoulder. A report by the ‘Milli Chronicle’ says that names of 95,300 freedom fighters are etched on the India Gate in Delhi, and remarkably, 61,945 of these names belong to Muslims, signifying that 65% of these brave individuals were Muslims. The significance of this statistic is eloquently captured by the renowned writer Mr. Kushwant Singh, who boldly declared that the story of Indian freedom is etched in the blood of Muslims, emphasizing their large contribution to the freedom struggle, considering their dis-proportionately smaller population percentage.

The annals of history are adorned with the stories of Muslim freedom fighters who put their lives on the line to liberate India from the shackles of British oppression. These individuals, driven by an unwavering determination to secure their homeland’s independence, demonstrated exceptional courage and resilience.

All through ages we find tall personalities like Sultan Haidar Ali, father of Tipu Sultan, (he pioneered the fight against British colonial forces); Tipu Sultan, son of Haider Ali; (he pioneered the use of iron-cased rockets); Ashfaqullah Khan,(noted for his daring attacks on British government trains); Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad, the youngest President of the Indian National Congress,(who rallied Hindus and Muslims alike against British oppression); Maulana Hasrat Mohani, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, (a pivotal figure in the Khilafat movement); was jailed for 13 years by the British),  Sirajud Daula, (the last Nawab of Bengal), Badruddin Tyabji (of Indian National Congress); his wife, Suraiya Tayabji, who designed the present Indian flag., Zain-ul-Abideen, an officer of the Indian National Army (INA), coined the iconic patriotic slogan “Jai Hind.”

While recounting the names of every Muslim freedom fighter may be an impossible feat, their contributions and sacrifices in the fight against British colonialism are immeasurable and undeniable. The fact that many chose to remain in India underscores their deep-rooted connection to the land. Despite attempts to distort history, India will forever be the cherished home of its Muslim citizens. We gave the independent India Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, the first Education Minister, Dr. Rafi Ahmed Qidwai, Dr.Zakir Hussain (an Educationist and Vice President), and numerous figures as servants to the country in the form of politicians, officers, industrialists, entrepreneurs, researchers, technocrats etc. in every field.

Our very recent contribution to the nation’s public service has been the world famous Scientist/Technocrat and President Dr.A.P.J. Kalam. He set the highest, un-believable standard of honesty, transparency and clean image in public life. A glimpse into the life he spent in the Rashtrapati Bhavan as President gives a shocking information. The same is as under: Mr. P M Nair, (retired IAS officer, then Secretary to Dr. Abdul Kalam, the President writes in his book “Kalam Effect” that Dr. Kalam used to receive costly gifts whenever he went abroad (as it is part of custom & protocol) used to ask the gifts to be photographed and then catalogued and handed over to the archives. Afterwards, he never even looked at them. He did not take even a pencil from the gifts received when he left Rashtrapathi Bhavan. It was a regular practice for every President to host an Iftar party, a routine. Upon being reminded about it Dr. Kalam asked Mr. Nair why he should host a party to people who are already well fed. Instead he estimated and donated Rs.22 lac being the cost to a few selected orphanages in the form of food, dresses and blankets besides a cheque for Rs.1.lakh from his personal funds. Though himself a devout Muslim, he never organized Iftar parties in President’s house at Public expense. Once Dr. Kalam invited 50 of his relatives to come to Delhi and they all stayed in Rashtrapathi Bhavan. He organized a bus for them to go around the city which was paid for by him.

No official car was used. Their lodging and food bill which came to Rs.2 laks was paid by him as per his instructions. Dr. Kalam’s elder brother stayed with him in his room for the entire one week as Dr Kalam wanted his brother to stay with him. When they left, Dr. Kalam wanted to pay rent for that room also. Imagine the President of a country paying rent for the room in which he is staying. This was any way not agreed to by the staff who thought the honesty was getting too much to handle. When he was to leave Rashtrapathi Bhavan at the end of his tenure, every staff member went and met him and paid their respects. Mr. Nair went to him alone as his wife couldn’t as she was confined to bed due to fracture. Upon noticing her absence and knowing the reason Dr. Kalam visited his house and chatted with her for some time. The following property was left behind by Dr.A.P.J.Abdul Kalam: 16 doctorates, 1 website, 1 twitter account, 1 email id, 2500 books, 1 Padmashri, 1 Padmabhushan, 1 Bharat Ratna, 1 flat (which he has donated), 6 pants & 4 shirts (DRDO uniforms), 3 suits (1 western, 2 Indian). He didn’t have any Car, jewelry, stocks, TV, AC, land or any bank balance. He had even donated the last 8 years’ pension towards the development of his village. He was a real patriot and true Indian Muslim. We are proud of him.

