The Karnataka Government has ordered the nomination of representatives from newly added villages to the Virajpet Town Municipal Council (TMC).
The appointments are set to take immediate effect, with prominent names being included as additional members to the Municipal body.
Among those nominated as Councillors is Atif Manna, son of late Shahul Hameed Manna, a former Councillor of Virajpet Town Municipality. Another appointee is H.B. Anitha, wife of Ahmed Wahid.
Atif Manna, who belongs to the Nawayathi community, brings with him a rich political legacy. His family has played a vital role in Virajpet’s governance for decades.
The first Nawayathi Councillor and President of Virajpet Municipality was late Janab Maani Hussain Saheb Bahadur, who served as the President for 11 years. His contributions to the region were recognised by the Coorg Government, which honoured him with the title ‘Bahadur.’
The family’s political involvement spans generations. Atif Manna’s grandfather, Meera Manna, was a Councillor for three terms and once served as Vice-President of the Municipality. His father, Shahul Hameed Manna, served two terms — once through an election and once by nomination.
Continuing this lineage, Atif Manna has now been nominated as the Councillor to represent the newly expanded areas of Virajpet TMC.
source: http://www.starofmysore.com / Star of Mysore / Home> News / October 25th, 2024
On October 19, 2024, the Institute of Policy Studies and Advocacy (IPSA) hosted a one-day workshop at the Indian Social Institute, focusing on the prospects and challenges of conducting research on minorities in the context of social inclusion.
The event aimed to gather key stakeholders—academics, PhD scholars, students, policymakers, and civil society organizations—to discuss the importance of minority studies, particularly regarding the Muslim community in India, and to propose actionable recommendations for aligning research with national and state policies.
The workshop brought together over 40 research scholars and senior academics from various universities, including Jawaharlal Nehru University, Jamia Millia Islamia, and Delhi University. The Social Science Researchers’ meet, titled “Minority Studies in India,” sought to create a collaborative environment for scholars to share insights and identify areas needing further exploration.
Dr. Jawed Alam Khan, General Secretary of IPSA, initiated the discussions by outlining the workshop’s objectives and context. He emphasized IPSA’s ongoing initiatives in minority research and highlighted the necessity for continued dialogue in this field.
Dr. Furqan Qamar, a professor at Jamia Millia Islamia, underscored the critical role of institutions in development and articulated the significant challenges faced by Indian Muslims. He called for studies that investigate the underlying causes of Muslim marginalization, including their access to financial resources, and stressed the importance of producing accessible and critical literature.
Dr. Tanvir Aeijaz from Delhi University contributed to the discourse by examining the distinction between “minority” and “Muslim” in academic literature. He discussed the need for equity and affirmative action, particularly in the context of the Post-Sachar Report, and raised crucial questions about citizenship amid rising deprivation and exclusion practices.
The workshop also featured a panel discussion chaired by Dr. Asheref Illiyan, Professor and Head of the Department of Economics at Jamia Millia Islamia. Dr. Ghazala Jamil, an Assistant Professor at Jawaharlal Nehru University, urged the need for fresh perspectives in studying Muslims, advocating for a shift away from outdated stereotypes. She emphasized areas like land rights, urbanization, and the unique challenges faced by Muslim women.
Dr. Khalid Khan discussed the importance of empirical research on inclusion and development theories, while Dr. Zakaria Siddiqui called for a redefinition of minority status and highlighted the critical gaps in data concerning Muslim communities.
Following the panel, an Open House session allowed participants to share their research and discuss the future of minority studies. Scholars expressed the need for collaborative efforts, research groups, and support mechanisms to foster engagement among minority researchers. The session was addressed by Professor Arvinder Ansari and Dr. Ghazala Jamil, who responded to participants’ questions and concerns.
In conclusion, the workshop highlighted the urgent need for in-depth research on Muslim communities in India, advocating for a multidisciplinary approach to address issues of equity, representation, and social justice. Participants agreed on the importance of forming a dedicated agency for minority research, which could produce newsletters, journals, and foster a network of scholars committed to advancing minority studies in India.
source: http://www.indiatomorrow.net / India Tomorrow / Home> News> Society / by admin india tomorrow / October 25th, 2024
Thirty two students from humble background clear NEET 2023 with the help of Urooj, celebrate medical dreams.
Kolkata :
Three years ago, amidst the fast-paced hustle of Blinkit, grocery deliveries zipped past Mohammed Iqbal. But on Sunday, in a Kolkata school auditorium, a stethoscope draped around his neck marked a stark contrast to his past – a future doctor stood ready to embark on a new journey.
“In 2021, I was an auditor for Blinkit. I have to visit Blinkit stores and check their qualities,” Iqbal, now a student of Bachelor in Dental Studies (BDS) at Burdwan, reminisced. “My father ran a small clothing shop. Juggling studies and supporting my family, NEET (National Eligibility cum Entrance Test) coaching seemed like a distant dream. That’s when I found Urooj.”
