Those who supported partition sought the then Hyderabad PM’s intervention to stop funds to Darul Uloom in UP
An image of the complaint sent to Sir Akbar Hydari against Maulana Hussain Ahmed Madani; and other connected documents preserved at the Telangana State Archives and Research Institute.
It was the time when Hindus and Muslims joined hands to fight for India’s freedom, and Darul Uloom at Deoband in Uttar Pradesh and scholars of the Islamic seminary played a vital role.
So much so that those who opposed the strong anti-partition stand of celebrated freedom fighter Maulana Hussain Ahmed Madani, who taught hadith (tradition of Prophet Muhammad) at the institution, termed it ‘anti-Muslim’, and even sought a rescinding of a grant to the seminary from the State of Hyderabad.
Documents preserved at the Telangana State Archives and Research Institute reveal that on August 22, 1938, one G.H. Siddiqui from Bijnore had complained to Prime Minister of Hyderabad, Sir Akbar Hydari, saying that Maulana Madani had unfurled a Tricolour atop his allotted quarters. He then proceeded to describe the seminary as an ‘institution which has now become a political centre of anti-Muslim religious propaganda and is now, no more an institution to give pure Islamic education’. He then sought to know whether it would be possible to briefly stop the annual grant to teach a ‘lesson’ to the staff.
Sir Hydari’s handwritten note, polite in tone and tenor, found its way to the Vice Chancellor of the seminary, Maulana Shabbir Ahmed Usmani, another celebrated Islamic scholar, to know whether this was true, even as he requested him to investigate the matter.
In his response, Maulana Usmani said that not only was the incident true, but the small flag that was once atop the quarters was replaced by a much larger one. The maulana, whose political leanings were diametrically opposed to those of Maulana Madani, supported the creation of Pakistan and eventually moved there. He had pointed out that the incident had happened in his absence. While Maulana Madani’s office had responded to inquiries, he himself had not.
The letter shows that there was not much that Maulana Usmani could do. In the letter he writes, “Esteemed sir, you may remember that as I have previously informed you that 10 or 11 years ago, when my predecessors appointed the maulana as principal of the institution, they had accepted all his conditions, that his political activities and leanings would not be restricted.”
Academic and author Shamsul Islam, in his book “Muslims Against the Partition of India”, writes that Maulana Madani, who was fiercely against partition, was famous for saying in 1937, nearly a year before the incident as mentioned in the letter to Sir Hydari, that ‘nations are based on homelands, not religion’.
Speaking to The Hindu , noted cleric and president of Jamiat-e-Ulama Hind (Arshad Madani group) Maulana Arshad Madani, who is the freedom fighter’s son, opined that the staunch opposition to partition was a result of foresight, and conviction in peaceful coexistence of communities.
“He was of the strong opinion that partition would not auger well for Muslims in India and Hindus in Pakistan. He believed that for 1,300 years, both communities lived next to each other without problems. We saw what happened after partition. He was imprisoned for a total of nine years, including in Sabarmati jail, and in Matla,” he said.
source: http://www.thehindu.com / The Hindu / Home> News> Cities> Hyderabad / by Syed Mohammed / August 14th, 2021
Many parts of India, including parts of Kananda-speaking states, witnessed revolts against the British Raj following the mutiny of 1857. The following 132 names of the martyrs of the 1857 War of Independence are from Karnataka (hundreds of martyrs remain unaccounted for). These included Hindus-Muslims-Sikhs as well as people of all Castes and sections, women included. These names have been gathered from Dictionary of Martyrs: India’s Freedom Struggle 1857-1947, v. 5, Ministry of Culture, Government of India & ICHR, 2018. It is based on contemporary British official documents including ‘Mutiny Records’. This list has been compiled by Dr. Shamsul Islam, former Associate Professor of Delhi University, and published as a Poster during the BV Kakkilaya Oration 2023, held at University College, Mangalore on September 9, 2023.
Koppala Durga (Fort) Battle 1858
The bloodiest anti-British rebellion was at Koppala Fort under the leadership of Bhima Rao Nadagouda, also known as Mundaragi Bhima Raya. Bhima Raya was born as the son of Ranga Rao, Tehsildar of Bellary. Bhimaraya himself served as a Mamledar (a land revenue official) in Bellary, Hoovina Hadagali, and Harapana Halli. He could not stand the exploitation of peasantry under British rule and he was finally dismissed from his position as a result of his protests against the British exploitation of the peasantry. He led the anti-tax propaganda in Dharwad and urged people to join the anti-British movement. In 1857, he gathered 300-400 people and planned a revolt at Hammigi.
However, he had to hold the plan as the information leaked and the District Collector got to know about their plan. He was a friend of Nana Saheb and the latter urged him to revolt in his letters.
He contacted various groups of Beda fighters and started accumulating arms and creating ammunition dumps at various places. He organized an anti-British alliance of patriotic chiefs like Kenchan Gowda Sirnagowda of Govenkop, Srinivas Desai of Dumbal, and Bhaskar Rao Bhave of Nargund, and raised an army of over 3,000 soldiers. On 23 May 1858, the founder of Dambal raided one such arms cache of Kenchan Gowda at Hammigi and sealed it. Rao and his comrade Soratur Desai gathered supporters and marched on Hemmigi took back all the arms and ammunition and shifted to a safer place in Shirahatti. Then he started raiding British armories in various places. Many local landowners and kings supported Bhimaraya and joined him in the revolt. When the British took Bhimaraya’s wife and kids as hostages, Bhimaraya came with his army freed his family went to the fort in Koppal, and prepared to fight with a large stock of food, arms, and ammunition. By May 30, they and Kenchan Gowda had fled to Koppal Fort after killing the security guards, looting the weapons, and attacking the treasuries at Dambal and Gadag. British gathered a large force from their stations at Dharwad, Raichur, Hyderabad, and Bellary and marched on Koppal fort. After a fierce fight, Bhimaraya fell to the bullets on 1 June 1858. British carried out brutal reprisals against Bhimaraya’s associates and supporters.
Martyrs of the Koppaladurg Battle 1858
Bhim Rao Nadgowda: Mundargi, Gadag. Leader. Fell at the battleground after gallant resistance and died on 1 June 1858.
Kenchan Gowda Sirnagowda: Hammigi, Mundaragi, Gadag. Leader. Killed during the battle near the gateway of the fort on 1 June 1858. Captured by the British during the battle, sentenced to death, and shot dead by firing squad or blown away with a cannon in June 1858
3.Bala Saheb: Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag
4. Baramappa: Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag.
5. Barma: Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag.
6. Bani Saheb: Hammigi, Mundargi, Gadag.
7. Barmappa: Nowli, Hadagali, Ballary.
8. Basava: Mundwad, Mundargi, Gadag.
9. Basavanna: Navalagund, Dharwad.
10. Basayya: Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag.
11. Basayya: Wadarhatti, Mundargi, Gadag.
12. Basayya Talari: Tahrargi, Mundargi, Gadag
13. Bawa/Baba Saheb: Kurlahalli, Gadag.
14. Beemah: Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag.
15. Beemnah: Hammigi, Mundargi, Gadag.
16. Bassya: Kundgul, Dharwad.
17. Bhim: Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag.
18. Bhima: Kukanur, Yelburga, Koppal.
19. Bhima: Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag.
20. Bhimanna: Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag.
21. Bhimappa: Hirenandihal, Koppal.
22. Burmah: Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag.
23. Channappa: Betageri, Gadag.
24. Chenna: Singtalur, Mundargi, Gadag.
25. Chunia Virappa: Hammigi, Mundargi, Gadag.
26. Daud Saheb: Venkatapur, Mundargi, Gadag.
27. Durga: Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag.
28. Ella: Hammigi, Gadag.
29. Eman Saheb: Kurlahali, Mundargi, Gadag.
30. Fakeer Saheb: Kurlahali, Mundargi, Gadag.
31. Girianna: Kurlahali, Mundargi, Gadag.
32. Gograppa: Hemmigi, Mundargi, Gadag.
33. Gograppa: Kurlahalli, Gadag.
34. Gurda: Hesarur, Mundargi, Gadag.
35. Hamid Sahib: Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag.
36. Hammanna: Hesarur, Mundargi, Gadag.
37. Hanagowda: Gangapur, Mundargi, Gadag.
38. Hanumanna: Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag.
39. Hareah Saheb: Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag.
40. Hayat Saheb: Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag.
41. Hayat Saib: Bannur, Koppal Hiriyappa:
42. Hesarur, Mundargi, Gadag.
43. Hulgia: Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag.
44. Hunma: Waddarhatti, Mundargi, Gadag.
45. Hunnamah: Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag.
46. Hussun Saib: Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag
47. Jivan Sahib: Hammigi, Mundargi, Gadag.
48. Junah: Hammigi, Raichur.
49. Kajah: Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag.
50. Karka: Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag.
51. Karka: Hammigi, Mundargi, Gadag.
52. Karyanna: Hammigi, Mundargi, Gadag.
53. Lakshmana: Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag.
54. Latchma: Bagewardi, Gadag.
55. Laxmana: Bagewadi, Mundargi, Gadag.
56. Linga: Hammigi, Mundargi, Gadag.
57. Linga: Harpanahalli, Bellary.
58. Linga: Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag.
59. Madarangah: Hesarur, Mundargi, Gadag.
60. Malliah: Waddarhatti, Mundargi, Gadag.
61. Mudallaner: Kuran, Koppal.
62. Mulla (II): Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag.
63. Mulla (I): Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag.
64. Peeru: Hesarur, Mundargi, Gadag.
65. Pongari: Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag.
66. Punee Saheb: Hammigi, Gadag.
67. Ramannah: Singatalur, Mundargi, Gadag.
68. Ranga (II): Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag
69. Ranga (I): Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag.
70. Sahib Husain: Kurlahali, Mundargi, Gadag.
71. Shidda: Bagwadi, Mundargi, Gadag.
72. Syed Budin: Bankapur, Haveri.
73. Tammanna: Kukanur, Yelburga, Koppal.
74. Tammayya: Hesarur, Mundargi, Gadag.
75. Timma: Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag.
76. Tummanah Talari: Hesarur, Mundargi, Gadag.
77. Ukunda: Kurlahalli, Mundargi, Gadag.
78. Urvee: Hammigi, Mundargi, Gadag.
79. Vallabhadas: Bagewadi, Mundargi, Gadag.
80. Veerappa: Raichur.
81 .Vobul Doss: Begewadi, Gadag.
