Monthly Archives: August 2018

Hanan donates Rs.1.5 lakh she got as support to flood relief fund

KERALA :

Hanan Hamid
Hanan Hamid

19-year-old student donates 1.5 lakh she had received as aid

Hanan, the 19-year-old girl from Kerala who was recently both appreciated and trolled on the social media for posting photographs of her life’s challenges, has donated ₹1.5 lakh for flood relief in the State.

Hanan, who received ₹1.5 lakhs from well-wishers after a photograph of her selling fish to support her family and fund her education went viral, said: “The people of the State had turned up to help me when I told my story. These were donations from ordinary people, from ₹50 to ₹1,000 or more that came into my account, making it ₹1.5 lakh. In this time of crisis, I want to give it back to them who had sent their love through money.” .

Hanan transferred the amount to the Chief Minister’s Disaster Relief Fund on Saturday. “We had been trying to transfer the funds for the past two days, but could not do it due to network issues. Today we went to the bank and got it done”.

When asked about how she would restart her small business, Hanan said she would wait till the crisis was over. “Across the State, people have to rebuild their lives after this disaster. I would too.”

source: http://www.thehindu.com / The Hindu / Home> News> National / by Staff Reporter / Kochi – August 18th, 2018

Young Muslim women fight to control their own stories in Ghazala Jamil’s new book

NEW DELHI :

In ‘Muslim Women Speak: Of Dreams and Shackles‘, activist-scholar Jamil tries to find these women’s real voices, instead of just presenting them as victims.

Fatima reads her Quran when her alcoholic father goes out for his daily jaunt. In public, the 15-year-old ‘woman’ can always be seen clad in a burqa. Does that make Fatima a devout Muslim or a victim first? She regrets having to drop out of school and take on the extra job of zari making. She quarrels with her mother about it. Is that a suggestion of Fatima’s latent feminism?

Ghazala Jamil’s analytically robust account of Muslim women is infused with voices of young women wrestling with Jamil across various workshops. They are trying to gain control over the narrative of their own lives from the oppressive and hegemonic stereotypes of women as victims. Worse even, the notion that Muslim women are victims of a special kind.

Chiselled over 10 chapters, the development worker, activist and scholar in Ghazala Jamil together fight her battles with scholarship on multiple fronts. As the cover from Baaraan Ijlal’s installation Birdbox suggests, the project tries to uncover and unshackle young Muslim women in discovering their real voices aside from their popular representation of them as victims.

First, Jamil takes on Indian feminists. She criticises their inability to imagine the experience of womanhood in the grips of minoritisation and marginality. By imposing an imaginary ‘universality’, they subsume religious, sensual, intolerant, para-civilised and violent specificities, to conceptualise an ‘Indian sisterhood’. Such broadstroke feminism, she observes, subsequently fails to account for communally charged alienation of Muslims in India.

From there, she directs her attention to methodological failures in academia, journalism and activism. They continually subject Muslims to quantitative enquiries, failing to unravel the qualitative complexities and multiplicities of Muslim lives. This is evident in the obvious lack of theoretical insights into Muslim lives.

This, she charges, is symptomatic of a global malady that tends to imagine Muslims worldwide as a singular category, indolently conflating religion with civilization.

Further, she tries to situate her work on intimate aspirations by trying to tease out a backdrop of national imaginary that forms an alternative to western imperialism. Following Gopal Guru’s arguments, Ghazala Jamil goes on to assert that theory making is a social responsibility. It restores agency to those deemed powerless and therefore is emancipatory, transformative and a political project in articulating an identity.

Jamil disavows the very notion of authentic knowledge and instead chooses to take recourse to Donna Haraway’s “situated knowledge”. She argues that the “worth of being an insider or outsider may be judged in its ability to deliver”. Thus, she adopts a novel method of engaging in workshops with her interlocutors where they play an active part in generating knowledge about their own lives.

In doing so, Jamila manages to excavate her interlocutors’ views on what they imagine as taking action or acts of agency. Within such a field of agency, silence, hesitation, tears and inaction begin to speak as loud as words do. She exposes her readers to a world of experience beyond words; adding rich denseness of experiences or marginality.

It is from this vantage point that Ghazala Jamil begins to delve into the dreams and aspirations, the shame and humiliation of young Muslim women in India. For instance, criticising quantitative studies that reduce aspirations to solely that of socio-economic status, Jamil attempts to broaden the horizon of aspirations to include educational status and career goals of young Muslim women.

The study also goes on to examine the simultaneously impeding and encouraging influence of faith and family attitude, gender roles, intimate relationships, socio-cultural and political milestones on aspirations of these young women.

Yet the cumulative effect of communalism and poverty infected patriarchy is that daughters often tend to grow up motherless. They seek motherly affection and protection in their marriages. This often does not fructify under the effect of communal violence that collides into their lives long after an incident itself.

Arpita Phukan Biswas holds a Ph.D. in Sociology from the Indian Institute of Technology-Bombay.

source: http://www.theprint.in / The Print / Home> Page Turner> Afterword / by Arpita Phukan Biswas / August 12th, 2018

19th century Nizami cuisine to make a comeback

Hyderabad, TELANGANA :

Come Ramzan and the Siasat daily plans to publish a list of 680 formulae used by the royal kitchenette of the 6 Nizam, Mir Mahboob Ali Khan

BiriyaniMPOs16aug2018

The world knows them for fabulous jewels and splendid palaces. But not many know that the erstwhile Hyderabad rulers had a weakness for a rich diet as well.

Sample this: Biryani Dulhan, Yeqni Palou Shirazi, Khorma Murgh, Qhalia Chamkura, Kabab Gul Khatai. A ‘shahi’ spread any which way. If your mouth is doing a tango, you are not to be blamed.

Now, one can try out these dishes. Urdu daily Siasat has stumbled upon a dog-eared copy containing a list of 680 formulae used by the royal kitchenette of the 6 Nizam, Mir Mahboob Ali Khan (1866 – 1911). The newspaper plans to publish the recipes in Urdu and English on art paper shortly.