Our character building efforts continued even through the present 21st century in the country with unique results as records vouch. For example, the city of KAYALAPATTANAM (in Tamil Nadu) with 100% Muslim population goes. There is no Police Station, no cinema and no crime in the city because there had been no crime there for decades.

The present day situation in the country may appear to be disheartening and disappointing for some. The irresponsible attitude towards Muslims by some extremist groups in the country belonging to a certain ideology should be viewed as a momentary period. Their efforts to demoralize, degrade, deny civil rights are synonymous with their declared intentions. A great majority of country-men still believe and practice true Hinduism as had been for centuries in the past. True Hindus do not endorse hatred, support arson and distrust.

A long history of peaceful co-existence of Muslims and Hindus for centuries with mutual respect, rejoicing specially the occasion of festivals and long socio-economic ties in every nook and corner of the country is its evidence.

Our country has been an example of ‘Unity in diversity’ for the world for a long time. Nobody from either community can imagine a survival without another. The bond has been and will surely be strong as Steel. The ever increasing social evils like Corruption, nepotism, frauds, woman-bashing and vandalism like termites in the country have made the life of common man miserable.

Decline in the values like increased greediness, and wide spread of dishonesty, revenge, vindictiveness, and non-adherence to law need to be challenged and controlled. The ‘PLEDGE’ we used to read in our text books once in first page is long missing both from the book and in practice.

We the Indian Muslims, whether a common man, clergy, intellectual, and technocrat, worker or even those with any political group should realize that notwithstanding the company or area, we have a responsibility towards the country and duty-bound to work for our own community. We need to understand todays challenging scenario and strengthen its unity. We are the inheritors of a great legacy, and not followers of the ilk of this day. We Muslims should remember that we are ordained by the Almighty Allah to be united, behold his Commands; make efforts to spread virtuous deed and work eradicate evils. The entire country is looking forward for the honest.

As the phrase rightly goes, ‘Service to humanity is service to God’. Our population in the country according to 2011 census stands at about 200 million which constitutes 15%. We need to contain our extravagant life-style especially in matters of functions and festivals.

We should stop depending on politicians, their promises and focus on a self, collective effort. We need to move forward together in the fields of education, employment opportunities generating plans through mutual cooperation. For this purpose and as in the days of our Prophet, we should make our area Masjid a center for gathering, deliberation, planning, guidance and service as per law.Experts and experienced in relevant fields can be roped in for the purpose and the available resources can be put to work.

سبق پڑھ پھر صداقت کا، شجاعت کا، عدالت کا۔۔
لیا جائیگا تجھ سے کام، دنیا کی امامت کا۔۔

source: http://www.muslimmirror.com / Muslim Mirror / Home> Indian Muslim / by Syed Ilyas Basha / October 03rd, 2023

Contribution Of Muslims To India’s Freedom Struggle

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INDIA:

The famous writer Kushwant Singh, once wrote: “Indian Freedom is written in Muslim blood, since their participation in the freedom struggle was much more, in proportion to their small percentage of the population.”

The story and history of India’s independence are written with the blood of Muslims. According to historical references, 65% of those who stood, fought and sacrificed against the British for India’s independence were Muslim freedom fighters, the hams live reported.

A large number of people from all religions and castes took part in the freedom struggle, undoubtedly. However, the struggles of many Muslim prominent personalities who also contributed to India’s freedom and even sacrificed everything including their lives are little known. Muslims have been at the forefront to oppose the British and stood shoulder to shoulder with people from other communities while fighting against them. Getting freedom was not easy, our ancestors had to go face a lot of struggles and difficulties to get us the freedom that we are enjoying now.