82. Yalya: Hammigi, Mundargi, Gadag.
83. Yllya: Hammigi, Mundargi, Gadag.
84. Balakristayya: Bhalki, distt. Bidar is a descendant of the royal family of Satara. Captured by the British and sentenced to transportation for life, died in penal servitude.
Nargund Revolt
The principality of Nargund was under British overlordship and Bhaskar Rao Bhave also known as Baba Saheb rose to the throne of Nargund in 1842. As he did not have a son, he wanted to adopt one to create an heir for Nargund. The British refused permission and this enraged Baba Saheb and he got in touch with several rulers in Karnataka like Mundaragi Bhimaraya, Surpur Venkatappa Nayaka, the Desais of Hammigi, Dambal, Soratur, and many others. He was aware of the North Indian uprising and wanted to time his revolt in June of 1857. However, he postponed the date at the last moment. In May 1858 when the British sent a force to prevent his networking with other rulers, he attacked them and brought the decapitated head of Officer Manson, the head of the British force sent to suppress him, to his fort and displayed it to the people. The British army marched to Nargund Fort on 1st June. Baba Saheb, upon realizing the treachery of his close associates sought help from Bhimrao and Kenchan Gowda. But they were busy fighting the British at Koppal. The British force killed around 70 men and burned the possessions of Saheb. Though he escaped from the fort, he was later captured at Toragal forest. He was tried and hanged at Haystack Hill at Belgaum on 12 June 1858.
Martyrs of Naragund Revolt
Bhaskar Rao Bhave: Ruler of Nargund Princely State, Gadag. Revolted against the British for the question of adoption, murdered S. J. Manson. He was caught and hanged at Haystack Hill at Belgaum on 12 June 1858.
2. Vishnu Hirekoppa alias Vishnu Kulkarni: Hirekoppa, Nargund, Gadag. Reported to have beheaded the British Officer, Manson, at Sureban on the night of 29 May 1858. Hirekoppa was captured and hanged publicly at Nargund in 1860.
3. Srinivas Veenkatadri Desai: Dumbal, Gadag. Joined the Chief of Nargund, Bhimrao Mundargi, and others on 24 May 1858. Caught and blown away with a gun on 12 June 1858.
4. Bapu: Nargund, Gadag. He was Naik (leader) of the Shetsanadis of Nargund. On the charge of assisting the Chief of Nargund in his rebellion against the British, he was caught on 10 June 1858 and hanged in front of the Petah of Nargund.
5. Arjun: Nargund, Gadag. Arrested and hanged on 24 June 1858 in front of the Petah of Nargund.
6. Basappa: Nargund, Gadag. Arrested and shot dead by firing squad at Nargund on 10 June 1858 at 5 p.m.
7. Basappa: Amargol, Nargund, Gadag. Caught on 18 June 1858 and hanged in front of the Petah of Nargund Basappa
8. Sindagi: Nargund, Gadag. Arrested and shot dead by musketry at Nargund on 12 June 1858.
9. Basappa Tambe: Nargund, Gadag. Caught and hanged at a public place at Dharwad in June 1858.
10. Bhawani Singh: Koppal, Kiledar of Koppal. Captured and shot dead
11. Fakir Mohammad: Nargund, Gadag. Arrested, shot dead by firing squad at Nargund on 10 June 1858 at 5 p.m.
12. Faras Khan: Nargund, Gadag. Arrested, shot dead by firing squad at Nargund on 10 June 1858 at 5 p.m.
13. Gangadhar Chintamun alias Anna Sahasrabudhe: Nargund, Gadag. He was a Clerk in the Nargund Princely State; aged 24. Arrested, hanged to death at a public place at Dharwad in June 1858.
14. Govind Dhanagar: Nargund, Gadag. Arrested and shot dead by firing squad at Nargund on 12 June 1858.
15. Govind Narayan Parachure alias Anna Parachure: Nargund, Gadag. Arrested and hanged at Dharwad in June 1858.
16. Guddu: Nargund, Gadag. Arrested, shot dead by firing squad at Nargund on 10 June 1858 at 5 p.m.
17. Hanumant Ghatage: Nargund, Gadag. Arrested and shot dead by firing squad on 28 June 1858. Hanumanta: Nargund, Gadag. Captured and hanged at Dharwad in the last week of June 1858.
18. Imam Ismail: Nargund, Gadag. Shot dead by musketry at Nargund on 10 June 1858 at 5 p.m.
19. Kallappa: Shirole, Nargund, Gadag. Captured and shot dead by firing squad on 28 June 1858
20. Laxman Janardan: Nargund, Gadag arrested and shot dead by musketry at Nargund on 10 June 1858 at 5 p.m.
21.Linga: Nargund, Gadag. Arrested on 18 June 1858 and hanged in front of the Petah of Nargund.
22. Piraji: Nargund, Gadag. Captured, shot dead by firing squad at Nargund on 10 June 1858 at 5 p.m.
23. Raghoba Limaya: Nargund, Gadag. Arrested and hanged in front of the Petah of Nargund on 16 June 1858 at 6 p.m.
24. Rehaman Khan: Nargund, Gadag. Arrested and charged with waging war against the British between 24 May and 2 June 1858, was shot dead by firing squad at Nargund on 12 June 1858.
25.Raju: Nargund, Gadag. Arrested and hanged on 24 June 1858 in front of the Petah of Nargund.
26. Ramappa: Nargund, Gadag. Captured, shot dead by firing squad at Nargund on 10 June 1858 at 5 p.m.
27. Shankrappa Desai: Kalas and Madathi, Nargund, Gadag. Arrested and hanged on 24 June 1858 in front of the Petah of Nargund.
28. Tammanna: Nargund, Gadag. Captured and shot dead by firing squad on 28 June 1858.
29. Timmappa alias Rangappa Mazumdar: Nargund, Gadag. Captured and hanged by neck on 28 June 1858.
30. Tukaram: Nargund, Gadag. Captured and shot dead by firing squad at Nargund on 10 June 1858 at 5 p.m.
31. Venkappa Naik: Nargund, Gadag. Arrested, and hanged on 24 June 1858 in front of the Petah of Nargund.
32. Vyanakatrao Bhosle: Nargund, Gadag. Arrested and shot dead by firing squad on 28 June 1858.
33. Bhikajipant Ganesh Gokhale: Nargund, Gadag. Arrested and sentenced to transportation beyond the Sea for life. He was deported to the Andaman Islands where he died in custody.
Bedas of Halagali
Bedas were one of the fighting tribes that fought the British tooth and nail from the 1820s and formed the backbone of many uprisings in the Deccan. Bearing arms to protect themselves and the community and their king was part of their life and they did it with great pride. The prince of Mudhol had accepted British overlordship and the Bedas in the area were seething with dissatisfaction. The East India Company announced on 11 September 1857 that all Indians should disarm, submit their arms to the company and then get licences to carry arms. This was simply out of the question for Bedas. Hence when the Company Sarkar’s edict was sought to be implemented by the King of Mudhol principality, the Bedas of Halagali and surrounding areas considered it a great insult and defied him. Declaring that bearing arms was their birthright and that they did not need anybody’s permission for the same, they did not allow any official to enter their villages. The revolt, which started in Halagali, kept snowballing and started spreading to surrounding areas. The British Raj saw it as a serious threat to its rule and when the local ruler was not able to suppress it, the southern Maratha regiment led by Lt Col Seton Karr was sent to quell it. The Bedas, though vastly outnumbered, fought fiercely for their rights. The British after the final battle captured 290 Bedas and hanged 19 leaders of the uprising in Mudhol market in December 1857.
Martyrs of Halagali
01. Babaji Sovaji Nimbalkar: Halagali, Mudhol Princely State, Bagalakot. The chief organizer of the revolt against the British. Killed in a clash on 30 November 1857.
02. Balappa: Halagali, Mudhol, Bagalkot, Karnataka. Arrested and shot dead in the Belgaum prison.
03. Basappa: Halagali, Mudhol, Bagalakot. Captured and hanged at a public place at Dharwad in the last week of June 1858.