The book, titled Matbaqe Asafia, is expected to hit the market in the next two months.

“It will be in time for Ramzan, the month of fasting,” Siasat’s Editor Zahed Ali Khan says.

Tell me what you eat and I will tell you what you are. A look at the recipes and the ingredients that go into making these sumptuous dishes give an inkling of the royal taste — cuisine that is never clichéd. Every formula differs from the other in the set of instructions and ingredients.

The ‘Khwan Nemat-e-Asafia’ lists 15 different types of biryanis such as Biryani Rumi, Biryani Mahboobi, Biryani Nargis, Biryani Hazar Afreen. As the name suggests, the ‘Dulhan Biryani’ is highly decorated with a fried banana in covering of ‘warq’ (silver foil).

Besides, there are 18 kinds of pulav, 16 of khichidi, 48 of do-pyaza, 21 variants of khorma, 45 of kabab and 29 types of naan. Besides, there are 25 varieties of chutneys (condiments) and 33 types of achaar. Apart from an assortment of spices and dry fruits, the ingredients also include a generous sprinkle of perfumes and sandal.

Piece of advice

But some of the formulas could be a recipe for sickness, given the heavy doze of ‘pure ghee’ suggested. There are also some recipes, which, if tried now could land one in trouble. For instance, the book contains formulas for cooking animals which now attract provisions of the Wildlife Act.

“But we don’t propose to include such recipes since they are banned now”, Mr. Khan says.

So gourmets, get ready for a royal repast.

source: http://www.thehindu.com / The Hindu / Home> News> Cities> Hyderabad / by J.S. Ifthekhar / Hyderabad – May 13th, 2013

The forgotten  frontier

Imphal, MANIPUR /  Kohima , NAGALAND   :

India’s contribution to the Allied war effort is nowhere more evident than in Britain’s greatest battle, fought in Imphal and Kohima

War veteran L. Achung Kom. Photo: Ratan Luwang/Mint
War veteran L. Achung Kom. Photo: Ratan Luwang/Mint

Sitting in a wooden chair on the verandah of his Manipur village home, 91-year-old Nehkhosong Singsit (Nehkhosong Kuki, according to army records) wasn’t expecting visitors when we walked in unannounced through the front gate, past a small lawn, and stood in front of his cheerful, sloping-roofed house.

As his daughter helps her father into a shirt, Singsit’s son, Paogin, a retired bank employee, narrates the fascination his father had for the army uniform; as a 19-year-old, Singsit enrolled in the British-commanded Assam Regiment in 1943.

Other than the need to earn a living, the promise of owning an army uniform was the prime motivation when army recruiters came prospecting to their village at the height of World War II. “Back then, people of our Kuki tribe would wear scanty clothes and my father felt a natural attraction for the army uniform. It stood out for him,” says Paogin.

Singsit would soon be called to action on the battle front when the British-led Allied forces faced a seemingly indomitable enemy in the Imperial Japanese army that was waiting to overrun Allied-held positions in Manipur and beyond.

Nehkhosong Singsit. Photo: Shamik Bag/Mint
Nehkhosong Singsit. Photo: Shamik Bag/Mint

As a sepoy, Singsit’s brief was to provide security to the British colonel who led the regiment of primarily Indian soldiers when the Japanese offensive began on 8 March 1944. The Japanese firing was relentless, and one of the bullets found its mark in his dear friend, sepoy Vaiphei. The Japanese began using his body as a shield, firing from behind him—a ploy that Singsit felt was both tactical as well as psychological.

“I saw my friend’s dead body getting ravaged by bullets. The disrespect shown to the dead was shocking,” says Singsit, his voice firm, though his body is now bent over by age. “The other motive of the Japanese was to demoralize us by exhibiting the dead body of someone belonging to our own land.”

In later months, after the Allied forces scored a hard-fought, decisive victory, Singsit would be charmed by Japanese prisoners of war held at Meiktila in Burma (now Myanmar) doing pencil-sketch portraits of his colleagues and him for an extra roti or bidi. War, he found out, can also be about conflicting emotions.

In the early 1940s in Manipur, a princely state yet to merge with an India then under British rule, the issue of land, and sense of belonging, was often defined ethnically by the locals.

Following his honourable discharge from the army in 1949, Singsit preserved the uniform as a treasured memorabilia of the “fierce” three months between March and July 1944, when the Allied forces clashed with the Japanese. But he had to burn the same uniform voluntarily a couple of decades later.

A violent anti-India secessionist movement led by the Mizo National Front (MNF) was brewing in neighbouring Mizoram in the mid-1960s and Mizo underground military recruiters often visited Manipur villages dominated by Kukis, with whom they shared a close bond. “The Indian Army had a strong presence in our area. I was afraid that if they raided my home and found the uniform they might have misunderstood me for a Mizo militant. I felt extremely sad burning the uniform, but the Indian Army personnel didn’t know, nor would they have cared about my role as an Indian soldier in World War II,” says Singsit.

Epic scale

Forty kilometres from Imphal, Singsit’s rural home is a short drive off what some refer to as “The Road of Bones”. Beyond the insistent beauty of the land of cloud-collected hills, meandering rivers and green fields, is the sobering backdrop of the dead. Around and away from the 138km stretch of road from Imphal in Manipur to Kohima in Nagaland is where around 70,000 soldiers and civilians committed their lives to the cause of world domination over those three tragic months. The battles fought in the tough terrain of Manipur and Nagaland and spread over a 600-mile (around 965km) area have since been recognized as among the biggest—and bloodiest—battles fought by Indian forces.

Seventy years on, when diplomats and participants from Britain, Japan, the US, Australia and India gathered in Imphal on 28 June to commemorate the Battle of Imphal/Kohima—declared in 2013 as Britain’s greatest battle by the country’s National Army Museum, over other notable battles like Waterloo and D Day/Normandy—the memory of the dead, and a prayer for peace, hung like a veil over the proceedings.