Urooj Institute, recognizing Ahmed’s financial constraints and demanding work schedule, extended a helping hand. Dr Minhjuddin Khurram, the institute’s anchor man, vividly recalled their first meeting,
“He came in wearing a Blinkit t-shirt. We understood his situation – he couldn’t afford coaching while working in a job where he has to be mobile most of the time. So, we helped him secure a librarian job, allowing him to study for NEET while earning an income.”
Teacher Amrendra Kumar (face not visible) and Dr Minhajuddin Khurram hug each other during the felicitation | eNewsroom
This act of support and understanding proved crucial. With renewed focus and dedication, Ahmed aced the exam on his second attempt. Now, he sets his sights even higher, aiming for an MBBS seat next time.
Similar struggles resonated in the story of Sarfaraz, a former freelance video editor. “My father, a primary school teacher who started working late in life, couldn’t afford luxuries,” Raiyan, now a BDS student, shared. “To support myself, I did video editing. Urooj’s guidance proved invaluable, helping me score 569 marks in NEET 2023.” Like Ahmed, Raiyan plans to retake the exam to improve his rank and qualify for an MBBS seat.
Ashraf, whose father owns a paan shop, and Shenaz, daughter of a bus driver who fell short of an MBBS seat by just one mark in 2022, were among the 32 Urooj students celebrated by renowned practicing doctors in Kolkata.
The evening buzzed with stories of resilience and triumph, each one a testament to the transformative power of opportunity.
Urooj’s students with the felicitating doctors | eNewsroom
Urooj also recognized its partners, including Headmaster Mohammed Alamgir of MD High School. His words resonated throughout the hall, “The government invests heavily in each doctor’s education – crores of rupees, funded by taxpayer money. So, if you studied at a government medical college, remember your responsibility to serve the public. Don’t think your success solely relies on you and your parents’ hard work. Society plays a vital role through taxes.”
Several doctors echoed Alamgir’s sentiment, urging the newcomers to pay it forward by helping others pursue their medical dreams, just like Urooj helped them.
On the occasion, Urooj also honoured three of its teachers- Md Irshad, Amrendra Kumar and Nadim Haider.
Abdullah Amir of Helping Hand Trust told the medical students about the butterfly effect and that every small work matters.
Dr Jawera Mehreen reminded the students, “In Palestine, doctors are true heroes. Remember, you have to serve the humanity wherever you will be.”
These 32 young individuals, embarking on their journeys as future doctors, represent not just personal triumphs but testaments to the power of collective support and dedication. As they step into the white coats, a shared commitment to serve humanity unites them, a promise whispered in the echoes of their past struggles and fueled by the unwavering support they received.
Last year, 22 students of Urooj, most of them from humble background had cleared NEET 2022.
The names of the students have been changed on their requests.
source: http://www.enewsroom.in / eNewsRoom India / Home> Education / by Shahnawaz Akhtar / February 12th, 2024
‘Role Model: Inspiring Stories of Indian Muslim Achievers’ by the former vice president of the Jawaharlal Nehru Students’ Union (JNUSU) Shehla Rashid comes at a time when the Indian Muslim has been negatively portrayed as a non-entity in the eyes of a commoner.
The first book by Shehla, who has research interests in technology and politics, is divided into 16 chapters which inclusively talk about the achievements of Indian Muslims in varied fields ranging from science, entertainment, and sports.
‘Role Model: Inspiring Stories of Indian Muslim Achievers’ highlights the contributions of Indian Muslims to civic national life by presenting the life stories and work of achievers.
The personalities which Shehla sheds light on are Nigar Shaji, Programme Director of Low Earth Orbit Missions at Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) and Project Director of the Aditya L-1 Solar Exploration Mission, globally renowned music composer and reticent genius A R Rahman, tennis ace Sania Mirza; Padma Shri awardee Dr Zahir Kazi, actor, producer, and author Huma Qureshi, military leader Lt Gen Syed Ata Hasnain, former ambassador of India to Saudi Arabia and Yemen, Dr Ausaf Sayeed, former vice chancellor of Aligarh Muslim University (AMU), Prof Tariq Mansoor, former vice chancellor of National Academy of Legal Studies and Research (NALSAR), Prof Faizan Mustafa, and the pioneer of dendritic cell immunotherapy in India, Dr Jamal Khan, among others.
“We have seen many negative media portrayals of Muslims, and this book attempts to humanise the discourse about Muslims by presenting inspiring life stories that everyone can relate to,” notes Shehla, a prominent youth figure in India.
The author emphasises that while people are somewhat aware of the contributions and sacrifices made by Indian Muslims during the freedom struggle, highlighting the work of notable Muslims in contemporary India was a long-overdue task. “This book is rare in that it provides detailed insight into their lives for the first time,” the author writes.