04. Bhimanna Mandagai: Halagali, Mudhol, Bagalakot. Caught and blown away with a cannon at Halagali on 14 December 1857.
05. Dadanna: Halagali, Mudhol, Bagalakot. Killed while fighting on 30 November 1857.
06. Dyamavva: Halagali, Mudhol, Bagalakot. She was killed while fighting on 30 November 1857.
07. Jadagannavar Jadagappa: Halagali, Mudhol. Killed in the course of a battle on 30 November 1857.
08. Madar Dyamanna: Halagali, Mudhol, Bagalakot. Killed in an encounter with the British on 30 November 1857.
09. Pujari Hanamma: Halagali, Mudhol, Bagalakot. Killed in fighting on 30 November 1857.
10. Rama: Halagali, Mudhol, Bagalakot. Killed in fighting on 30 November 1857.
Surpur Rebellion
Surapur or Shorapur near Yadgiri, was ruled by Beda Nayak kings who had a fighting tradition. When Raja Krishnappa Nayak died in 1842, Prince Venkatappa Nayak the 4th was only 8 years old. Although he was enthroned, Meadows Taylor a British administrator was appointed as the Regent. In 1853 Taylor handed over the reins to 19-year-old Venkatappa Nayak. In 1857, the British got wind that some representatives of Nana Saheb came to Surapur and had secret meetings with young Raja Venkatappa Nayak. The information that Venkatappa Kayak was closely working with other rebels in the neighboring areas such as Koppal, Naragund, Raichur, Miraj, etc., increased the anxiety of the British. In February 1858, they sent troops led by Capt Windham and Maj Hughes to attack Surapur and a fierce battle ensued. When they were outnumbered, the Raja escaped to Hyderabad but he was handed over to the British. The Raja was sentenced to life imprisonment and while he was being transported to Chenglepet jail from Sikandarabad, shot himself dead on 11 May 1858 at Ambatur
Martyrs of Surapur
01. Venkatappa Nayak: Raja of Surapur, Yadagiri. Arrested for his refusal to bow down and for organizing an anti-British revolt. While being escorted to Chinglepet Prison in Madras Presidency, shot himself dead on 11 May 1858 at Ambatur.
02. Mahipal Singh: Bujora in Banda in Bengal Presidency. He was an emissary of the Chief of Surapur to organize the revolt against the British at Belgaum; he was caught and executed on 14 August 1857 at the age of 35.
03. Hanamappa Naik: Surapur, Yadagir. Played a prominent role in organizing the rebellion of the Arab troops stationed in the area. He was captured by the British and promptly executed by hanging in 1857.
04. Tasdiq Husein: Surapur, Yadagiri. A chief leader and organizer of the rising of the Surapur army, Husein was caught and publicly hanged at a marketplace of Surapur Town, on 3 July 1858.
Other Martyrs
05. Basalingappa: Jambagi, Bijapur. A peasant proprietor. Captured by the British in Jambagi, he was hanged in 1858.
06. Chhattu Singh Rajput: Jamakhandi, Bijapur. A farm laborer refused to surrender arms and to give land revenue; was arrested by the British and executed by hanging in 1857.
07. Chhotu Singh: Commandant of the troops in the Jamakhandi Princely State. Arrested by the British, he was blown away with a cannon in October 1858 at Jamakhandi
08. Mohammed Hussain (Munshi): Poona, Maharashtra. A disciple of Nurul Huda of Poona, he was sent from Poona to Belgaum to give the Sepoys anti-British hostilities. He was apprehended there and executed on 14 August 1857 on the charge of treason.
source: http://www.english.varthabharati.in / Vartha Bharati / Home> Karavali / compiled by Dr Shamsul Islam / September 09th, 2023
Started as a local bi-weekly newspaper, Madinah soon commanded a massive subcontinent-wide circulation. While most newspapers at the time focused on major colonial urban centres such as Lahore, Delhi or Calcutta, Madinah instrumentalised its place of inception—Bijnor—as a political shield.
‘Madinah,’ a bi-weekly newspaper founded in 1912 by Mohammad Majeed Hasan, began in his courtyard in the small qasbah of Bijnor in the Northwest United Provinces (present-day Uttar Pradesh). Its inception is later recounted in a dream narrative published in Madinah’s silver jubilee edition in 1939, which describes how Hasan dreamt of “a bright moon shining in the sky, being eclipsed by another moon appearing from behind and drifting away from it, becoming brighter as the dream continued.”
Hasan had been working as a journalist in Lahore while also preparing for a career as a judge. He is said to have had the dream shortly after abandoning his training and returning to Bijnor to continue working for the family newspaper Sahifa, whose modest readership had already begun to dwindle. Hasan later interpreted the dream as a sign that he should start his own newspaper, symbolised by a new shining moon.
Hasan’s first wife, Muhtarma Kaneez Fatimah, whose altruistic nature and firm belief in his venture compelled her to help him start the paper, sold her jewellery to support it. She later proved to be an intelligent and capable assistant in the newspaper’s production, despite being unable to read or write.
It was she who inspired the newspaper to include a separate women’s section named Akhbar-i-Nisvan on one of its last pages. The section frequently appeared during the newspaper’s first three years, from 1912 to 1915, and was intended to serve the interests of Muslim women by including editorials and creative pieces written by both men and women.
Soon, the paper had distinctly identified itself among its audience by creating a space for Muslim women, with a special focus on mothers, to discuss their issues through genres such as poetry and fiction.
The unlikely epicentre: importance of the Qasbah
Started as a local bi-weekly newspaper, Madinah soon commanded a massive subcontinent-wide circulation. While most newspapers at the time focused on major colonial urban centres such as Lahore, Delhi or Calcutta, Madinah instrumentalised its place of inception—Bijnor—as a political shield. In the same year as Madinah’s inception, Maulana Azad, at the age of 23, started the paper Al-Hilal in Calcutta, which was lauded among the Muslim elite and others for its publishing style and genre, soon reaching a pinnacle of readership.
In contrast, Madinah’s unique approach, which embraced the values of the gentry while also appealing to a broad readership beyond the traditional urban elite, distinguished the paper from the incessant urban cynicism that was becoming a prevalent theme throughout the landscape of production. Due to better readership and the greater availability of resources in urban areas, similar endeavours to Madinah redirected themselves to these spaces.
In its founding years, Madinah also addressed British officials, adopting varying strategic and bargaining stances against surveillance and strict government policies through explicit deference to colonial authorities. For instance, Hasan, the proprietor of the newspaper, cited the Ijazat (permission) of the Magistrate and Collector of Bijnor in its inaugural issue. This attentiveness to British intelligence provided the necessary immunity required for the functioning of the newspaper, unlike Azad’s Al-Hilal, which came under heavy scrutiny from the colonial government and had to cease publication by the end of 1914.
Newspapers in urban centres, such as Awadh Akhbar, persisted in their efforts to speak to a broad audience delineated more by language and culture than by religion, while papers such as Madinah reinforced an already rich discursive tradition surrounding religion and identity in the social crevices known as qasbahs (small towns). They also engaged with contested political themes debated by scholars and leaders, including the shaping of early narratives of separatism and communalism among Indian Muslims.
The success of Madinah can be attributed to the spatio-temporal advantages of the qasbah, which can be defined as a place of bureaucratic and market significance where a Muslim minority or majority lived alongside populations from other communities, alongside an influential enclave of intellectual vivacity and economic and political importance for Muslims. Scholar M. Raisur Rahman described qasbahs as “an alternative site for contestation with strong autonomous networks of culture, literature and religion”, while simultaneously defining them as a ‘unique space’ and a ‘microcosm of larger idealized national life’.
These spaces have been significantly important sites in the history of South Asian culture, shaping identities and literary traditions while remaining distinct from the typologies of urban environments, where modernity had already seeped through the sutures of cultural exchanges with the outside world.
Madinah and its role in politics
The political trajectory of Madinah transformed profoundly during the period of World War I, following the Balkan Wars. The paper broadened its purview by juxtaposing the localised ethos and culture of the qasbah with larger international crises, particularly the imminent dismantling of the Ottoman Empire.
Navigating the intricacies of a contested political landscape, Madinah supposedly guarded a global Islamic consciousness through its promotion of the Khilafat Movement and its shared affiliation with Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind. Consequently, its support for the Indian National Congress and its anti-separatist stance against Jinnah became apparent, aligning with Jamiat’s idea of Composite Nationalism, as Madinah continued to anchor itself in the secular, anti-colonial bedrock of Urdu journalism.
According to scholar Gyanendra Pandey, Madinah served as a vital barometer of Muslim public opinion across this shifting timescape. Driven by the ideological synergy of Hindu-Muslim unity during the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat movements, the publication commanded an astounding peak circulation of 12,500 copies by 1922. However, this radical nationalism invited severe repercussions from the colonial state, notably resulting in the paper being banned in Punjab following its courageous and explicit reporting on the 1919 Jallianwala Bagh massacre. Following the ban, the paper was relaunched in August 1919 under a new name—Yasrab (Madinah in Arabic)—as an act of strategic defiance against the colonial government, with a couplet from Iqbal:
Khāk-i Yasrab az do ‘ālam khūshtar ast, Ā’e khunak shahre ke ānjā dilbar ast
(The dust of Madinah is better than both worlds, How wonderful is the city where the beloved is.)
As the landscape of production became increasingly fragmented by communal cynicism and the mass political momentum of the early 1920s waned, the paper witnessed a decline in readership, with circulation dipping to 6,500 in 1927 and further to 6,000 by 1931.
Despite this dwindling circulation, Madinah remained a formidable and persistent critic of communal separatism throughout the 1930s and 1940s. Engaging with the contested political themes of the era, the paper sought to dismantle the early narratives of the All-India Muslim League. Pandey highlights a remarkably bold editorial from the 1930s that dismissed the League as being “neither dead nor alive”, asserting that its existence was confined merely to “the brain and mind of Mr. Jinnah”.
By 1942, the newspaper had effectively transformed into an open town hall, enabling ordinary citizens to debate and largely resist the looming Pakistan movement from within the landscape of the qasbah.
The script and scripture
The prevalent Urdu script, Nastaliq, which had been used throughout South Asia for centuries and was imported from Persia, featured intricate details, ornamentation and a complex structural form forged through the meticulous amalgamation of the Naskh and Ta’liq calligraphic traditions. It became the most recognisable Urdu script and developed strong cultural and ideological ties with the Urdu language. However, due to the rise of globalisation and the growing demand to produce literature for the public, it became increasingly difficult to produce works in the script lithographically on a mass scale. By the end of the 1970s, Nastaliq began to advance with the help of Mirza Jamil Ahmad, who created more than 20,000 combinations to bring the script into the digital world under the name Noori Nastaliq.