Y. Kawamura at the India Peace Memorial in Red Hill, Manipur. Photo: Ratan Luwang/Mint
Y. Kawamura at the India Peace Memorial in Red Hill, Manipur. Photo: Ratan Luwang/Mint

Delegate followed delegate in remembering the thousands who lie interred at multiple cemeteries in the region, including those maintained by the Commonwealth War Graves Commission (CWGC) in Imphal and Kohima. In just two cemeteries in the two cities, over 2,500 Indian soldiers are named; many more lie in cemeteries and memorials spread across the region.

Y. Kawamura at the India Peace Memorial in Red Hill, Manipur

While Scott Furssedonn Wood , the British deputy high commissioner in Kolkata, spoke about the “epic” scale of the battle where 200,000 soldiers and airmen from Japan, Britain, India, the US, Australia, New Zealand, Africa and Canada fought in harsh conditions, others, like Kolkata-based US consul-general Helen LaFave, brought up the issue of missing American soldiers and the continuing search for them. Y. Kawamura, charge de’affairs and minister and deputy chief of mission, embassy of Japan, spoke of eternal peace.

At the extreme end of ferocity, Japanese and Allied troops engaged in almost hand-to-hand combat in the Battle of the Tennis Court, fought around the strategically positioned deputy commissioner’s bungalow in Kohima. The Battle of Kohima saw 4,064 British and Indian casualties, according to the CWGC.

In Manipur, casualty-heavy battles were fought at Nungshigum, where three squadrons of the Royal Indian Air Force supported artillery operations to flush out the Japanese; at Kanglatongbi, where a vastly outnumbered Allied unit held out determinedly against the enemy’s design to capture a supply depot; and at Sangshak, where, from 21-26 March 1944, the first battle of World War II was fought on Indian soil. The six-day battle saw the 2nd and 3rd Guerrilla Regiments of the Indian National Army (INA) fighting alongside the Japanese.

The Japanese army was known for its ruthlessness and innovative ways of thwarting the enemy, like mimicking bird calls and creating tools that relentlessly sent out the rat-tat-tat sound of machine-gun fire. “Often (Japanese) soldiers stood out in the open with their guns with total disregard to their own safety,” writes Arambam Angamba Singh, co-convener of the 70th anniversary of the Battle of Imphal event, in the official souvenir.

While a Reuters report on the Battle of Imphal/Kohima topping 2013’s Britain’s Greatest Battles poll describes the country’s forces in the World War II campaign spread over North-East India and Burma as what many consider “The Forgotten Army”, similar opinions have been voiced in India on the collective amnesia regarding the Indian contribution to the Allied war effort.

This is nowhere more apparent than in the list of surviving Manipuri World War II veterans maintained by the state’s Rajya Sainik Board, under the Union ministry of defence. The list reveals 626 Manipuri (mainly Kuki tribesmen) World War II survivor-soldiers right after the war ended in 1945; 17 are living. The Manipur state government led by chief minister Okram Ibobi Singh actively associated with the high-profile, 28 June commemorative event in Imphal, and officials of the co-organizer, Manipur Tourism Forum, expressed hope of benefiting from “war tourism”. But none of the Manipuri World War II veterans have reportedly received any pension or honorarium from the state government, though other states have done so, according to the secretary of the Sainik Board.

Seated across a small wooden table on the balcony of the Sainik Board office in Imphal, the secretary, retired army officer Sarat Singh, maintains a World War II dossier and deals with the daily travails facing the elderly war veterans and, more often, their widows. Many, it is reported, died in penury. On the day we meet, the secretary had shot off yet another letter to the Manipur government requesting the release of the monthly honorarium suggested by the Union government. “The state government is not law-bound to pay and it’s entirely up to them,” he says.

Since many of the Indian Allied forces personnel were recruited specifically to serve on the battle front during World War II, and were discharged after the war ended and they were no longer required, they were denied a pension. When the British too left India, the war veterans, especially in Manipur, remained beyond the pale of public consciousness and the state exchequer.

Yet there were stellar performances in the war theatre. Squadron leader K.K. Majumdar successfully flew the first bombing mission solo in Burma’s Toungoo, becoming the first Indian officer to receive a coveted award in World War II. In Imphal in May 1944, a message from Air Marshal Sir John Baldwin commended: “For the first time in India’s history, squadrons of fighters and dive bombers manned by Indian pilots have operated in strength against the enemy.”  Abdul Hafiz, a Jemadar with the 9th Jat Regiment, posthumously won a Victoria Cross—Britain’s highest gallantry award—for his heroism in the Imphal battle.

Rows of graves of Indian Muslim casualties and lines of inscriptions on pillars with the names of Indian soldiers who were cremated mark the gracefully maintained World War II cemeteries at places like Imphal and Keithelmanbi, stark testimony to the price paid. “I’m hoping still that the government will compensate the World War II veterans for their role,” says Singh.

Nobody’s men

At 95, Khupkolam Vaiphei knows he does not have much time left.

Khupkolam Vaiphei, 95, a former sepoy of the Assam Regiment who fought in the Battle of Imphal/Kohima. He lives in a village in Manipur’s Senapati district. Photo. Shamik Bag/Mint
Khupkolam Vaiphei, 95, a former sepoy of the Assam Regiment who fought in the Battle of Imphal/Kohima. He lives in a village in Manipur’s Senapati district. Photo. Shamik Bag/Mint

Hard of hearing, the former sepoy of the Assam Regiment who was on the frontlines during a vicious battle against the Japanese forces in Manipur’s Jessami village, bristles with indignation when recounting the indifference displayed by successive political establishments. “During World War II, Indian public and leaders protested against the use of Indian Army personnel in the British war effort and demanded an assurance from the British that India will be given independence if we assisted in the war. Yet we have not received a single rupee since our discharge. We fought for the British, but did we not play a role for India?” he wonders aloud, his deep baritone resonating across the tin-roofed outer room of his house, atop a small hillock in Senapati district’s Phovaibi village.