Interestingly, the foreword of the book is written by legendary film-writer Salim Khan. In his inspiring style, Khan, in the foreword, writes that the Indian Muslims must own their dreams and participate in the vision with vigour and optimism.
“Instead of unproductive fixations on our differences, we as Indians need to think about how to excel professionally and be kind to one another, for the sake of our motherland,” Khan writes in the foreword of the book.
Shehla, who is also a tech policy consultant, writes that the former President of India, the late Dr A P J Abdul Kalam, gave the country Vision 2020 for India and that Prime Minister Narendra Modi has energised people again with the mission of building a Viksit Bharat by 2047.
The book is published by Penguin Publishing House and costs just INR 203 on Amazon.
The author has accepted that while the book contains the life stories of a select few achievers, it must be mentioned that there is a vast majority of Muslims, which silently makes its contributions to various professions – civil services, fashion design, customer support, film direction, medicine, philanthropy, and so on.
Shehla, who cares deeply about the condition of Indian Muslims, notes that there are millions of Muslims engaged in informal employment in both organised and unorganised sectors who power the Indian economy, making life in India incredibly convenient and increasingly making the country a preferred destination for tourism, business, and investment. “We should be equally proud of them. All of them, whether rich or poor, skilled or semi-skilled, are an essential component of Brand India, which is premised on the power of youth, skills, innovation, a positive outlook, a growth mindset, and hard work,” the author points out.
Shehla, who deeply cares about women’s rights, notes that the unfortunate use of the term puncturewallas (‘puncture mechanic’) on social media as an insult for poor, hardworking Muslims has permeated the discourse.
She says that it is these puncturewallas who ensure that there isn’t a stranded woman anywhere in the country without recourse to assistance.
“While it is surprising that no volume on the contributions of contemporary Muslim public figures exists, it is also unsurprising because it wouldn’t make sense for them to over-emphasise their identity for fear of being boxed as ‘Muslim’ professionals when they are otherwise universally celebrated,” Shehla writes in the book.
The book is a celebration of contributions of Indian Muslims to the country. The book brings spotlight on the people who have long remained in shadows. It is a story that shatters the stereotypes. The book celebrates Muslim achievers of the country, a community that otherwise remains in the headlines for all the wrong reasons.
source: http://www.greaterkashmir.com / Greater Kashmir / Home> Opinion and Editorial / by Syed Rizwan Geelani / October 24th, 2024
Accumulation by Segregation by Ghazala Jamil / India, OUP India, 2017 / 244 pages / ISBN: 9780199470655/750 INR
Muslims in India continue to live in precarious conditions. Being classified as a minority implies more than just their small numbers; historically, it has implied a completely varied identity, negatively affecting their political, social, or cultural lives. With complete disregard for the geographical and cultural diversity within the Muslim community, postcolonial Muslims in India are differentiated by their aspersed identity. Within this overall restriction, which frequently took violent turns and formed the circumstances for surviving, Muslims had to negotiate their citizenship. Muslims’ circumstances were affected by their humiliating, dehumanising, and stereotypical identity.
Seen in this light, this book by Ghazala Jamil is an intervention into the conditions of Muslims in Delhi, studied as a part of the globalisation process. It provides readers with a systematic way of looking at the segregation of Muslims in Delhi. It looks at segregation in the context of the 1857 mutiny, the partition of 1947, Emergency and communal violence, and examines the relationship between globalization and segregation. It also examines the discursive practices perpetuating and strengthening the Muslim identity as anti-modern, backward, and unchangeable, thereby hindering the developmental potential among Muslims.
The author argues that comparing the historical ghettos of the Jewish population in Europe to the concentration of Muslims is misleading. The situation of Muslims is not primarily caused by coercion, violence, and oppression but rather by the limited options they face. This makes their situation historically specific and functionally distinct, warranting critical examination.
The book largely focuses on areas in Delhi, including parts of the walled city and localities outside Shahjahanabad; Seelampur and other trans-Yamuna Muslim areas in North Eastern Delhi. It also includes Jamia Nagar in South Delhi; Nizamuddin and Nizamuddin West, and the Taj Enclave. Through ethnographic explorations, Jamil explores the city’s inhabitants’ memories, living experiences, dreams, and discontent.
Violence, displacement, discrimination, migration and hope remain common in making these settlements. Various events, such as post-partition violence, the beautification drive during the emergency, and subsequent violence associated with growing Hindu nationalism, particularly in Gujarat, have contributed to the establishment of these settlements. As a result, a large influx of people migrated to settle in Delhi. By the late 1980s, segregation in Delhi on religious identity lines became almost final and complete (p. 5). These settlements faced various forms of discrimination, including being labelled as centres of terrorism, poverty, backwardness, and fanaticism associated with Muslims.
These places are identified as Muslim settlements and are subsequently termed ‘mini-Pakistan’, as with Seelampur. These conditions further determine the relationship of Muslim settlers beyond the segregated areas.