The First Call To Oppose British

In the 1750s, Nawab Siraj-ud-Daulah was the first awakened Indian ruler, who stood his ground against the British. He lost the Battle of Plassey in 1757 due to the betrayal of Mir Jafar (Commander of Nawab’s army). With this, Siraj-ud-Daulah’s reign marks the end of the last independent rule in India and the beginning of the East India company’s rule that was unabated for the next two hundred years.

First Freedom Struggle By Muslim Rulers

The first freedom struggle against the British was started by the rulers of Mysore Hyder Ali and his son, Tipu Sultan, during the 1780s and 90s. Both used the first iron-cased rockets and cannons effectively against the British invaders.

Tipu Sultan is considered to be one of India’s first freedom fighters for his fierce fight and brave against the East India Company. He resisted the conquest of the British in southern India and was reluctant to welcome them on his soil. He was the only Indian ruler who understood the dangers that the British posed to India, and fought four wars to oust them from the country.

The Unsung Heroines Of India’s Freedom Struggle

Begum Hazrat Mahal, the unsung heroin, played a very important role in India’s war of Independence. Being a woman, she led a rebellion against the British East India Company in 1857. She shot the British ruler, Sir Henry Lawrence and defeated the British army in a conclusive Battle at Chinhat in 1857.

In the great revolt of 1857, as many as 225 Muslim women sacrificed their lives in the uprising. These unsung Muslim women freedom fighters who have sloganeered, shed blood and given their lives for the country’s independence have now been forgotten to due biases.

A majority of freedom fighters did a nameless service to the nation and one such lesser-known name was Abadi Bano Begum (Bi Amma). Bi Amma was the first woman to address a political rally wearing an abaya. She took part in National freedom struggles, Khilafat Movement and propagated Hindu-Muslim unity. Following Mahatma Gandhi’s advice, Bi Amma played an. An important role in encouraging women to take part in the freedom movement. Further, she played a pivotal role in the Swadeshi movements.

In the book, Gandhi and the Ali Brothers: Biography of a Friendship by Rakhahari Chatterji, Maulana Mohammad Jouhar says, “Suffice it to say that, although she was practically illiterate, I have, in all experience, of men of all sorts of types, come across none that I could call wiser and certainly that was more truly godly and spiritual than our mother.”

Bi Amma was also the mother of Muhammad Ali Jauhar and Shaukat Ali popularly known as the Ali Brothers whom she raised on her own after her husband died when she was young.

Amjadi Begum, the wife of Muhammad Ali Jauhar and daughter-in-law of Bi Amma, is yet another Muslim women freedom fighter. Mahatma Gandhi also dedicated an article on her titled ‘A Brave Woman‘ where he admired her as a courageous wife of a courageous man. 

At the age of 45, Asghari Begum, another forgotten Muslim woman, has also taken part in the 1857 revolt and challenged British rule in the present-day Uttar Pradesh. However, she was captured by the British in 1858 and burnt alive.

Habiba, a Muslim woman’s fought many battles against the British in Muzaffarnagar in 1857. However, she was captured and hanged along with 11 other female warriors at the age of 25.

The Great Revolt of 1857

During the Great Revolt of 1857, Hindus and Muslims under the leadership of the last Mughal emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar tried to oust the British from India. A majority of Hindu sepoys requested Zafar to lead them in the war of Independence. Although the Revolt failed due of several reasons, Muslims have always stood on the front line to oppose the British.

Former Prime Minister of India, Rajiv Gandhi during his visit to Bahadur Shah’s grave, wrote in the visitor’s book: “Although you (Bahadur Shah) do not have land in India, you have it here; your name is alive… I pay homage to the memory of the symbol and rallying point of India’s First War of Independence….”

Muslims came to India and ruled here for over 800 years but they did not steal anything from here as the British, the Dutch and the French did. By bringing plenty of knowledge in literature, architecture, judiciary, political structure, government body and management structure, which is still used in Indian management strategy, they helped India to progress into a unified and civilized nation.