Back then, Vaiphei’s emotions too were defined by the codes of Kuki community living. His weary, creased countenance seems to age a hint more when he remembers the night—after three whole days in trenches against non-stop Japanese firing—his closest childhood friend and fellow trooper, Lalneilam, was killed in a sniper attack. “From having our food to answering nature’s call, we did everything inside the trenches, such was the Japanese firepower. Lalneilam, though, went out but never returned.”

After over two gruelling months of fighting back, the Japanese started retreating. Vaiphei was among those who followed the enemy, wanting to push them back to Burma, from where they had come. On one occasion, they came across a bunker with Japanese soldiers inside. Two were captured. They had been holding two young Naga Angami girls hostage to serve them. While the British leader of Vaiphei’s battalion wanted to keep the two Japanese alive as prisoners of war, two Naga soldiers defied orders and killed them with their bayonets. “They couldn’t tolerate the insult and dishonour that their Naga sisters went through,” says Vaiphei.

The two arms of the 14th Army during the Battle of Imphal/Kohima. Photo: Wikimedia Commons
The two arms of the 14th Army during the Battle of Imphal/Kohima. Photo: Wikimedia Commons

This British victory was particularly significant because it was the first time the Japanese army faced defeat, says Hugo Slim , author and leading scholar at the Oxford Institute for Ethics, Law and Armed Conflict, University of Oxford, UK. He is the grandson of the much-feted Lieutenant General William Slim of the British 14th Army, which led the Allied counter-attack. “The Japanese were a brilliant army and considered invincible,” Slim adds on the sidelines of the Imphal commemoration, co-organized by the 2nd WW Imphal Campaign Foundation, which hosts excavation and trekking tours across Manipur’s known World War II battlegrounds. “This battle stopped the Japanese advance across Asia. The two empires clashed and soon afterwards the empires disappeared. It was a very long and complicated battle against an enemy that wouldn’t surrender and had to be fought till death,” Slim says.

Yet the Japanese campaign against British India, known as the U-go Operation and often viewed as a critical misadventure by the infamous commanding officer, Lieutenant General Renya Mutaguchi , had its share of Indian supporters. The small Manipur town of Moirang is one area where the Netaji  Subhas Chandra Bose -led Azad Hind Fauj, or the Indian National Army (INA), backed by the Japanese army, set up a “liberated zone” within British-occupied India, hoisting the INA flag during the thick of the Japanese campaign on 14 April 1944.

As in many other conflict zones in Manipur and Nagaland, a little digging has turned up wartime effects like mortars, rifles, helmets and bullets in Moirang. The INA Museum here is a treasure trove for war enthusiasts. Some glass cases display Japanese and British grenades and bullets side by side, neutralized in the academic air of the museum.

L. Ibomcha. Ratan Luwang/Mint
L. Ibomcha. Ratan Luwang/Mint

Ninety-six-year-old L. lbomcha, a former deputy speaker of the Manipur assembly, was a supporter of the INA and, by extension, its collaborators, the Japanese army. Age has slurred his speech but it has not impaired his memory. As we gather in the drawing room of Ibomcha’s Moirang home, he says: “For three months Moirang was a peaceful and happy town under INA and Japanese occupation. I mobilized people and collected money and rations for the soldiers. Moirang got a taste of freedom three years before the rest of India,” he narrates.

A little away from Moirang, in the hilly village of Kom Keirap, L. Achung Kom, a villager who looks younger than the mid-90s he says his age is, waited expectantly for Japanese representatives at the Imphal event to grace his home. He looks a little dejected when we alight from our car.

As someone who had assisted the Japanese in 1944, he had, earlier in the day, greeted Kawamura in Japanese when the latter visited Red Hill, the site of a bloody face-off about 20km from Imphal. With both sides launching a vigorous air campaign, 1944 was the first time that Kom saw an aircraft flying over paddy fields.

“This year’s commemoration brought the memories back to the Manipuri psyche and the changes it made to Manipuri society. It catapulted Manipur from a 19th century civilization to a 20th century state,” Manipur governor V.K. Duggal  says.

Kom aided the Japanese campaign, ferrying goods and procuring rations and local liquor for the military men. Till some years back, his kitchen still had half a mortar, used to grind food—it was taken away by local authorities. While he remembers the Japanese fondly as people who would keep their gaze down when local women passed by, he is not as enthusiastic recollecting a role he had to play. Digging graves, says Kom, was hard work. “Besides, I didn’t like the presence of the dead,” he adds.

In the battle-scarred plains and hill tracts of Manipur, the dead are buried deep but the mine of memories is just a scratch away.

source: http://www.livemint.com / Live Mint / Home> Leisure / by Shamik Bag / July 05th, 2014

Remembering Maulana Hasrat Mohani: A Celebration Of The Diverse And Secular Culture Of India

Mohan, UTTAR PRADESH :

His poetry reflected his passionate love for his country and his goal of total freedom from the British rule.

B.R. Ambedkar with Maulana Hasrat Mohani at Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel’s reception in 1949.
B.R. Ambedkar with Maulana Hasrat Mohani at Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel’s reception in 1949.

On our 72nd Independence day, let us remember the freedom fighter, revolutionary, the poet, the maulana, and the Krishna bhakt: Maulana Hasrat Mohani and celebrate the diversity of India in all its glory.

If the African-American Civil Rights Movement in the United States was fuelled by ‘We shall overcome’, in India that honour would go to ‘Inqilaab Zindabad’ coined by Hasrat Mohani (1875 – 1951). It became the chant of Indian revolutionaries.

Though Mohani is remembered today for his romantic ghazal Chupke chupke raat din, his poetry reflected his passionate love for his country and his goal of total freedom from the British rule. He along with Ram Prasad Bismil got the proposal for Poorna Swaraj (complete Independence) accepted by the Indian National Congress in 1921.