In the context of economic liberalisation, Delhi provided a sense of security in segregation but also better educational and economic opportunities to Muslims. Capitalism is found in Muslims as an ‘incarcerated resource’. For example, in Jamia Nagar, students with the requisite skills are making their place in the global economy. In Seelampur, the small manufacturers, both semi-skilled and unskilled labourers have ‘benefited’ from manufacturing jobs brought to India by globalization. But what is making them functionally distinct and incarcerated resources from other beneficiaries is that their involvement with globalization is restricted by their location in the segregated areas, which limits their movement and confines them to these areas only. Globalization, in this case, is not promoting progress but rather enforcing separation and discrimination, creating barriers that are challenging for Muslims to overcome.
Muslims are incorporated into the capitalist objective of maximizing profits. However, their situation is distinct due to several limitations. Firstly, they receive less financial help from banks and lack capital, both socially and financially. Additionally, they face a disproving work and business environment. Moreover, they are often viewed as enemies, backward, stagnant, and traitors. These factors ultimately determine their terms of incorporation with the outside world. Hence, making the point that aspersed identity has a distinctly exploitative and material function.
Despite segregation, the real estate business thrives within these settlements while keeping the segregated topography of Delhi undisturbed. Within these processes Muslim neighbourhoods have become complex and diverse in economic classes. Zakir Nagar Extension, Jogabai Extension, Johri Farm and Taj enclaves have emerged as affluent enclaves, areas of the neighbourhood where the wealthy citizens are clustered. Despite being wealthy, the residents are unable to leave their neighbourhood because Hindu property owners in other sections of the city refuse to sell or rent their homes to Muslims or because they see a threat of violence or claim to have had already experienced it. They try to enclose themselves and try to become less like the popular stereotypes about Muslims.
The author argues further that old Delhi, Jama Masjid with adjoining areas and that of Nizamuddin fell prey to commodification from the 1990s. The less significant structures, the Partition’s history and legacy, the clothing, the eateries, and the fragrances all serve as living artefacts and installations for tourists in addition to the historical monuments and religious sites in the region. The taboo topics of Muslims and “Muslimness” have evolved into odd, even weird, spectacles for the adventurous.
People flock to the streets of old Delhi to explore the exotic and the antique, reducing the inhabitants to spectacular displays for the consumer while rendering political contestation and mobilization difficult (p. 91). Through accumulation, it functions as a means of constructing the identity of individuals, connecting them to a particular place and creating an impression of an inherent and unchanging nature.
Jamil notes that in this effort of commodification, the state, civil society, and media are all involved, promoting history tours and good exotic Muslim foods to tourists. Keeping these things in mind, marketable Muslims in segregated areas has to remain as it is for the consumption of others.
Ghazala Jamil, drawing from Althusser, argues on the same lines that ideological state apparatus is reflected in cinema and media representation. She argues that Muslims and Muslimness are always shown and understood as homogenous entities, with utter disregard for their variation in political interest and in cultural practices. This notion is sustained and perpetuated in popular media films. Where the lines between reality and the stage are blurred. The author here analyses various Hindi movies during the period between 2008 to 2010, where the popular image of Muslims depicted as fundamentalist, parochial and backwards was given a space and subsequently uncritically consumed by viewers. When examining print media descriptions, it is evident that irrational attitudes, dangerous behaviour, volatility, and backwardness continue to be prominently used to portray incidents involving Muslims, often generalising the entire community.
Further, framing her case through fake encounters, extra-judicial killing, and differential treatment, she claims the Indian Muslim is fashioned as homines sacri. They are being made to “feel guilty for the partition of the country, represented as irrational fundamentalist fiends, loathsome and polluted, disloyal normative non-citizens, and potentially dangerous terrorists”(p. 99).
Homines sacri, according to Trevor Parfitt (2009), are individuals who have been placed outside the boundaries of the law, rendering them outlaws. They can be harmed or even killed without any legal repercussions. Their lives are meticulously planned, controlled, and regulated in every possible aspect.
When employing the concept of ‘homo sacer’ for Muslims in India, akin to its application to Jews in concentration camps, it raises the question of how to interpret the legal constitutional rights granted to Muslims in comparison to the rights that Jews were deprived of. This brings to light the inquiry as to how the treatment of the Muslim case, which Jamil considers “historically specific and functionally distinct,” falls short in addressing this issue.
The author puts forth a convincing viewpoint concerning the Muslim community’s struggle with a deficit in citizenship and a feeling of alienation within the political sphere. This argument carries logical weight as it emphasizes the obstacles faced by Muslims in fully exercising their rights as citizens and achieving a sense of inclusion within the larger political framework.