By the time the digitisation process began, Madinah was already out of business, shutting down its press with its last issue in 1976. During the seven decades that the paper survived, its editors had no keys to the press and no screens to reflect upon. Instead, the issues of Madinah were produced solely by hand, by calligraphers and artists alike.
The Urdu script Nastaliq had been established as the standard for almost every copy of the holy book Quran in South Asia since the Mughal period. By the time Madinah began using the same script as its standard, it already carried connotations of purity, holiness and divinity within the cultural landscape. Combined with the organic practice of producing it by hand rather than by machine, the paper was considered by its readers to embody a deliberate resistance against illegitimate mechanisation and the rising industrialisation of the subcontinent, curating a new political discourse based on the cultural symbolism of the script.
By using and retaining lithographic practices in an era when other papers were increasingly relying on mechanical typography for efficiency, Nastaliq was perceived as a tactile and handcrafted discipline that preserved the inherent spirit of prose, shielding the paper’s contributions from the mechanical and indifferent processes of Western print capitalism.
The inevitable descent
By the 1940s, Madinah had begun engaging in intense print debates with the supporters and proponents of pro-Muslim League newspapers and writers, arguing in a polemical fashion that religion could not be the sole determinant of a nation’s survival. Despite the paper’s persistent efforts to resist the pro-League and separatist stance, it witnessed the partition of the Indian subcontinent into two parts. The social capital of Madinah was on the verge of collapse, as the paper saw affluent members of the Muslim community, who had constantly contributed to its production and editorials, leave for the other side of the border.
The Language Act of 1951 became a huge blow to the publishing house of Madinah, as Hindi was soon adopted as the state language in Uttar Pradesh, mandating officials and government offices to maintain all data in Hindi and extensively replacing Urdu in institutions under the newly formed Indian government. Although the apparent marginalisation of the paper’s foundational language and the loss of its social capital were significant blows in the paper’s history, they were unable to overshadow its continuing legacy.
Madinah, managing to survive, remained a prominent, albeit ageing, symbol of pre-Partition nationalist Muslim political identity, advocating for the preservation of Urdu heritage amid the growing socio-political shifts in Uttar Pradesh. At the same time, it continued to struggle against declining circulation as newer, faster-printed typographic dailies overtook the market. Its reports on the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971 and the creation of Bangladesh vindicated the paper’s historical assertion that religion alone could not hold a nation together, while it also continued reporting on rising communal tensions in the country.
The prodigious endeavour was about to culminate in the years following the Indo-Pakistani War. Near the end of its operational life, the paper’s traditional lithographic format and qasbah roots struggled to attract younger, urbanised readers. The deteriorating health of Hasan finally caught up with him, leading to his death in 1972. The handling of the newspaper remained in the hands of Hasan’s family until its last editor, Syed Hasan, finally ceased publication, quietly closing the press in 1975.
References
Jones, J. (2023). Megan Eaton Robb: Print and the Urdu Public: Muslims, Newspapers, and Urban Life in Colonial India. New York: Oxford University Press, 2021; pp. xi + 247. Journal of Religious History, 47, 151–153. https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9809.12917
Abduhu, G. R. (1973). The Educational Ideas of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. Sterling Publishers.
Rahman, M. Raisur. (2014). “Beyond Centre-Periphery: Qasbahs and Muslim Life in South Asia.” South Asian History and Culture, 5, 163–178. https://doi.org/10.1080/19472498.2014.883762.
At 80, revisiting the Muslim lives, movements and sacrifices that shaped India’s struggle for freedom, and the politics of forgetting them.
Stroll through the pages of India’s history, because academia has failed to acknowledge some names and contributions in the Indian freedom struggle. From the Taj Mahal, Red Fort, Qutub Minar, Humayun’s Tomb, Gol Gumbaz, Charminar, to Fatehpur Sikri and the bustling lanes of Chandni Chowk, they all speak volumes louder. But the cultural pattern of ‘selectively remembering’ and ‘selectively forgetting’ has downplayed nation’s history into one-dimensional narratives , while external sources of learning like cinemas, textbooks, public places re-branding, etc, are getting colored with contemporary political dynamics, to legitimize their plans and policies.
To fathom India’s past sincerely, we must be willing not only to learn but also to unlearn. Learning involves discovering forgotten contributions, while unlearning requires shedding inherited biases, political narratives, and simplified versions of history. Because, as eminent historians have speculated, the past is constantly reinterpreted in the light of new evidence and new questions. Consequently, the framing of our past will affect the present, which will further be read as a past in the future, thus entrusting us with sheer responsibility of weaving a lineage of conscience, not insidious storytelling.
The lost dots of the Indian freedom movements
Revisit in Indian history afresh because erasure never happens all at once, it happens slowly and systematically.
Independence Movements did not count from the very battles fought, but from the conditions laid down before and after to formulate and fixate Indian society and culture altogether. Resistance to the economization, politicisation, and, ultimately, colonization by the Britishers was confronted by the collective plurality which our country possessed with pride. Testifying that resistance was not always born on the battlefield, often it began with communities refusing to harbor animosity for one another.
Hindu sanyasis and Muslim fakirs whom the British Company wanted to fragmentalise, chose each other instead. Naga ascetics of the Dashnami order like Pandit Bhabani Charan Pathak stood beside Muslim fakirs of the Madari and Burhana sects, Majnu Shah Fakir, Chirag Ali, Musa Shah, and together resisted the oppressive taxation and economic exploitation the Company had imposed. It was one of the earliest organized rebellions against British rule in India, and yet how many of us have even heard these names?
Tipu Sultan
That same defiance carried into Mysore, Tipu Sultan, a name antagonized in recent years that people even slipped away from the fact that he is the man who invented Missiles in India, a ruler who terrified the British. He built iron-cased rockets before most of the world imagined such a weapon, and fought the British across four wars, refusing again and again to let his kingdom bow. And what do we do with that legacy today?
Islamic gallantry didn’t halt there. Moulvi Ahmadullah Shah, one of the key leaders of the First War of Indian Independence in 1857 was called the lighthouse of rebellion in Awadh, an epitome of the Ganga-Jamuna culture of Faizabad. The rebel army of Awadh was led by Barkat Ahmad and Maulvi Ahmadullah Shah, with Barkat Ahmad declared Chief Army Officer of the rebels after the Battle of Chinhat.
Moulvi Ahmadullah Shah
At the head of that same uprising stood Bahadur Shah Zafar, lending his name and his throne to the rebellion we call the Sepoy Mutiny. He gave everything a king could give, and the British broke him in the cruelest way. After his surrender, his sons Mirza Mughal and Mirza Khizr Sultan, and his grandson Mirza Abu Bakr, were stripped and shot in cold blood by Major William Hodson at what is now called Khooni Darwaza, and their severed heads were brought before their own father as a trophy. So many lives were lost in that struggle, so many families broken, and it is widely said that nearly 5 lakh Muslims were martyred, close to 50,000 of them ullema who chose the battlefield over silence. After rotating around 79 years of India’s independence, we are still cynical over the contributions carved by Indian Muslims.
Bahadur Shah Zafar
Another buried name is of, Ashfaquallah Khan, was hanged on 19th December 1927, at just 27 years old, along with other Kakori comrades who were sent to the gallows. This Kakori robbery was to pull back the wealth of Indian soil to channelize it for the national struggle. Khan revolutionized nationalist movement with his participation in Hindustan Republican Association (HRA), founded by Ram Prasad Bismil along with two others. Like Kakori robbery, many other raids were rolled out to confront with required force rather than abstracting the notion of peace towards the gruesome tortures. Have we ever lent an ear to these lines of Khan’s ‘Hasrat’ poem- “Kuch aarzoo naheen hai, hai aarzoo to yeh hai, Rakh de koi zara si Khaak-e-watan kafan men” who as his last whim, recited this poem soaked in patriotism. Are we made to remember these lines by a Muslim freedom fighter when we are reminded about the terrified misapplication of the divine slogan “Allah-u-Akbar” to polarize the Islam?
Ashfaqullah Khan
Walking further, Abdul Habeeb Yusuf Marfani, gave away his entire estate for a freedom he’d never see honoured. His courage was never separate from the cause, it was central to it, and it’s long overdue we remember it that way.
Abdul Habeeb Yusuf Marfani
Muslim participation in India’s freedom struggle was not boxed in a specific time or way, it encompassed armed resistance, societal reforms, mass mobilization, revolutionary events, and non-violent protests. The hurls on the invasions done by Muslims are widely made, but onlookers of the contributions by very same people, are tactfully airbrushed.
Sacrifices for the Indian motherland were proven on silent or loud battlefields, not by the mere recital of ‘Patriotic Songs’ such as Vande Mataram as a contemporary reference. That is turned down by Indian Muslims lyrically, not soulfully, because of the religiosity which the Indian Constitution guarantees them. When did the recital of patriotic songs begin to outweigh the very acts of sacrifice they were meant to spring up?
Freedom fighters such as Maulvi Ahmadullah Shah, Begum Hazrat Mahal, Fazl-e-Haq Khairabadi (clarified the Jihad term through his war against the British), and Azimullah Khan were also important in the 1857 uprising. Barely, we learn or are made to learn about them? While vilifying other names of this very same community.
The Ali brothers, Shaukat Ali (1873-1938) and Mohamed Ali Jauhar (1878-1931)
Even the popular moments like the non-cooperation movement and the Khilafat Movement were helmed by some unheeded names: Mohammad Ali Jauhar and Shaukat Ali. Erected on the former’s name, there stands a university in Rampur, U.P. which recently has fallen prey to the communal politics, staking Indian youth’s future at darker stage, thus disregarding the blood of these freedom fighters.