Rasm e jafa kaamyaab dekhiye kab tak rahe,
Hubb e watan mast e khwaab dekhiye kab tak rahe,
Daulat e Hindostan qabzah e aghyar mein
Be adad o be hisaab dekhiye kab tak rahe!

(How long will tyranny succeed, let us see
Till when will freedom be a dream*, let us see
Hindustan’s riches are in the clutches of plunderers
Till When will this continue, let us see.)
[*dream here alludes to awakening of Indians from their slumber]

Maulana Hasrat Mohani was a very complex but extremely interesting personality. He was born in a zamindar family in Mohan near Unnao (Uttar Pradesh) in 1875, and was named Fazlul Hasan. ‘Hasrat’ (longing) was his nom de plume or ‘takhallus’ and Mohani as he hailed from the village Mohan. His early education was in his village and he matriculated from Government High School, Fatehpur. He went on to join the Mohammedan Anglo Oriental College, Aligarh (now Aligarh Muslim University).

Hasrat Mohani was a very active participant in the freedom struggle and was jailed many times. A lot of his poetry is composed during his imprisonment.

Hasrat Mohan was an ardent supporter of Bal Gangadhar Tilak and when he died, the poet penned these lines:

Jab tak wo rahe dunyaa meN raha ham sab ke diloN par zor unka

ab rah ke bahisht meN nizd-i-khuda huro’N pe kareNge raj Tilak –

(As long as he stayed in this world he ruled our hearts

Now in Paradise, closer to God, the houris will be his court.)

Although Hasrat was a romantic poet, he was an active member of the Indian NationalCongress, the Muslim League and the Communist Party of India.

One of his popular verses is:

Gandhi ki tarah baith ke kaate’nge kyun charkh

Lenin ki tarah de’nge duniya ko hila hum

Why should we sit and spin yarn on the ‘charkha’

Like Lenin we will shake the world.

The revolutionary was also a romantic poet and today no ghazal mehfil is complete without a rendition of his evergreen couplet:

“Chupke Chupke raat din aansoo bahana yaad hai

Ham ko ab tak aashiqii kaa vo zamaanaa yaad hai”

(Shedding tears in silence, day and night, I remember

Those days of being in love, I still remember.)

His appeal across nations can be judged from these two stamps by India and Pakistan.

We often talk about his role in the Independence Movement, and his romantic ghazals but rarely do we talk of his devotion to Shri Krishna. According to Prof C.M. Naim, he wrote his first poem on Krishna in Urdu, when he was in Pune during Janmashthami in 1923.

Hasrat Mohani also wrote many verses in praise of Shri Krishna in Bhasha. He visited Brindaban as many times as he went for Hajj to Mecca (11 times) such was his devotion to Shri Krishna.

So while on the one hand, he wrote:

Mose cheR karat nandlāl

lie Thāre abīr gulāl

DhīTh bha’ī jin kī barjorī

auran par rang Dāl-Dāl

ham-huN jo de’ī lipTā’e-ke Hasrat

sārī ye chalbal nikāl

Nandlal keeps teasing me without end;

There he lurks, ready to pour colors on me.

Having safely sprayed others so many times,

He is now set in his bullying ways.

But what if I should embrace him, Hasrat,

Then squeeze him dry of his fancy tricks?

( verse and translation C M Naim’s article ‘the Maulana who loved Krishna )

On the other hand, he wrote innumerable naats and munajats in praise of Prophet Mohammed.

Khyaal e yaar ko dil se mita do Yaa Rasool Allah

Khird ko apna diwaana bana do Yaa Rasool Allah

Remove all thoughts of any other than you O Allah’s Prophet

Make my intellect, crazy for you O Allah’s Prophet

(The answer can be found in his Sufi leaning and learning. Sufism is the path of Bhakti, which has bound Hindus and Muslims together in a syncretic culture, which we call Ganga Jamuni.)

He was a disciple of Hazrat Shah Abdur Razzaq Farangi Mahalli in the Qadria Sufi Order. Sufism believes in losing oneself in the Beloved to achieve salvation and the love of Radha Krishna is a beautiful example of the same.

We can find the answer in the “Iintroductory note to Divan 7) where he refers to the god Krishna as Hazrat Srī Krishna ‘Alaihi-Rahma and claims that in doing so he is follow- ing the path of his spiritual mentors, particularly Hazrat Sayyad Abdur Razzaq Bansawi, whom he mentions.”

Hasrat’s poetry written near Makkah for pilgrimage:

ek khalish hoti hai mehsoos rag o jaan ke qareeb

Aan pahunche hai magar manzil e jaana’n ke qareeb

(A strange pain near my jugular vein I can feel

I have reached my destination near my Beloved)

The music we hear comes from one source, it’s just that we are unable to hear beyond the first few notes. Let’s pause and listen today. To my heart, to your heart and our beloved nation’s heart. I am sure they all want the same thing: peace, prosperity and glory of our great nation where we can live without fear and hatred.

Rana Safvi is an author, historian, blogger and is engaged in documenting of India’s Syncretic past. 

source: http://www.newscentral24x7.com / News Central 24×7 / Home / by Rana Safvi / August 15th, 2018

JK Police pays tribute to Martyr Parvaiz Ahmad, killed in Batamaloo encounter

JAMMU & KASHMIR :

MartyrMPOs15aug2018

Srinagar, (Scoop News) :

Wreath laying ceremony for martyr Parvaiz Ahmad son of Mohammad Abbas, resident of village Dandote Tehsil Budhal District Rajouri held at DPL Srinagar. Senior Civil and Police officers paid rich tributes to the martyr and laid floral wreaths on the mortal remains for his supreme sacrifice made in the line of duty, today at Batamaloo Srinagar.