Particularly since the rise of right-wing governments, hatred against Muslims has become more crude and naked; where everything associated with Muslims is being politicized and then criminalized. Every activity in the eyes of sponsored vigilantes has become some or other kind of jihad against the government and the people. Responses from the government include intimidation, demolitions, and arrests of victims guised as perpetrators. With the unfolding of these events, experts are even raising concerns over the situation and its striking similarity with past historical atrocities.
However, this violence is not absolute. The Muslim remains an equal citizen theoretically capable of posing counter-hegemonic discourse, which the author does acknowledge. Therefore, it is crucial to approach the situation of Muslims with an understanding that their experiences, though marked by violence, do not reduce them to the status of ‘homo sacer’, as they retain the capacity for political agency and the ability to contest dominant narratives.
The author in the end puts her hope in education and the growing enthusiasm around it among Muslims. Muslims themselves are expected to make interventions in their own circumstances and discourses around them. For instance, measures to combat epistemic Islamophobia would also require adjustments in other areas. This can be found in the ‘Discursive-Political’, which encompasses manifestations of daily life, culture, and behaviour and are primarily considered non-political. These activities, as she claims, involve transformative political practices that reveal the ‘contingent and socially constructed’ nature of what is portrayed as ‘necessary and natural’. The effective resistance for her is to claim and assert citizenship and be able to represent and define rather than getting defined.
References
Parfitt, Trevor. (2009). Are the Third World Poor Homines Sacri? Biopolitics, Sovereignty, and Development. Alternatives: Global, Local, Political, Vol. 34, No. 1 (Jan.-Mar. 2009), pp. 41-58.
source: http://www.thedaak.in / The Daak / Home> Issue No.4 / by Rizwan Hamid / July 15th, 2023
While debate on Jama Masjid’s decision to disallow women from visiting the premises for non-praying activities rages on, it is time to look at some of Capital’s mosques built by women.
All photos: Mohd Shehwaaz Khan
Women may have been restricted from entering Jama Masjid for non-prayer activities due to a recent decision by the committee of the Mughal-era mosque that was seemingly miffed by those making social media videos, but there is no denying the contribution of women in many mosques across the country.
Even in the Capital, some of the old iconic mosques have been built – rather commissioned to be built — by women. Patriot takes you through some of these iconic monuments.
Mubarak Begum Masjid (Randi Ki Masjid)
Lying among tall buildings, shops of machine parts as well as clusters of electric wires running from one pole to another, the double-storeyed Mubarak Begum Masjid – also known as Randi ki Masjid (courtesan’s mosque) – serves as a reminder to a more peaceful and simpler time. The honking of vehicles and the shouting of vendors and labourers on the street that faces the mosque and runs from Hauz Qazi to Lal Kuan comprise the hustle-bustle of old Delhi. The mosque, however, reminds one of a different era.
The upper floor consists of a prayer chamber and the ground floor has toilets. The central one of the three red-and-white striped domes, which collapsed in 2020, is covered by black canvas.
Even in the Capital, some of the old iconic mosques have been built – rather commissioned to be built — by women. Patriot takes you through some of these iconic monuments.
Mubarak Begum Masjid (Randi Ki Masjid)
Lying among tall buildings, shops of machine parts as well as clusters of electric wires running from one pole to another, the double-storeyed Mubarak Begum Masjid – also known as Randi ki Masjid (courtesan’s mosque) – serves as a reminder to a more peaceful and simpler time. The honking of vehicles and the shouting of vendors and labourers on the street that faces the mosque and runs from Hauz Qazi to Lal Kuan comprise the hustle-bustle of old Delhi. The mosque, however, reminds one of a different era.
The upper floor consists of a prayer chamber and the ground floor has toilets. The central one of the three red-and-white striped domes, which collapsed in 2020, is covered by black canvas.
COURTESAN’S LEGACY: Masjid Mubarak Begum is famously known as Randi Ki Masjid
“A lot of people come here for the first time and say that they feel as if they have been here for years,” says the Imam of the mosque after the prayer, smiling in admiration. The imam has been looking after the mosque for the last 17 years.
The mosque was constructed in 1823 by Bibi Mahru Tun Mubarak-ul-Nisa Begum (Mubarak Begum), a nautch girl from Pune, who came from a Brahmin family and converted to Islam after she married General David Ochterlony, who was the British Resident in Delhi during the time of Emperor Akbar Shah II.
Ochterlony was a ‘white mughal’ who was known for his lavish lifestyle, his love for hookahs and mistresses. Mubarak Begum was one of the 13 wives of the British official. After the death of Ochterlony in 1825, Mubarak Begum married a Mughal nobleman who fought in the 1857 mutiny against the British.
According to Scottish scholar William Dalrymple, the Begum’s house was famous for Mughal culture where the Mughal prince Mirza Farhatullah Baig organised the last Urdu mushaira before the Mughal empire was overthrown by the British.