Lighthouse of Rebellion

How many of us know that the organizer and leader of “First Indian freedom struggle” in 1857 was Moulavi Ahamadullah Shah. Known as the ‘Lighthouse of Rebellion’ in Awadh, he Faizabad free from British rule for almost one year, until his death at the hands of British agents on June 5, 1858.

“With being a practicing Muslim, he was also the epitome of religious unity and Ganga-Jamuna culture of Faizabad. In the revolt of 1857, royalties like Nana Sahib of Kanpur, Kunwar Singh of Arrah fought alongside Maulavi Ahmadullah Shah. Maulavi’s 22nd Infantry Regiment was commanded by Subedar Ghamandi Singh and Subedar Umrao Singh in the famous Battle of Chinhat,” according to researcher and historian Ram Shankar Tripathi.

The important role of Muslims in the uprising is the reason that the British government singled out the community for the worst revenge. From the Nawab, the King of Mysore, the last Mughal King, Princes, the landlords, the Ulemas, intellectuals, Urdu journalists, including common people, all members of the Muslim community have made great sacrifices for the freedom of India.

In the uprising of the 1857 revolt, thousands of ulema were slaughtered and the whole of Delhi was emptied of Muslims, according to excerpts from Syed Ubaidur Rahman’s book Biographical Encyclopedia of Indian Muslim Freedom Fighters. They were not even allowed to return to their homes and reclaim their properties.

First Journalist To Sacrifice His Life During The Great Revolt

Moulvi Muhammad Baqir, a scholar and activist of Indian independence activist was the first journalist to be executed following the rebellion in 1857. The editor of Urdu newspapers, Delhi Urdu Akhbar, was washed dead on 16th September 1857 for writing Nationalist articles, without even a trial.

Although India got independence on 15 August 1947, the foundation of the freedom struggle was laid before 1857. Since the time of the Revolt of 1857, which is considered to be the beginning of India’s freedom struggle, Muslim leadership has spearheaded the cause.

First Muslim To Be Hanged For Conspiring Against East India Company

At the age of 27 years, Shaheed Ashfaqulla Khan was the first Muslim to be hanged for conspiring against the British Raj. Khan was hanged to death on December 19, 1927. With this, he became a martyr and a legend among the people because of his love for the country and his unshakeable spirit.

Reshmi Rumal Tehreek (The Silk Movement)

Muslims not only took the lead in the uprising, but also stood in the front line in all other efforts to topple the British colonial regime in India.

After the revolt of 1857, the Muslim leaders changed their strategy of resistance by setting up educational institutions across the country. Reshmi Rumal Tehreek or The Silk Letter Movement (1913-1920) was an initiative by Deobandi Leaders Maulana Mahmud Hasan and Maulana Ubaidullah Sindhi to topple the British Empire.

However, when British intelligence learned about it, hundreds of sympathizers of the initiative were arrested and put in prison for years without any trial. The top leaders including Maulana Mahmud Hasan and half a dozen of his followers were banished to Malta after a faux trial where they faced the worst hardship.

Role of Muslims in Congress’ anti-colonial struggle

Justice Abbas Tyabji, an Indian freedom fighter from Gujarat and associate of Mahatma Gandhi, was the first Muslim president of the Indian National Congress party. Justice Tyabji is also known for leading Salt Satyagraha following Gandhi’s arrest in 1930.

Another Congress president during the colonialism was Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, who is one of the chief Muslim leaders of the anti-colonial nationalist movement. He became the youngest President of the Indian National Congress in 1923 at the age of 35. He faced multiple imprisonments by the colonial state.

From Justice Tayabji to Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, there have been eight Muslim leaders who were in the Indian National Congress’s freedom movement. The other prominent Muslim leaders include, Muhammad Ali Jauhar, Shaukat Ali, Maulana Azad, Dr Mukhtar Ansari, Hakim Ajmal Khan, Maulana Mahmud Hasan and many others. They made every possible sacrifice for the cause of the end the colonial rule.