Officers who attended the wreath laying ceremony include DGP Prisons, ADGP Armed J&K, Director Vigilance J&K, ADGP CID J&K, ADGP Security/L&O/HG, IG CRPF Ops, Joint Director IB J&K, IG BSF Frt Hqr, Div com Kashmir, IGP Armed Kashmir, IGP Kashmir, Addl Commissioner, IG CRPF Srinagar, BGS OPS 15 Corps, DIG CKR Srinagar, DIG SSB Kashmir/ITBP Srinagar, DC Srinagar, SSP Srinagar, SP PC Srinagar, Commandant IRP 6th Bn, SSP APCR Srinagar and other officers and Jawans.

source: http://www.scoopnews.in / Scoop News / Home> News Details / Srinagar – August 12th, 2018

Owaisi’s AIMIM wins 03 seats in Jalgaon Municipal 2018 polls while Cong, NCP draw blank

Jalgaon, MAHARASHTRA :

OwaisiMPOs13aug2018

Jalgaon Municipal Corporation Election Results Live: 

In a surprising comeback after recent defeats in Nanded Municipal Corporation and other elections, Asaduddin Owaisi’s All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) won 03 seats in Jalgaon Municipal Corporation (JMC) 2018 elections results of which were declared today afternoon.

AIMIM’s victory in 2018 Jalgaon Municipal Corporation (JMC) elections is significant as the Congress, Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) and Samajwadi Party (SP) have completely wiped off from the Jalgaon civic body while Shiv Sena somehow won just 15 seats.

It was the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) Tsunami in Jalgaon which ended more than 40 years dominance of Sureshdada Jain. The Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) which had just 15 members in the last boday has come out with a spectacular performance by winning 57 of the total 75 seats of Jalgaon Municipal Corporation (JMC).

Besides AIMIM which had fielded Muslims in the areas dominated by Muslims, the BJP had also fielded Muslim candidates in these areas for the 2018 Jalgaon elections. With some of the Muslims winning the 2018 Jalgaon elections on BJP tickets, the number of Muslims in Jalgaon Municipal Corporation (JMC) is bound to improve.

In the run-up to the Jalgaon Elections, AIMIM MLAs Imtiyaz Jaleel and Waris Pathan had camped in the city while Asaduddin Owaisi addressed rallies in the last leg of campaigning. As usual Asaduddin Owaisi’s election rallies in Jalgaon attracted good crowd which has also converted in votes.

The AIMIM had fielded 06 candidates in Jalgaon. Out of them 03 have won. They are Bagban Riyaz Ahmed Abdul Kareem, Deshmukh Sunnabi Raju and Shaikh Syeda Yusuf.

Live Updates

02:45 pm The Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) which had just 15 members in the last boday has come out with a spectacular performance by leading in 57 of the total 75 seats of Jalgaon Municipal Corporation (JMC) where counting of votes for the 2018 local body elections is still underway.

The BJP led by Girish Mahajan and Shiv Sena led by Sureshdada Jain have formed a pre-poll alliance for the 2018 Jalgaon elections. Trends at 02:45 pm showed the BJP leading in 57 seats whereas its alliance partner Shiv Sena is ahead in 15 seats. Others are leading in the remaining 03 seats.

Facing a humiliating defeat in the elections, none of the Congres, NCP, SP and Asaduddin Owaisi’s AIMIM candidates are in the race anywhere in the city.

12:00 pm The BJP led by Girish Mahajan and Shiv Sena led by Sureshdada Jain have formed a pre-poll alliance for the 2018 Jalgaon elections. Trends at 12:00 pm showed the BJP leading in 57 seats whereas its alliance partner Shiv Sena is ahead in 14 seats.

11:30 am The Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena are heading for a landslide victory in Jalgaon where counting of votes for 2018 Jalgaon Municipal elections is still underway.

The BJP led by Girish Mahajan and Shiv Sena led by Sureshdada Jain have formed a pre-poll alliance for the 2018 Jalgaon elections. Trends at 11:30 am showed the BJP leading in 31 seats whereas its alliance partner Shiv Sena is ahead in 23 seats.

10:45 am The Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena are leading in 03 seats each in Jalgaon where counting of votes for the 2018 Jalgaon Municipal Corporation (JMC) elections is still underway.

10:10 am Counting of votes in Jalgaon where polling to elect new body of the Jalgaon Municipal Corporation (JMC) was held on Wednesday has started today morning at 10:00 am amid tight security.

Poll officers had earlier said that counting of votes will be done in Jalgaon to count votes in 19 prabhags comprising of 75 members. The process started with counting of Postal Ballots, if any. After this, votes registered in Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) are being counted.

08:45 am Counting of votes in Jalgaon where polling to elect new body of the Jalgaon Municipal Corporation (JMC) was held on Wednesday will start today i.e. Friday August 03, 2018 at 10:00 am, State Election Commission officials said.

Poll officers said counting of votes will start in Jalgaon to count votes in 19 prabhags comprising of 75 members. The process will start with counting of Postal Ballots, if any. After this, votes registered in Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) will be counted.

08:00 am Voting ended on Wednesday August 01 in Jalgaon which registered a polling percentage of somewhere near 57 percent, election officials said adding that the actual figure is yet to be calculated.

Polling was held on Wednesday in 19 prabhags of 75-member Jalgaon Municipal Corporation (JMC) in North Maharashtra. Last time the city had registered 63 per cent voting, an official said. TheJalgaon Civic Body is currently ruled by Khandesh Vikas Aghadi.

In the 2018 Jalgaon Municipal Corporation (JMC) elections, Surshdada Jain’s Khandesh Vikas Aghadi has formed an alliance with the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP). Jain is contesting the 2018 Jalgaon Municipal electiosn on Shiv Sena symbol.

The BJP, which is ruling in Maharashtra, is contesting the Jalgaon Maha Nagar Palika elections 2018 under the leadership of Water Resources Minister Girish Mahajan instead of Eknath Khadse. Jalgaon is the stronghold of Khadse. But he was asked to resign from the Fadnavis cabinet after allegations of graft. Since then his relationship with the BJP leadership is not in good terms.