Due to the early profession of the Begum, the mosque is famously known as Randi Ki Masjid. The randis or courtesans, during the Mughal period, were highest in the order of women entertainers, who were skilled not only in dance, but also singing, conversation and poetry. It is said that young nawabs were sent to learn the art of conversation with randis. They were called city’s divas who were visited by the rich and powerful – who often shared with them the secret of the city and society.
Asked about how the mosque is perceived by the visitors and people in the area, the caretaker says: “The courtesans at that time were not as we understand them today. They were respectable and influential women. Many tourists come here and ask if the mosque was built by a prostitute. All of this is best left in history books. All I know is that whoever built, must have built it with good intention and halal (legitimate) money.”
People in the area were embarrassed by the infamous name of the mosque. When one asked them where Randi Ki Masjid was located, they chuckled and laughed, before hastily pointing at the Mubarak Begum Masjid.
During the Mughal era, so many Mughal princesses built mosques. In Bengal, mosques had side corridors with lattice walls for women.
– Ziya Us Salam, journalist and author of Women in Masjid
Sunehri Masjid
A couple of kilometres away from Mubarak Begum Masjid, stands a mosque built in 1747 by khwajasara (eunuch) Jawed Khan and emperor Ahmad Shah Bahadur’s mother Qudsiya Begum. It is located in a corner, just opposite the busy Nishad Raj Marg and Red Fort parking. This mosque is often confused with the Sunehri Masjid of Chandni Chowk, which was built a few decades earlier – in early 1720s – by a Mughal noble, Raushan-ud-Daulah, during the reign of Mughal emperor Mohammad Shah Rangila.
However, the one at the Red Fort is often called the Parking Waali Sunehri Masjid.
Qudsiya Begum, whose real name was Udham Bai, was introduced to the Mughal court as a nautch girl. In the court, she met Muhammad Shah Rangila who became fond of her and eventually married her. With time, she became influential in the court: even appointing the mansabdars (high rank holder such as civil or military officers) who would enforce the rule of the Emperor.
After the death of her husband, she served as a regent to her son Ahmad Shah Bahadur from 1748 to 1754. Known for her generosity and influence, Qudsia provided the Begums and the late emperor’s children with pensions using both her personal money and government finances.
GOLDEN TIMES: Sunehri Masjid was built by Qudsiya Begum for Jawed Khan khwajasara (eunuch)
It is believed that Qudsia had an affair with Jawed Khan khwajasara, who was also the Darogha (police chief) under Mohammad Shah Rangila and a eunuch-superintendent of the zenana (women) quarters. This proximity between the two led to the construction of the Sunehri Masjid. It was built by the efforts of Jawed Khan and commissioned by Qudsiya Begum, as written on its epitaph:
‘sayi-e-nawab-bahadur sahib-e-lutf-o-karam
saakht tameer-e-haseen jawed aali dastgaah’
(By efforts of Nawab Bahadur, the bestower of rewards and grants,
Jawed of high reach and commands, was constructed this beautiful structure)
As expected, those who came for prayers were unaware of the history of the mosque despite an inscription outside the mosque. The grave of Qudsiya Begum lies in the backyard of the mosque.
Khairul Manazil Masjid
Situated just opposite to Purana Quila (Old Fort), the Khairul Manazil Masjid is often confused by the visitors to be a part of the Quila. Many tourists enter the mosque thinking they are visiting the monument and are surprised when the caretaker of the mosque asks them to remove their shoes as they move into the prayer chamber.
The confusion stands valid as the mosque is in complete ruins, just like the monument opposite to it. The hauz (ablution tank) is not functional and there is no electricity in the premises. The prayer chamber serves as a permanent abode for pigeons and the inscription on the walls is hard to make sense of.
There were many mosques built by women in regular spaces in the past. The bigger ones, such as Fatehpuri Masjid and Khairul Manazil mosque, stand as a testament to this.
– Rana Safvi, author and historian
The three walls with small rooms – which were once part of the madrasah – also lie in dilapidated state. It is currently protected and maintained by the Archaeological Survey of India.
“We just offer prayers three times a day here, that is Asr (afternoon), Zuhr (midday) and Maghrib (sunset) – along with the Friday prayers. It is because the mosque is a heritage sight,” says the caretaker of the masjid.
Khairul Manazil, which literally translates to ‘best of houses’, has a numerical value that corresponds to the year of the construction of the building, 969 hijri as per Islamic calendar or 1561–1562 AD.
IN RUINS: Prayers at Khairul Manazil mosque are offered three times a day
It was commissioned by Maham Anga, the wet-nurse of the Mughal emperor Akbar, and is believed to be the first mosque in Delhi commissioned by a woman. Anga served as the de facto regent and the young emperor’s political advisor. The inscription on the central arch of the mosque reads that Shihabuddin Ahmad Khan assisted in its erection.
The ASI attempted to ban Islamic prayers in the mosque in 1992 but without success.