Frontier Gandhi

Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan was a Pashtun independence activist who campaigned to end the rule of the British Raj in India. He founded the Khudai Khidmatgar resistance movement against British colonial rule in India. He was also known as Frontier Gandhi for his principles of non-violence and friendship with Gandhi. Khan worked towards the formation of a united, independent, secular India. 

Muslim Man Coins “Jai Hind”

The patriotic slogan “Jai Hind” was initially coined by Zain-ul Abideen Hasan, but it was adopted by Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose. It is now used as a way of salutation throughout India. It means “Victory to India” in English.

The Creation Of the National Flag

For a majority of us, the current national flag was designed by Pingali Venkayya. However, it was a Muslim Lady Surayya Tyabji, who created the flag’s final look today.

Although we have recounted several names of the Muslims who have contributed to India’s freedom struggle, there are several thousands of them who fought on the streets against the British Raj.

source: http://www.thecongnate.com / The Cognate / Home> History / by Rabia Shireen / August 15th, 2022

India celebrates Independence Day: Here’s a list of important Muslim freedom fighters

Amazing Feats, Community Involvement / Social Issues, First War of Independence 1857 / Naval Mutiny 1946 / Others PreIndependece (wef. July 27th, 2022), Freedom Fighters (under research project), Indian Muslims in World War I and II (wef. July 09th, 2022), Karnataka (under research project), Leaders, Martyrs of the Nation, Royal Families, PreIndependence -Descendants (wef. Jan 02nd,2022), World Opinion

INDIA:

In the freedom struggle, Muslim freedom fighters played a predominant role.

In the Indian freedom struggle, though, Muslim freedom fighters played a predominant role, right-wing organisations are trying to erase their history. In view of it, it is essential to know the important Muslim freedom fighters who fought for Indian Independence.

 Indian freedom fighter and former aide of Subhash Chandra Bose Abid Hasan Safrani. (Photo: Siasat)

Abid Hasan Safrani

Abid Hasan Safrani, an Indian National Army (INA) soldier from Hyderabad is one of the unsung heroes of Hyderabad. He not only played role in India’s independence but also coined the slogan ‘Jai Hind’ which was later declared the salutation of the Indian Army and government employees.

Safrani was constantly with the INA fighting from Burma to Imphal in India.

After India attained freedom, then Prime Minister Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru inducted him into the Indian Foreign Service (IFS). He was posted to several countries including Egypt, China, Switzerland, Iraq, Syria, Senegal and Denmark.

After retirement, Safrani settled at a farm in Shaikpet, Tolichowki. He passed away in 1984.

Maulana Abul Kalam Azad

Maulana Azad, a distinguished Islamic scholar, author, academician and a prominent freedom fighter, was elected as the youngest President of Indian National Congress aged 35, and later led the historic Khilafat Movement.

After Independence, Maulana Azad served as India’s first Education Minister for over 10 years, during which he laid the foundations for the country’s massive academic network. Acknowledging his contributions, his birthday – November 11 – is celebrated as National Education Day.

Siraj-Siraj-ud-Doulah

Siraj-Siraj-ud-Doulah, the Nawab of Bengal was the first Indian king to foresee the threat posed to the future of the country by the English East India Company which entered India in the name of trade but transgressed its limits. He took bold initiatives to thwart the company’s evil designs.

Mir Khasim Ali Khan

Mir Khasim Ali Khan was a warrior Nawab who fought against the East India Company till his end with the conviction that he could ensure safety for his kingdom and liberty and prosperity for his people only by driving the British out of India.

Hyder Ali

Hyder Ali, who is famously known as ‘the Napoleon of South India’ for his relentless fighting against the conspiracies of the East India Company and its henchmen and for checkmating the British ambitions of expansion in South India

Tipu Sultan

Tipu Sultan, the ‘Tiger of Mysore’, was a great visionary who exposed the expansionist designs of the British imperial forces and gave a clarion call to his fellow countrymen and native rulers to unite and fight against the East India Company.