Besides, BJP, Shiv Sena, NCP and Congress, Assaduddin Owaisi’s All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) is also contesting Jalgaon Municipal Election 2018. AIMIM Cheif Asaduddin Owaisi and party MLAs Imtiyaz Jaleel and Waris Pathan have extensively campaigned for the AIMIM candidadtes. The AIMIM has fielded 06 candidates in mostly Muslim pockets of Jalgaon.

Samajwadi Party (SP) of Abu Asim Azmi which could not win any seat in the last election has again fielded its candidate in the 2018 polls. The SP candidates are contesting in 06 wards of the city.

While Congress and NCP have formed pre-poll alliance, AIMIM and SP are contesting the Jalgaon local body election separately.

According to the State Election Commission, a total of 303 candidates from different parties, including a good number of independents, are contesting the 2018 Jalgaon Municipal Corporation (JMC) elections. There are 3,65,072 registered voters in Jalgaon.

Khandesh Vikas Aghadi of local stalwart Sureshdada Jain had won 33 seats in the Septmber 2013 elections. The Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) had won 15 seats, Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) had won 12 seats and the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) had won 11 seats. The Congress and Samajwadi Party (SP) had also contested the last election. But they could not win any seat.

source: http://www.ummid.com / Ummid.com / Home> India / by Ummid.com News Network / August 03rd, 2018

Deccan papers throw light on Aurangzeb rule

Hyderabad, TELANGANA :

The king’s notes: The Yaddasht-i-Ahkam-i-Muqaddas with Aurangzeb’s imperial instructions. | Photo Credit: G. Ramakrishna
The king’s notes: The Yaddasht-i-Ahkam-i-Muqaddas with Aurangzeb’s imperial instructions. | Photo Credit: G. Ramakrishna

1.5 lakh indelible ink documents preserved in Hyderabad

Think Mughals and you think of Delhi and Agra. But few know that it is Hyderabad that houses the largest collection of written communications of their reign.

The Telangana Archives and Research Institute holds a whopping 1.55 lakh documents — all on handmade paper — including 5,000 from the period of Shah Jahan (1628-1658) and another 1.5 lakh of Aurangzeb (1658-1707). No other archive in the country, not even the National Archives in New Delhi, boasts of such a collection: it gives a graphic picture of the mansabdari system, military administration and revenue machinery of the Mughals in the Deccan. Written in Persian in Shikasta script, cursive style, the documents are linked and arranged in chronological order — date, month and regnal year-wise.

Slew of orders

The documents include Farman (order of the emperor), Nishan (order of a member of the royal family), Yaddasht-i-Ahkam-i-Muqaddas (memorandum containing imperial orders), Parwana (orders issued by higher authorities), Siyaha-Huzur (proceedings of the provincial court), Roznamcha-i-Waqai (daily news report), Qabzul Wasil (bill payments) and Arz-o-Chihra (documents on personnel and horses).

Aurangzeb spent 13 years as the subedar of Deccan during the reign of Shah Jahan and had vast experience in political and other matters. Even after he ascended the throne on July 25, 1658, he continued to focus on the Deccan to check the activities of his rebellious son Mohammed Akbar and on conquering Bijapur and Golconda, which he did in 1687.

According to State Archives director Zareena Parveen, the accountant-general of the erstwhile Hyderabad State, Syed Muhibuddin, went to Aurangabad (the headquarters of the Mughals) for an inspection in 1916 when he discovered a large number of old documents lying in the vaults of Fort Ark.

He took keen interest in preserving them and reported the matter to Daftar-i-Diwani, the administrative wing of Hyderabad State, headed by the superintendent Syed Khurshid Ali. Steps were taken to shift them to Daftar-i-Diwani, which eventually became State Archives. The paper, made by Chinese professionals, has withstood the vagaries of time. The papers remain intact even after water seeped into the archives a few years ago. “In fact they became brighter as it washed away the acidic material that covered the indelible ink used by the Mughals,” said Ms. Parveen.

An expert in Persian herself, Ms. Parveen arranged the documents chronologically, deciphering the contents, and put them in non-acidic dockets.

The documents reveal Aurangzeb’s administrative skills. The Yaddasht-i-Ahkam-i-Muqaddas shows reports on recommendations of pay hikes for staff sent to the emperor, who also had spies to report on negligence, and actions against the government.

source: http://www.thehindu.com / The Hindu / Home> News> Cities> Hyderabad> Sunday Special / by M. Rajeev / Hyderabad – August 11th, 2018

How this simple, God-loving Indian Muslim left behind such an enduring legacy

NEW DELHI / Rameswaram , TAMIL NADU :

Illustration by Arindam Mukherjee/ ThePrint.in
Illustration by Arindam Mukherjee/ ThePrint.in

All communities loved and trusted him, but he rose to be the Muslim most loved by India’s Hindu majority in our entire history, possibly since Mughal Emperor Akbar. 

On his third death anniversary, it’s a reckless way to assess the life of one of India’s most loved public figures, but let’s list some of what former president APJ Abdul Kalam wasn’t.

He wasn’t really a scientist in the classical sense of the term. He didn’t have many peer-reviewed publications. He wasn’t the father of the Indian nuclear bomb. It had been put together collectively by two generations of Department of Atomic Energy (DAE) scientists.

He didn’t quite have the gift of oratory and mostly repeated his platitudes. In a Raisina Hill mansion peopled before him by great men of letters, he wasn’t much of a writer either. He never got married, was not a family man. Nor was he a politician or public figure by upbringing or training. Most of his life was spent in the secretive world of weapon-designing. And, much as he loved to recite Sanskrit shlokas and play the rudra veena, he was a simple, God-loving Muslim.

Then think about what he ended up becoming.