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan who spent three decades in prison and headed the non-violent Khudai Khidmatgar Movement among Pashtuns against British rule, wherein he combined social reform, service, and discipline. His demise took place during his house arrest in Peshawar.
Abid Hasan Safrani
Without a single community-led leader, ideologies often find a loose hand to wrestle for their individual existence rather than collective results. Abid Hasan Safrani, prominent INA member, mobilized the Muslim youth and committed to Subhas Chandra Bose’s movement (Azad Hind Fauj), which underpinned armed resistance in the Indian Freedom Struggle rather than non-violent means, brewing the unity for winning back the motherland.
Having said that, the famous Ghadar Party, founded in 1913, was pioneered by one more buried name- Maulana Barkatullah Bhopali. He was the first Prime Minister of the Provisional Government of India (Government-in-Exile), which was established in Kabul in 1915. He traversed across Europe, Asia, and North America to usher in the momentum for the Indian freedom struggle. His death took place in the US, leaving him deprived of bidding adieu to his motherland one last time.
Maulana Barkatullah Bhopali
Then, “Inquilab Zindabad”, the popular hymn echoed at Jantar Mantar very recently, was originally coined by Urdu poet-politician Hasrat Mohani at the Congress’ Ahmedabad session, while Bhagat Singh solely made it popularized. Mohani had been a soulful Krishna Bhakt, leaving him writing eulogies for ‘Hazrat Krishna’ (Hazrat is not a religious tag; it is an honorary title). He, being the co-prisoner of Gandhi ji, presented him with the USSR idea of federalism for empowering the localized and regional pockets of the agglomerate India. His courage and values proved his patriotism in the debates of the Constituent Assembly and confrontations with the Britishers.
Hasrat Mohani
We remember Mahatma Gandhi more than any other freedom fighter, but are we mindful of the fact that the man who saved him was Batak Mian Ansari during the Champaran Satyagraha in 1917? He was the cook deployed by the Britishers, who then ordered Batak Mian Ansari to serve venomous milk to Gandhi ji. His integrity made him stake his life to save Gandhi ji. He sneakily warned Gandhi ji, and, as anticipated, he was kicked out of his job by the Britishers, further leaving him battered by the villagers and ousting him and his family from his residence. To date, his family couldn’t receive what was promised for his courage by India’s first president, Rajendra Prasad. Questioning how much we have honoured the honorable personalities on the ground?
Batak Mian Ansari
The last Nizam of Hyderabad, Mir Osman Ali Khan, is also in this queue of the buried names. Independence movement is not merely the swing between direct confrontation with colonial regime, it too laps over the pre and post period that either nudged the movements or repaired the damages caused to India. He has reportedly granted mammoth donations across educational and religious institutions. From BHU, AMU, IISc, publication of critical editions of Mahabharata, Golden Temple, Amritsar and many more places . We rewind through cruel rulers who demolished Indian structures, to attack their community and make them accountable in the present, but are we awakened with these submerged realities as well? One-sided history or evolving history, rationality comes with the choices citizens make to discern their roots.
Mir Osman Ali Khan
The history of Muslim resistance to British colonial rule also travelled deep into Malabar in Kerala, where Variyankunnath Kunjahammad Haji, Ali Musliyar , and Sayyid Fazal Pookoya Thangal emerged as formidable names in a long tradition of anti-colonial mobilisation. Fazal Pookoya Thangal, the 19th-century Mappila spiritual leader of Malabar, became an influential voice against British authority and the oppressive agrarian order sustained under colonial rule, eventually being forced into exile in 1852. Decades later, that inheritance of resistance found powerful expression in the 1921 Malabar uprising, with Ali Musliyar, a religious scholar and Khilafat leader, and Variyankunnath Kunjahammad Haji becoming among its most prominent leaders. Haji challenged British authority in parts of Malabar and established a parallel administration in areas under rebel control, while Ali Musliyar mobilised people against colonial rule before being captured and executed by the British. Haji, too, was eventually captured and executed by firing squad in January 1922.
Ali Musliyar
Culture can marginalise women, but religion pours courage
“Khoob Ladi Mardani thi, Wo Jhansi Wali Rani thi”, Whenever we speak of women who took up arms for this land, Rani Lakshmibai of Jhansi is the name that comes to every tongue, and she deserves every bit of that memory. But here’s what gnaws: she was not alone. There were other women just as fearless, standing in the same fire, and history simply didn’t bother to write their names down.
Begum Hazrat Mahal
Begum Hazrat Mahal was one of them, and she wasn’t a side character, she was one of the rebellion’s most formidable forces. Even William Howard Russell, a British correspondent writing for his own side, couldn’t deny her fire. In his My Indian Mutiny Dairy, describing her as a woman of remarkable energy who had stirred all of Oudh into rising for her son’s cause and had herself declared undying war against the British. At Musa Bagh in Lucknow, she didn’t issue orders from a distance, she personally fought alongside and rallied nearly 9,000 rebel soldiers, moving from camp to camp, lifting morale with speeches that set entire camps on fire.
Abadi Bano Begum
And then there’s Abadi Bano Begum- the woman history remembers, if at all, only as “Bi Amma.” A widow with six children, one of the sons Maulana Shaukat Ali, and the other Mohammad Ali Jauhar, above-mentioned together known as the Ali Brothers. She could have used every excuse the world hands a woman to stay silent. widowhood, motherhood, the weight of raising children alone. She used none of them. When the country needed people brave enough to stand up to the British, she stood up too. She became the first woman to address a political rally while wearing a burqa and let that sink in for a moment. She didn’t have to remove a part of her identity to be taken seriously in public life; she broke the idea that a veiled woman couldn’t also be a fighter, a leader, or a voice loud enough to move a crowd. She urged women to stop hiding at home and join the struggle, organizing funds and meetings where they were addressed as political beings for the first time, and taught why boycotting foreign goods mattered. She convinced them to donate to the Tilak Swaraj Fund, set up by Bal Gangadhar Tilak to finance India’s freedom struggle.
Kulsum Sayani
Not every battle was fought with a sword, some were fought with pen and paper. Kulsum Sayani, awarded the Padma Shri in 1960, waged her own war against illiteracy through the Jan Jagran movement, teaching under “each one, teach one” and leading centres for Muslim women that grew from 50 to 600 by sheer will. Begum Rokeya, a fiercely prolific feminist writer at a time when a woman dreaming was seen as rebellion, imagined a world turned upside down in Sultana’s Dream, then built that vision into reality, founding a girls’ school in 1909 and the Muslim Women’s Association in 1916, giving women space to learn and speak.
Begum Rokeya
80th Indian Independence Day’s call to unwind the narratives
As the author of ‘Sare Jahan Sai Achcha, Hindustan Humara’– Allama Iqbal penned- “The freedom lovers of the nation stepped forward with such dignity that even those long imprisoned by deprivation watched in admiration.” It has been shouldered on the present generations to soak in the evolving history to sanitize the present from groans of hatred, rotting the Indian society.
These lost chapters from Indian history wouldn’t have been possible to muster without the effulgent works of Salim Khan, Romila Thapar, Ramachandra Guha, S. Irfan Habib, Mushirul Hasan, A. G. Noorani, Rana Safvi, etc. Grinning us with the fact that the pluralistic framework of India is not only designed by the constituent makers, but it is also originally earned by all the freedom fighters, from pre- to post-independence.
Adeena Navaid is a law student and writer covering legal, social, and feminist issues, with work published in Maktoob, Bar & Bench, The Quint, Siasat, SheThePeople, and other platforms. Aiman Tabassum is a final-year LL.B. student at the University of Mumbai who writes on constitutional law, legal history, and socio-political issues, with work published in Bar & Bench.
source: http://www.maktoobmedia.com / Maktoob Media / Home> Opinion / by Adeena Navaid & Aiman Tabassum / August 14th, 2026
In ‘Print and the Urdu Public’, Megan Eaton Robb writes about the impact and role of popular Urdu newspaper Madinah and how it pushed back against censorship.
File photo | Gen. Reginald Dyer | Wikimedia Commons
Madīnah’s community of editors, subeditors, and proprietors illustrate the interconnected network of professionals working on newspapers across North India, with a shared commitment to confounding censorship laws. Editors of Madīnah were products of qasbahs and lived in Bijnor or nearby while employed by the publication. At least one assistant editor, Ḥamīd Ḥasan “Fakīr” Bijnorī (1903–1991), was a relative, having married Majīd Ḥasan’s daughter in the 1910s before he became the editor of Madinah Press’s children’s magazine Ghunchah after 1922. Ḥamīd Ḥasan would later be listed as an assistant editor from 1930 to 1935 and even take over as editor for several months when the need arose in 1945. When a new editor took over the work of Madīnah and was not already resident in Bijnor, he would move into the Ḥasan compound, which acted as the administrative office of the paper. Several small apartments attached to the main verandah, so editors could live in comfort with their families, remaining accessible to the newspaper office while maintaining privacy. Maulānā Majīd Ḥasan’s name, along with the name of the current chief editor, always appeared on the paper’s title page. At any given time there could be up to three editors of the paper, with the chief editor being referred to as “mudīr-i mas’ūl.”
Although Majīd Ḥasan’s proprietorship provided continuity for the newspaper, its different editors influenced the paper’s tone and focus. The turnover between editors could be rapid when legal troubles emerged. For instance, in 1924, when the editor Qāẓī Badrul Ḥasan Jalālī (1891–1956) was prosecuted by the British Raj for an article, he resigned his editorship, but he stepped back into his position once the dust of government scrutiny had settled. If Majīd Ḥasan attracted too much scrutiny from government surveillance, he could retreat from view behind the shadow of his prominent editors, continuing to exert the same influence behind the scenes. This allowed his outfit to survive draconian censorship measures while retaining the continuity essential to the newspaper’s success.