Zeenat-ul-Masajid
Zeenat-ul-Masajid was built by Zeenat-un-Nisa, the second daughter of the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb, in 1700 AD. The mosque is famously known as Ghata Masjid, which may perhaps be derived from its proximity to a bank (ghat) of the river Yamuna back then or the tall minarets that touch the clouds (ghata).
While a mosque can be a place of prayer for men, it isn’t quite so for women. It is a place of dignity, safety, protection, and aid. A woman’s mosque, that which focuses on preserving all these things, is the solution to most of our problems.
– Huda Ahsan, architect and independent researcher
The locals in the area dearly call the mosque Ghata Masjid and are unaware of its real name.
The part of Daryaganj, where the mosque is located, is also known by the name of Ghata because of the presence of the mosque.
The caretaker of the masjid says that the mosque is rarely visited by tourists and only attended by the men who come to pray. The Jama Masjid at opposite Urdu Bazaar, constructed by Zeenat-un-Nisa’s famed and adored grandfather, Shah Jahan, is thought to have served as an inspiration for the mosque.
OLD TREASURE: Zeenat-ul-Masajid, famously known as Ghata Masjid, is inspired by Jama Masjid in old Delhi
Like in many mosques in the Capital, the hauz (or ablution tank) is not functional but the mosque remains in good condition despite some signs of decay. The mosque is constructed on a plinth. It has three marble domes and seven arched entrances opening to the prayer chamber. Two towering minarets flank the mosque’s front and support an octagonal pavilion made of white marble. In the quaint campus of the mosque, there is no one present except the caretakers.
During the first war of independence, when the Mughal emperor in Delhi joined the uprising against the British in 1857, the mosque experienced some dark times. After the Mughals and the British sepoys lost the war, the mosque was first used by the British as a barrack and later converted into a bakery.
The grave of Zeenat-un-Nisa was also destroyed. However, on the southern corner of the mosque, a tomb for the princesses has been rebuilt as a memorial. The mosque is surrounded by plants of a variety of flowers, especially roses.
Fatehpuri Masjid
Of all the mosques Patriot visited, only Fatehpuri Masjid had visitors flocking in numbers. The hauz of the mosque is full with tap water – which in the past was fed with water directly from Yamuna – and tourists often sit by its side. The mosque is the second largest in Delhi after Jama Masjid and it was built in 1650 by Fatehpuri Begum, one of emperor Shah Jahan’s wives who was from Fatehpur Sikri.
“The number of visitors to this mosque are just a tad lesser in number than Jama Masjid,” said one of the caretakers of the mosque.
Surprisingly, one found as many women in the mosque as men.
VISITING HISTORY: Women visitors at the Fatehpuri mosque
The mosque has a fluted dome made of red sandstone with a kalash (inverted lotus) on top.
The mosque has a conventional design with seven-arched entrances in the prayer hall and is surrounded by minarets. One of the minarets is under construction.
The Shahi Imam of the mosque attends visitors who come to tell him their dukh-takleef (complaints) and seek his blessings as well as medicines.
The room of the Imam is occupied mainly by women who had come to pay him a courtesy call and seek his blessings and prayers. Interestingly, the women sitting with the Imam were unaware that the mosque was built by a woman.
GRAND WELCOME: One of the three main gates of Fatehpuri Masjid that opens to Lal Quan
The mosque has three main gates, one of which opens to Chandni Chowk and the other two to Lal Kuan and Old Delhi Railway Station.
source: http://www.thepatriot.in / Patriot / Home / by Mohd Shehwaaz Khan / Delhi NCR / December 08th, 2022
Sheikh Fouzia and Sheikh Naziya are two city teenagers who are working hard toward the sports of fencing, a summer Olympics game, to fulfil their dream of one day representing India at the International level.
Fencing is a combat game, also the first sport to be played in Olympics. Based on the traditional skills of swordsmanship, the modern sport arose at the end of the 19th century. Competitive fencing is one of the five activities which have been featured in every modern Olympic Games, the other four being athletics, cycling, swimming, and gymnastics.
Fouzia and Naziya are daughters of an RTC bus driver who has worked hard to make his daughters achieve their dreams. Natives of Nalagonda, the family of five (the girls have a younger brother who is also an active fencing player), have dedicated their lives to playing world-class fencing.
Nineteen-year-old Fouzia and 17-year-old Naziya have been training for the last eight and six years respectively. After getting selected at the district level, they got admission to the prestigious Telangana state Sports School in Hakkimpet, known for its sports coaching.
When Siasat.com asked about their choice, both the girls admitted that they were attracted to the way in which the game was played. The uniform, the sword shifting, the techniques of the game, studying the opponent; all this really got them interested.
When your whole day goes into sports coaching, one can lose track of studies. But for the girls, nothing has changed. In fact, both of them were toppers in their respective tenth class batch, thus balancing the study-sports pendulum.