He came to be hailed among our greatest scientists ever, in the class of C.V. Raman and Jagadish Chandra Bose, way above his mentors’ generation of Homi Bhabha and Vikram Sarabhai or his peers in DAE, ISRO and DRDO. He is immortalised in our collective memory as the man who gave us our nuclear deterrent. He became our most popular public speaker across generations, geographies and demographics in India, and never spoke at a hall less than bursting at the flanks with standees.

The books he wrote, India 2020, for example, were in the nature of pontifical DIYs but became the biggest non-fiction sellers in our history and shall remain so for a long time. He became the leader most loved by our children after Chacha Nehru, a benevolent Nana Kalam. His stature grew so phenomenally that he became our most political president, and in an entirely wise and non-partisan manner.

All communities loved and trusted him, but he rose to be the Muslim most loved by India’s Hindu majority in our entire history, possibly since Mughal Emperor Akbar. Way more than Maulana Azad or any other. The perfect detox to Jinnah.

And finally, a fact that even I, with my thick skin, was too scared to put in the list of what he wasn’t: He never had a real doctorate, a PhD. His doctorates were all honoris causa but “Dr” fitted him brilliantly, and not even his worst critics dared to highlight this.

So what did he have that lifted him to such love and respect?

He acquired moral authority that few Indians have had since Independence. It came from his humility, to begin with. You never heard him claim credit for any ISRO-DRDO achievements, never a boast, never heard him complain about anybody or anything. Surely, for somebody who worked all his life in a secretive tech establishment behind an iron curtain of bureaucracy, he had had his share of complaints. He never played to the gallery or used these as excuses for failure.

In April 2001, I wrote the first of my two National Interests deeply critical of him and the failures of DRDO under him (‘Kalam’s Banana Republic’), and the next time I ran into him, literally, jogging from the opposite direction in south Delhi’s Siri Fort Sports Complex, where he walked in the evenings (he lived in a DRDO guesthouse in the Asian Games Village next door), he noticed I was avoiding eye contact in fright. He stopped, with a big smile, and said he wanted to tell me how much he enjoyed that article and how he agreed with it entirely.

“I hope the authorities read it also. There are very serious challenges and shortcomings in DRDO. We need to do something,” he said, as I searched his face for sarcasm. But as anybody who got to know Kalam over time, he never spoke between the lines.

His nomination as president was a Vajpayee-Advani masterstroke. Theirs was India’s first BJP-led government and they were conscious of the need to look-feel inclusive. Someone already a national hero with a Muslim name was going to be an asset. But the way Kalam grew with the job surprised them as well.

His was a most reassuring presence during the stand-off with Pakistan (Operation Parakram) when, for at least a year, we remained a hair-trigger away from war. His was just the healing touch India needed after the Gujarat riots. He intervened with great circumspection and maturity, not sounding partisan in the least, and yet letting his mind be known. His was the most effective intervention of all and delivered in such a sophisticated manner that even the Hindus only ended up respecting him more.

The legacy of Kalam is more profound than just this, though. How profound was underlined by former prime minister Manmohan Singh in Karan Thapar’s fine interview with him for the India Today Group.

He reminded us that without Kalam’s intervention, there would have been no nuclear deal with the US. As the monsoon session of Parliament began in 2008, and Prakash Karat announced that he was withdrawing support to the UPA and would also vote with the BJP to bring down the government on the nuclear deal, the numbers were stacked against Manmohan Singh. He won his riskiest political battle with the defection of Mulayam Singh Yadav.

Originally, and particularly given his Muslim vote bank, Mulayam was strongly opposed to the nuclear deal. The Congress reached out to Mulayam for a backroom give-and-take. But Mulayam needed a fig leaf. This was provided by Kalam as he came out strongly in endorsement of the agreement. From that moment on, Mulayam and Amar Singh only parroted: If Dr Kalam says it’s fine, it must be so. In fact, if you go back to the parliamentary debate on that confidence motion, see the passion with which Asaduddin Owaisi defends the nuclear deal, turning his politics inside out. Kalam, the patriot, provided the cover there too.

Surprisingly, this still remains a relatively less remembered intervention and has not been noted prominently in countless obituaries and tributes written on him. But the fact is, until then, not just the “secular” parties but even the nuclear-scientific establishment had grave suspicions about the deal that would separate military from the civil and bring both out of the closet. Kalam settled these.

He could do it only because he always put the nation first. Just a year earlier, the Congress had humiliated him by denying him a second term that he had agreed to accept if there was unanimity. The Congress vetoed it. This was a perfect moment for Kalam to get even and also return the favour to the BJP, which had rewarded him with Bharat Ratna and the presidency.

So here are some other things Kalam wasn’t. He wasn’t petty, cynical, selfish, vengeful, unprincipled, egoistic. That’s why a billion-plus remember him as their most loved leader in decades.

Postscript: My favourite Kalam story is among my earliest. In 1994, India was hit by the so-called ISRO spy scandal. It was alleged — and widely believed — that two eminent ISRO scientists had been caught by Pakistani intelligence in a honey trap using two Maldives women, and had passed strategic rocket secrets to them. Investigating the story for India Today, I found the entire plot fishy and fictional. The story the magazine published demolished the Kerala Police and Intelligence Bureau case, the scientists were freed with full vindication and honour, cases withdrawn and ultimately the Supreme Court ordered cash compensation to those framed.

One of the scientists, Nambinarayanan, acknowledged as much in his recent autobiographical account. But early on, it was very stressful to go against the folklore that had already been built. And even in those pre-internet days we who busted the myth were subjected to enormous abuse.

Subsequently, at an Army Day (January 15) reception, Kalam, then head of DRDO, caught me for a couple of minutes’ chat. He poked me gently in my chest, to the left, and said, what you have done is like applying balm to the wounds on our hearts. I asked him what that was about. The ISRO story, he said. Those scientists are wonderful people and totally innocent, this false case would have destroyed my ISRO (where he had originally worked), he said. You can read that story on India Today’s website.