When he launched the newspaper in 1912, Majīd Ḥasan had little local influence. The only person of significance attached to the newspaper initially was a prominent journalist of the period, Nūr ul-Ḥasan Zahīn, who wrote for Ṣaḥīfa as well. Colonial censors initially dismissed Madīnah as a “bigoted Muhammadan organ, inclined to make trouble between Hindus and Muhammadans.” Madīnah first earned the ire of colonial administrators by criticizing the headmaster of Bijnor High School for complying with the British Educational Code. This was only the first of many encounters with censorship legislation.
April 1917 marked the beginning of Editor Mazh̤ ar ud-Dīn Shairkoṭī’s tenure, and the newspaper’s shift to publishing more explicitly political, anti-British stances. Shairkoṭī, a novelist as well as a journalist, was born in the Shairkoṭ qasbah of Bijnor in 1888. Initially educated by Maulānā ‘Abdul Qayūm Arshāq and Miyānji Sa‘ad Allah Sahib, he had attended Deoband as a pupil of Maulānā Mahmud ul-Ḥasan Asīr Mālṭā, known as Shaikh ul-Hind. After completing his education at Deoband, Mazh̤ ar ud- Dīn returned to Shairkot, where he worked on the newspaper Dastūr under the management of Ḥakīm Asrār ul-Nabī and on the newspaper Nagīnah.
Maulānā Majīd Ḥasan saw Maz̤har ud-Dīn’s affiliation with the newspaper as the beginning of a new period of commitment to the Muslim community and wrote an illustrious introduction for his new editor. Majīd Ḥasan’s message in his introduction was clear: he had brought in a power player to man the ship of Madīnah, a man who indubitably linked the paper to a network of powerful publications and individuals. The new editor transformed Madīnah into a more explicitly political entity. Maz̤har ud-Dīn associated with prominent political Muslims of the period, including Syed Ḥasan Imām, who presided over the Indian National Congress’s consideration of the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms in Bombay in 1918. His other associates included Nawab Muḥammad Ismā’il Khān. He was, along with Khalīquzzamān, a key organizer of the UP Muslim League, and a prominent member until 1947; he remained in India after independence.
After the end of World War I in November 1918, discussions of independence and postwar reality in India began in earnest. The state of Islam, and the progress of both national and local branches of organizations such as the Muslim League and Congress, became matters of intense concern. Mohandas Karamchand “Mahātmā” Gāndhī (1869–1948) featured in several articles musing on the way forward for political Muslims. In addition, discussions of the fall out of World War I in Turkey and the caliphate took center stage. Under Mazh̤ ar ud-Dīn’s leadership, the newspaper emphasized the connection between the fate of Indian Muslims and of those in Turkey and other nations with significant ties to Islam.
Mazh̤ ar ud-Dīn presided over Madīnah’s publication of an article critical of the government’s role in the Jallianwallabagh massacre, which led to a dramatic conflict with the British Raj. In April 1919 Madīnah published an article criticizing Lieutenant Governor Sir Michael O’Dwyer’s (1864–1940) endorsement. Putting Madīnah on the Muslim Map of the actions of Colonel Reginald Dyer, who had overseen the disproportionate response at Jallianwallabagh. The article minced no words:
His honour O’Dwyer’s government of Panjab, from the very beginning, kept as the foundation of its policy a despotic course of action [ . . . ] This was his honor O’Dwyer’s last period of government; therefore it was necessary that he make amends for his past course of actions. This was the time when, instead of extinguishing the fire with the water Of gentleness and kindness, he inflamed the hearts of the ahl-i Punjab. Perhaps it could be said that he did not put out the fire with water, but instead doused it with oil. If that were not the case, then why would he at the conclusion of his reign, give orders that were so repellent, so far from resembling affection that they approximated hate?
It was actually illegal at this point in time to question the motives of the colonial government; thus, the final statement of the quotation accusing O’Dwyer of “hate” fell afoul of censorship laws. The government banned Madīnah from circulating in Punjab as a result of this piece. Mazh̤ arud-Dīn and Majīd Ḥasan’s response was defiant: in August 1919 they renamed the newspaper Yasrab, an Arabic synonym of Madīnah, as a bid to evade censorship.64 On the cover of each issue of Yasrab an Iqbal couplet appeared, a knowing wink to its readership base:
The dust of Madinah is better than both worlds. How wonderful is the city where the beloved is.
Khāk-i yas̱rab az do ‘ālam khūshtar ast Ā’e khunak shahre ke ānjā dilbar ast.
The couplet hinted at the paper Yasrab’s true identity, offered praise for the paper’s unpretentious popularity, and emphasized the link between the newspaper and the city Madīnah. Madīnah’s proprietor and editors were men who wore their few educational laurels lightly. More important than formal education was the ability to use that knowledge in the service of Indians generally and Muslims particularly. Unsurprisingly, the attempt at flouting the circulation ban was quickly detected. The paper reverted back to the title Madīnah after a few weeks, and the ban on circulation was lifted eventually.66 Madīnah was a space offering a figurative point of access to the community of Islam, the qaum, and it was a space increasingly under siege of colonial censorship laws.
Madīnah had been only one of many significant voices in the press commenting on the Jallianwallabagh fiasco. As the UP fortnightly report complained, “[The] occurrences in the Punjab [ . . . ] practically absorbed the entire attention of the press.” Along with Madīnah/Yasrab, the British excluded from Punjab al- Khalīl of Bijnor, The Independent of Allahabad (a Nehru paper), Hamdam and Akhuwat of Lucknow (Farangi Mahalli papers), Swadesh of Gorakhpur, and Amrita bazar patrika of Calcutta. The government demanded securities, or large sums of money as surety against future crimes of sedition, from papers in Bengal, Nagpur, Lucknow, and Madras. Madīnah’s inclusion in this censorship was a testament to its growing influence; its subterfuge demonstrated a growing sense of urgency in its mandate to reach readers and an emerging resolve to flout British restrictions.
In the 1920s, Madīnah focused on coverage of the Muslim League and the Indian National Congress, showing a preference for Congress.
It was per- haps Maz̤har ud-Dīn’s affection for the League that motivated him ultimately to resign from Madīnah in 1921. It is also possible that Mazh̤ ar ud-Dīn’s taste for politics pulled him closer to Delhi and toward the League after the political awakening accompanying the Khilafat Movement.
It was common for editors to move around among different qasbah-based newspapers, and after leaving Madīnah, Mazh̤ ar ud-Dīn joined Munshī Safīr Aḥmed’s Naginah-based paper Almān as its first editor; he was instrumental in relocating that paper to Delhi. He later became close to the leadership of the All-India Muslim League, including Muḥammad ‘Alī Jinnāh. In the 1930s he founded a paper entitled Vaḥdat (Unity) in order to assist the propagation of Muslim League ideals. When Maulānā Shabbīr Aḥmed ‘Usmānī, a Deobandi who supported the creation of Pakistan, resigned from the pro-Congress Jam‘īat ‘Ulamā and declared his allegiance to the Muslim League and Jinnah, he did so from Mazh̤ ar ud-Dīn’s office. This demonstrated Madīnah was one node in an important network of political power and publishing prestige in this period and had to make considered choices when it came to balancing shifting political alliances.
This excerpt from Print and the Urdu Public: Muslims, Newspapers, and Urban Life in Colonial India has been published with special permission from Oxford Univerity Press.
source: http://www.theprint.in / The Print / Home> Page Turner> Book Excerpts / by Megan Eaton Robb /May 15th, 2021
Barrister Mohammed Yaseen Nurie who served as a Minister in B.G. Kher’s cabinet
The lane leading from the iconic Mahim Dargah to Mahim police station has an important address: Nurie Villa. But you may never know it unless you enter the haveli-like home and meet its owner Owais Shakir Nurie. At the house’s delightfully decorated drawing room, Owais, 54, pores over a heap of old letters carefully kept in folders.
Look carefully as these letters, mostly typed but many handwritten too, reveal a lot about what Owais calls “the unsung hero, the forgotten freedom fighter who took Pakistan founder Muhammed Ali Jinnah head on.” These letters are addressed to Barrister Mohammed Yaseen (M Y) Nurie (1895-1971), Owais’s grandfather who lies forgotten in the saga of freedom struggle.
If our freedom movement, especially the years after Quit India Movement leading to Independence pockmarked by partition, was strikingly eventful, Nurie must occupy the place of an important player. Educated at Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College (Aligarh Muslim University since 1920), Barrister from England, incarcerated for two years during Quit India Movement (1942), opposed Jinnah so much that he called Nurie “my fiercest competitor”, elected MLA from Ahmedabad in the 1937 provincial elections for the Bombay province which included Gujarat, made minister of public works in the B G Kher cabinet, Nurie played multiple roles and yet remains largely unsung.
Letters written to him by luminaries like Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Lal Bahadur Shastri, Morarji Desai, Syed Mahmud (External Affairs Minister), V K Krishna Menon (Defence Minister), S K Patil (Transport and Communications Minister), testify to Nurie’s importance in national and Maharashtra’s politics.
Yet, if Nurie does not figure immediately in the national imagination created and promoted, post-Independence, through careful curation and diligent deletion, blame it on the “syndicate” within the Congress party which suffered Indira Gandhi’s wrath for opposing her politics.
“Since my grandfather was in the syndicate led by the likes of K Kamraj and Morarji Desai, he too was denied positions in the 1960s and a place in the government-backed history projects,” says Owais, a govt contractor. “My father (Shakir Nurie) had seen how his father and the family suffered for siding with the Syndicate.”