Syed Mir Nisar Ali

The Wahabi movement enjoyed a special status in the history of revolt against British rule in India, and Titu Mir, whose real name was Syed Mir Nisar Ali, added militancy to it. It became the source of inspiration for several movements in the Struggle for Independence of India.

Haji Shariatullah

Haji Shariatullah, who militantly led the Farazi Movement that stood as a source of inspiration for several revolutionaries in the Indian Freedom Struggle

Ghulam Rasool Khan

Ghulam Rasool Khan, the Nawab of Kurnool in Andhra Pradesh, created terror among the officials of the East India Company.

Moulana Peer Ali Khan

Moulana Peer Ali Khan fought against the British military force declaring that sacrificing oneself in the cause of liberation of one’s motherland is a proof of one’s love for his country.

Moulvi Ahmadullah Shah Fyzabadi

Moulvi Ahmadullah Shah Fyzabadi created panic among the British camps. In the First War of Indian Independence of 1857, he fought against the forces of East India Company and registered several victories over them.

Sheikh Bikhari Saheb

Sheikh Bikhari Saheb raged against General Dalhousee’s ‘Doctrine of Lapse’ whose sole objective was to expand the British empire. He stood in support of the freedom loving native rulers and fought against the foreign rulers.

Azimullah Khan

Azimullah Khan was renowned as a strategist in the First War of Independence, 1857.

He retreated to the forests of Nepal along with Nana Saheb, Hazarat Mahal and others, when the First War of Independence had faced the situation of near defeat. Azimullah Khan passed away in October 1859, while making efforts to secure financial and military support to fight back against the British.

Mohammad Bakht Khan

Mohammad Bakht Khan provided leadership to the heroes and heroines of The First War of Independence of India of 1857 against the forces of the East India Company, by taking up the responsibility of Commander-in-Chief.

He streamlined the troops after his appointment as the Commander-in-Chief by the Mughal Emperor, Bahadur Shah Zafar.

Khan Bahadur Khan

Khan Bahadur Khan, the ruler of Rohilkhand, fought against the British to liberate the motherland.

Declining a very high official post offered by the East India Company, Khan Bahadur Khan revolted against the British at the age of 70. He declared Independence at Bareilly, the capital of Rohilkhand on 31 May, 1857.

Bahadur Shah Zafar

Bahadur Shah Zafar, the last Moghul Emperor, led the First War of Independence, which was recognized in history as the symbol of anger among the people of India against the British.

He breathed his last in jail on 7 November 1862.

Mohammad Sher Ali

Mohammad Sher Ali, an embodiment of anti-British spirit , was born in 1842 at Peshawar, presently in Pakistan. He was inspired by the Wahabi movement that arose against the British in his younger age. His family migrated to Ambala from Peshawar in 1863. He was sentenced to death on 2 April, 1868.

Begum Hazrat Mahal

Begum Hazrat Mahal was a prominent woman of the 1857 rebellion. There was a fierce battle between the Company troops and the Begum troops. When defeat became inevitable, Begum Hazrat Mahal retreated to the Nepal forests along with the co-revolutionary leaders like Nana Sahib Peshwa and others.

Begum Hazarath Mahal struggled for the independence of her state till her last breath. She passed away at Kathmandu of Nepal on 7 April 1879.

Moulvi Syed Allavuddin

Moulvi Syed Allavuddin was a spiritual leader. He used to exhort people of Nizam State, one of the strongest princely states of South India, to rebel against the British hegemony. He stood in the forefront of the direct fight against the British Government.

He was a native of Hyderabad, the capital of erstwhile Nizam princely state. Allavuddin intensified his rebellious activities soon after the First war of Independence of India was started in 1857.

British forces arrested and sent Moulvi Allavuddin to the cellular jail in Andaman on 28 June 1859. After leading a miserable life of 25 years as a prisoner, Moulvi Syed Allavuddin passed away in 1884.

On the occasion of Independence Day, all Indians need to pay tribute to all the freedom fighters who took part in the Indian freedom struggle.

source: http://www.siasat.com / The Siasat Daily / Home> News> India / by Sameer Khan / August 15th, 2023