The family was evicted from its rented Colaba home. “Nobody knew that there existed a tranche of letters, photographs and other documents related to my grandfather’s role in the freedom struggle and his interactions with so many important leaders till I opened the cloth bundle dumped at our Bewar (Rajasthan) haveli,” says Owais.
In his handwritten letter (November 17, 1956), Nehru profusely thanks Nurie for his birthday wishes. Through a 31st July, 1954 letter from Istanbul (Turkey), a director friend informs Nurie how Mehboob Khan-directed, Dilip Kumar-starrer Aan (1952) was a huge success in Egypt and he wants to show it in Turkey too.
Among the Nurie papers is a detailed protest letter Nurie lodged against a proposal to turn the historic Khilafat House in Byculla into a musafirkhana for Haj pilgrims. “It was due to his protest that the Khilafat House did not become the Haj House (it came up much later near Crawford Market). Nurie sahab had served the Khilafat Movement and knew its importance in our national life,” observes Khilafat House’s trustee Rauf Pathan, currently engaged in the redevelopment of this iconic building.
Owais thanks his friend Sunil Bhatia who drew his attention to the blog created by the Ministry of Culture as part of its initiative on “unsung heroes” under the Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav. Ministry officials jumped with excitement when they saw some of the letters and requested Owais to collect and add more credible information to the project on Nurie’s life.
At a meeting in 2018 in Ahmedabad, held by businessman Zafar Sareshwala, a Hindu businessman felicitated Owais after he learnt he carried the Nurie legacy, the freedom fighter who opposed Jinnah and, as PWD minister (1937-39), must have overseen work on Queen’s Necklace , Marine Drive.
source: http://www.timesofindia.indiatimes.com / The Times of India / Home> News> City News> Mumbai News / by Mohammed Wajihuddin / May 24th, 2026
Can a stable and just democracy flourish on foundations of wilful amnesia and erasure?
A c. 1800 painting showing the last stand of Tipu Sultan, ruler of Mysore in 1799 at the end of the Anglo-Mysore Wars with the East India Company. Photo: Henry Singleton/Public domain.
Many will ask why a book about Muslims who fought for India’s freedom? There’s no answer to such questions except another question. Had we been better memory keepers as a nation, could we have avoided the peak disinformation and stupidity which normalises reviling ordinary Muslims as outsiders, infiltrator and insurgents?
Muslim Freedom Fighters of India is a two-volume biographical compilation by Salim Khan on less-known, mostly forgotten and hardly known Muslim figures. The books aim to clear the fog around Muslim freedom fighters whose names are heard of without them being extensively known and this requires us to understand why this fog exists. Written in an extremely readable and accessible format, these biographical accounts embed the historical figures in the context of their times, responding to unprecedented events with foresight, clarity and conviction that sealed their fate and shaped and the nation’s destiny.
Whether we are reading about Generals of 1857 – Bakht Khan and Khan Bahadur Khan – or the Cambridge-educated Rampur scion Mohammad Ali Juahar of Khilafat moment and his fiery mother Bi Amma, the larger questions seething beneath the stories keep rising to surface. Who does a society and nation choose to remember and celebrate? Whose memories are deemed worthy of preserving? History is always shaped by those who control archives, narratives and memorialisation and hence memory.
Reading about Tipu’s dazzling reign through the three Anglo Mysore wars where he proved superior to British forces, I was reminded of the controversy sparked by the late Girish Karnad’s suggestion of naming the Bengaluru airport after Tipu Sultan. Karnad had said, “It is true that Tipu Sultan was not born in Bengaluru, but he was a son of this soil and a freedom fighter. Had Tipu been a Hindu, he would have achieved the status of Shivaji, and the airport would have been named after him.” I recalled Karnad because his play Dreams of Tipu Sultan echoes the same theme that this two-volume tribute to erased, obscured and deliberately unremembered historical figures echoes: that when politics lays down who should be forgotten, remembering the erased becomes a duty, an affirmation and a political act.
It is important to clarify that this is not a compilation of eulogies but well-researched fact based account of people who had the uncommon clarity to resist colonial domination even before the nationalistic narratives took shape. That they happened to be Muslims is important today because of the distortions that have obscured and erased them. But back then when they fought and resisted, they were simply rallying for the cause of their soil and their watan. From the earliest times they understood that freedom from foreign domination required Hindus and Muslims to put up a united front as in the war of 1857, the Khilafat movement, and the period between 1919 and 1924. Back then too, traitors cut across religious lines – Jagat Seth, Mir Jafar, and Ilahi Baksh.
Muslim Freedom Fighters of India: Part 1 and Part 2’, Salim Khan, Qalam Aur Kaagaz Books.
From Siraj ud Daulah to Tipu to Shahzada Firoz Shah, the book shows how the fog around these personalities is not accidental but meticulously designed – initially by the colonial mind, then picked up by early nationalists and woven into simplistic narratives. The macabre dance of history further stifled Muslim voices. Cataclysmic events like the ‘end’ of the Mughal Dynasty in 1857 and the Partition in 1947 sundered clans, erased family histories, legacies crumbled with no one is around to defend and uphold them. Today, even people who don’t know history have heard of Lakshmi Bai, but many who read history may not have heard about Shahzada Firoz Shah, the Mughal Emperor’s grandson who in August 1857, led a band of armed soldiers to rally the rebels in Rohilkhand and Malwa and who fought alongside Tatia Tope and called for a united Hindu-Muslim front against the Company.
The British understood the dangerous potential of popular memory and subverted any potential for memorialisation of hugely influential figures. No one knows if Shahzada Firoz died in battle or escaped to West Asia. The Maulavi Ahmadulla of Faizabad whose authority and fearlessness scared the British so much that they kept a reward on his head, was likewise interred in an unmarked grave. Knowing that even his memory could become a node to unite the rebels, the British saw to it that no commemoration was permitted or possible. Zafar, the last Mughal was exiled to Rangoon for the same reasons.
In her book, India, 5,000 years of history on the subcontinent, Audrey Truschke, elucidates how Muslim rulers like Nawab Siraj ud Daulah and Tipu Sultan to Zafar felt a responsibility for their subjects no matter what their religion. For example, Siraj ud Daulah actively intervened in times of famines and drought in Bengal. But after the British took over they did nothing to alleviate human suffering, so that 20% of Bengal’s population died in the famine of 1768 and the small-pox epidemic of 1769-70 following it. This had never happened during earlier episodes of failed harvests. Truschke says, British historians initiated the custom of categorising Indian rulers as tyrannical, effete and incompetent, reducing them to their religion and writing in terms of Hindu rulers and Muslim rulers. The British needed to demonise Muslim rulers who were their immediate predecessors in subcontinent so that they might look good by comparison, Truschke notes. It was a part of the colonial propaganda.
Another pattern Salim Khan’s compilation brings out is that from mid-18th century onwards, the first responders and the most committed crusaders resisting colonial domination – the kings, queens, princes, preachers, noblemen – were Muslims. Not only because the British had wrested from them the power they had wielded for centuries (howsoever fragmented or diluted it may have become); but also, because they were looked upon as leaders. In Awadh, for example, the Shia elite took it as their moral-ethical duty (see Chapter 7, volume I: Shia Ullema and Noblemen of Awadh)
Even in the 20th century, Muslim freedom fighters like Hasrat Mohani of the Inquilaab Zindabad fame and Asfaqullah Khan of the Kakori conspiracy who was an icon for Bhagat Singh, remain in the shadows, seen only in a hazy half-light. Were their contributions any less or only less remembered? One of the most important projects post-Independence should have been to restore memory and affirmation to those whom the British put on the wrong side of history, no matter what their religion or caste. But we know this is not what happened.
Since the arrival of the political controversy over Tipu Sultan, we have entered in an era of deliberate distortion of history. The larger question that these accounts refrain from asking but that jumps to any thinking person’s mind is this: can a stable and just democracy flourish on foundations of wilful amnesia and erasure? Should the memory of Muslim freedom fighters be kept only by the Muslims? The heritage and memory of Indian Muslims needs to be reclaimed by them. But equally, these volumes are required reading for the casually miseducated, hopelessly disinformed or simply ignorant Hindus who have been stupefied into denying and distorting their composite history.
Varsha Tiwary is a Delhi-based writer and translator. She has recently published 1990, Aramganj a translation of the best-selling Hindi novel Rambhakt Rangbaz.
The Banyan tree on which the execution took place. Photo: Ghulam Ahmad Raza
During the 1857 revolt against British rule, Jharkhand too witnessed armed resistance. The rebellion had spread across regions including Ranchi, Hazaribagh, Ramgarh, Palamu and Singhbhum. In the dense forested border areas of Ranchi and Hazaribagh, the rebel forces were led by Shaheed Sheikh Bhikhari Ansari and Tikait Umrao Singh. From the dense jungles of the Chuttu Palu valley, their army fought British troops and prevented Ranchi from falling under colonial control. Both leaders were captured by the British forces on January 6, 1858 and were publicly executed by hanging on January 8, 1858, in the same Chuttu Palu valley.
The banyan tree on which they were hanged still stands today. The Jharkhand government has developed the surrounding area as a martyr memorial with the stated aim of preserving history and keeping alive the legacy of the region’s sites of resistance. Yet even today, many residents of the Chuttu Palu village where the memorial stands remain unaware of who these martyrs were.
Fifty-eight-year-old Nirmal Kumar, who works as a stone breaker near the memorial, often rests inside the premises during breaks. He says he has been coming here since childhood. Despite this, he is unaware of the historical significance of the site and does not recognise the names of Sheikh Bhikhari Ansari or Tikait Umrao Singh.
“I only know that blankets are distributed here every year on January 8,” he said. On the martyrdom anniversary, social workers and officials visit the site to pay tribute and distribute essentials among the poor.
Sanjay Munda, a resident of Chuttu Palu village, said that even today, most villagers do not know about the martyrs or the memorial’s history. “Members of the surrounding Scheduled Tribe (ST) and Scheduled Caste (SC) communities refer to the site in the local language as Fasiyahi Bar (tree where the hanging took place). Most people do not know about the 1857 revolt or the sacrifice of Sheikh Bhikhari and Tikait Umrao Singh,” he told Maktoob.
Despite the lack of awareness, locals often bow their heads in respect when passing the site.
The memory of these two revolutionaries who laid down their lives fighting British rule is slowly fading. Their history has largely been reduced to government files and digital web pages. On martyrdom days, ministers, officials and locals pay tributes, but beyond symbolic gestures, little is done. While the Jharkhand government has taken some steps to acknowledge them, no substantial initiative has been taken by the central government to formally recognise or honour their contributions.
Dr Muzaffar Hussain, researcher and author of Jharkhand ki Muslim Vibhutiyaan, says Muslim, SC and Adivasi martyrs have not received the recognition they deserve. “Jharkhand has produced many revolutionaries who sacrificed their lives for India’s freedom, but recognition has been limited largely to Birsa Munda only,” he said.
He points out that the 1857 revolt took place nearly 40 years before Birsa Munda’s Ulgulan (revolt). “Names like Nadir Ali, Imam Ali, Jatra Tana Bhagat, Sidhu–Kanhu, Phulo–Jhano, Nilambar–Pitambar, Sohbat Miyan, Chandan Miyan, Jaggu Miyan and Najahat Hussain are a part of Jharkhand’s resistance history during the 1857 revolt, yet they remain largely forgotten.”
Hussain argues that the Jharkhand government must project its revolutionaries on a larger scale for the central government to take meaningful steps. “Even platforms like Google and Wikipedia carry very limited information about them,” he said.
He suggests state-funded research, naming welfare schemes and government buildings after revolutionaries and honouring their descendants are ways to restore their place in public memory.
Ruchi Kujur, an activist working on SC and ST rights and a member of the Jharkhand State Commission for Protection of Child Rights, said every state has its own history, and Jharkhand is rich with stories of courage and resistance. “The list of Adivasi and SC heroes is long,” she said.
“People need to be made aware of their ancestors’ sacrifices. When these revolutionaries are honoured, it inspires the younger generation to work for society and the nation.”
Situated amid a valley rich in natural beauty, the martyr memorial complex (Shaheed Sthal) has been developed with basic amenities. Yet, several factors discourage people from visiting the site, further deepening the lack of public awareness about the martyrs. Surrounded by dense forests and hills, the memorial lies in an isolated location, with no human habitation within a radius of nearly five kilometres. This isolation is a major reason why people hesitate to visit the site, either alone or with their families.
The premise includes resting sheds, benches and toilet facilities. However, due to poor maintenance, thick shrubs have grown across the complex. Lights installed in the area and doors of the toilets have reportedly been stolen. Although the police conduct patrols from time to time, the absence of adequate security continues to deter visitors.
Ghulam Ahmad Raza is a Jharkhand-based freelance journalist with over four years of experience. He has worked as a City Reporter with Pratah Awazand as aSub Editor with Prabhat Mantra. His reporting focuses on marginalised communities, forgotten histories and grassroots political narratives.
source: http://www.maktoobmedia.com / Maktoob Media / Home> East India / by Ghulam Ahmad Raza / January 29th, 2026
Sultana Saleem was one of the officers of Azad Hind Fauj, or INA, of Subhas Chandra Bose.
It is a concise compilation of a few of less known Muslim women who took part in the Indian Freedom Struggle.
Begum Mahboob Fatima: On 13 April 1932, two women were arrested at Chandni Chowk in Delhi by the police for commemorating the anniversary of the massacre at Jallianwala Bagh. These two were Begum Mahboob Fatima and Satyawati. On 21 April 1932, Begum Mahboob was sentenced for six months of Rigorous Imprisonment and Rupees 50 of fine. With this she became the first Muslim woman to have been sentenced during the freedom struggle in Delhi.
Sultana Saleem: Sultana Saleem was one of the officers of Azad Hind Fauj, or INA, of Subhas Chandra Bose. Her husband Colonel Saleem, whom she met during the war, also served the INA and Sultana was an officer of Rani Jhansi Regiment. Sultana reached India as part of the first contingent of captured soldiers of Rani of Jhansi Regiment in February 1946. The Indian Express reported on 22 February 1946, “Mrs Sleem felt that there was only one country for her- Hindusthan – and only one nation – Hindustani. She did not believe in either communalism or provincialism. It was the oneness of India that appealed to her most. In East Asia, she said there was no consciousness at all of religious or provincial differences and no untouchability problem. She believed that if India had freedom her many problems could be solved without much difficulty.”
Asghuri Begum: In 1857, when somewhere else Rani of Jhansi and Begum Hazrat Mahal were fighting against the colonial army of the English East India Company, in Muzaffarnagar and Shamli, peasant women had organised themselves in armed bands. The leader was Asghuri Begum. The region had been liberated by the Indian revolutionaries where the women contingent was being led by Asghuri. When Major Sawyer conquered Thana Bhawan, a town in Shamli, in October 1857, Asghuri was also captured. British troops tied her to a pole at a public place and set fire to her alive.
Nishat-un-Nisa: “I appeal to the youth of this country that they sit at the feet of this goddess (Nishat un Nisa Begum) to learn the lessons of independence and perseverance.” These were the words of famous Urdu poet Pandit Brij Narayan Chakbast. Nishat was the first Muslim woman to address a Congress Session and that too without a purdah. Hasrat Mohani, who coined Inquilab Zinadabad, was her husband. Nishat attended the public political meetings without her husband. She wrote articles, led delegations to Viceroy, participated in strikes and was the first woman to move a resolution for complete independence at a Congress session.
Saadat Bano: Saadat Bano whose husband Saifuddin Kitchlew is known as the hero of Jallianwala Bagh was a writer, poet and political activist much before her marriage. She wrote extensively for women rights, patriotism and education. It is a well known fact that people gathered at Jallianwala on 13 April 1919 to protest the arrest of Saifuddin but it is often overlooked that they came to listen to a public address by Saadat. Saifuddin was in jail but Saadat did not sit at home in those times. She used to address meetings, meet political leaders, attend Congress sessions, write in papers and take part in All India Women Conference activities. She was considered orator par excellence.
Amjadi Begum: How important a person would be if Gandhi himself wrote in one of his articles that this ‘brave woman’ led the ‘fundraising campaigns’ from the front ? Almost no history student in India knows Amjadi Begum. They know her as the wife of Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar. Gandhi in one of his articles wondered whether she could teach her husband the art of public oratory, where one impressed upon the hearts of the audience in a few words. She is believed to have single handedly led the fundraising campaigns and managed affairs of Jamia Millia Islamia when her husband was in prison.
Moondar: Rani of Jhansi’s movement had an important Muslim woman, viz. Moondar. She was a close aide and assisted her during battles. Robert Hamilton, agent of Governor General to Central India, informed the British government on 30 October 1858, “Rani was riding a horse. There was another Muslim woman riding with her, who used to be her servant as well as companion since many years. Both fell down from the horse with the bullet wounds simultaneously.” Another British officer John Venables Sturt claimed that the body recovered by the British was not of Rani but Moondar’s.
Nani Hakko: Nani Hakko was a jolaha (weaver) woman from Panipat who was impressed by Mahatma Gandhi’s idea of boycott and swadeshi. The she first heard him, Hakko started weaving her own shroud. She willed to be buried in a khadi shroud. When someone asked her what she was weaving, she would reply, ““I am weaving a kafan (shroud) for myself”.
Hakko left this world only the day after completing this khaddar ka kafan. She asked people to bury her in this handwoven shroud (khaddar ka kafan) and boycotted the foreign made cloth even in her death. According to Khwaja Ahmad Abbas, she was the first person to have been buried in khaddar ka kafan as a result of Gandhi’s call to charkha. Khwaja wrote, “she was the first one to be buried in a khaddar ka kafan — a patriot unto death!”
source: http://www.heritagetimes.in / Heritage Times / Home / by Saquib Salim / March 08th, 2025
Kazi Jalil Abbasi was a leader, freedom fighter and politician who witnessed key events of twentieth century–not just as an observer but as someone who took active part in public life, participated in movements and after independence went on to fight elections and become a legislator, minister and Parliamentarian.
When a large number of Muslims from Uttar Pradesh including elite and the community leaders, were leaving the country, he remained committed to his political ideology, kept opposing communalism and led from the front–fighting and raising his voice democratically in independent India.
Uttar Pradesh, the heartland and the most populous state in the country, had been the battleground for Congress and Muslim League before 1947. It had seen competitive communalism, inter-religious tensions and riots. On the ground, situation in UP was complex and different from other states.
Kazi Jalil Abbasi’s autobiography is insightful and reveals a lot about the period and the struggles. Abbasi was born in Bayara in Basti district in1912. He studied in different schools in Gonda, Unnao and Basti before he joined the Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) from where he was expelled.
All these circumstances, his idealism, role in freedom struggle are part of the book. He was against the political stand of Muslim League. The books also provides information about Congress’ organisation and the politics in UP, its leaders. There are interesting anecdotes about top leaders, ranging from Rafi Ahmad Kidwai to Indira Gandhi.
The autobiography titled ‘Kya Din The!’ was originally published in Urdu.
Arif Ansari has now translated it in English. Ansari is settled in Washington DC. The book that runs into nearly 350 pages is a must-read for anyone who is interested in the era, important events and the post-partition situation in Uttar Pradesh.