Our father is a strong man:
Giving full credit to their father, the girls regard him as their biggest inspiration. “Our father wanted to join the Indian defence forces but due to family pressure, he could not. But he is a strong man. He taught us everything to ensure we get admission to the sports school,” said Fouzia.
She goes on to add, “My father faces much criticism from family and our village. Being girls everybody keeps questioning him why are they in such a sport, why is their hair so short, why can’t put them in regular school and then marry them off, all that. But he does not care about anyone’s opinion and does what he thinks is best for us.”
About Fencing:
The traditional game is divided into three parts depending on the speed – Epee, Foil, Sabre.
Epee – The epeeis considered the original dueling sword. The whole body is considered a target.
Foil – The foil evolved from the short court sword of the 17th and 18th centuries. The front and back of the torsos are considered targets.
Sabre- In sabre, the target includes heads, arms and a button. It is the fastest out of the three weapons.
While Fouzia is a foil player, Naziya is an epee player and has competed at the international level.
When asked about her experience in playing international, Naziya said, “It was very difficult. I was scared. There were many big players. I have played Asian Championship at Tashkent where my team fetched a silver medal. I have also participated in World Championship in Dubai where I got 76th rank. I realised I had to work really hard if I need to get a seat at the international level.”
The Biggest Sacrifice:
“Family has been our biggest sacrifice to achieve our dreams,” echoed the girls. “Many a time we want to share our wins and loses with our parents but since they live in the village we cant afford to bring them here. We stay in a hostel. We miss them immensely,” the girls said.
While Fouzia wants to get into the Indian Army or the Air force and represent fencing through them the defence force, Nazyia’s only dream is to fetch an Olympic medal. The hope is that their dreams come true and that fencing, which is relatively unknown in the country, soon becomes a beloved sport.
source: http://www.alhaqeeqa.org / Al Haqeeqa / Home> Education> News> Personalities> Sports / by admin , (headline edited) / May 25th, 2022
Mumbai’s 16-year-old prodigy fights all odds to study in Singapore
Mumbai :
Sheikh Tayyaba Kausar Muhammad Arif, a 16-year-old student from Holy Mother English High School in Malvani in the northern area of Malad in the country’s financial capital, has secured a ₹2 crore scholarship to study at the United World College (UWC) in Singapore, starting August 10. Her achievement has brought immense pride to her family and community.
Tayyaba scored 93% in her SSC exams despite her modest background. Her father is a tailor, her mother a homemaker, and she has two younger sisters. Her disciplined study routine included early mornings and late nights, demonstrating her dedication.
Her journey began in October 2023 with an essay competition, followed by a rigorous selection process and a challenging interview in Pune on January 20. “Without the support from my school and NGOs, the documentation process would have been daunting,” she said.
Principal Rafiq Siddiqui of the Holy Mother School played a crucial role. He recalled how Tayyaba, who had to leave her previous school due to unpaid fees, joined Holy Mother in the sixth grade. “Moved by her determination, we assured her she’d never have to worry about fees again,” he said. NGOs like Smile Foundation and Teach for India also provided vital support.
In an interview, Tayyaba expressed her gratitude: “I thank Allah, my parents, my sisters, my principal, and the NGOs. I am excited to study in Singapore but aim to return and serve my country.”
Tayyaba’s journey from Mumbai’s Malvani to securing a ₹2 crore UWC scholarship is a testament to perseverance, hard work, and community support. Her success is an inspiration, showing that with determination and the right support, anything can be made possible.
source: http://www.clarionindia.net / Clarion India / Home> Editors’s Pick> Indian Muslim> by Team Clarion / August 07th, 2024
Five brave Kashmiri women scholars from Kashmir have come up with a book “Do You Remember Kunan Poshpora“
Essar, Ifrah, Samreena, Munaza, Natasha, five brave Kashmiri women scholars, have come up with a book “Do You Remember Kunan Poshpora.”
This book is about the Kunan-Poshpora mass rape, which took place in 1991 in Kupwara district in Kashmir.
The book is edited by Essar Batool and published by Zubaan Series on Sexual Violence and Impunity in South Asia.
The book published in 2015 for the first time is now running into its paperback edition is about gender violence in conflict zones.
“This book is about one night in two villages in Kashmir. It is about a night that has refused to end for 24 long years, a night that holds stories of violations, injustice, oppression, and falsehood, as well as acts of courage, bravery, and truth. This book is about Kunan Poshpora,” reads the preface of the book.
The five fearless authors began to unearthing documentary evidence of the truth by sitting through a web of lies and botched-up investigations, and by painstakingly building a bridge of trust and hope between the victims/survivors of Kunan and Poshpora villages.
The author’s while narrating the mass rape by the Indian army in two villages Kunan-Poshpora gives a candid account of various courts of law where justice is meant to be dispensed.
The authors have gathered information from the survivors’ local administration and eyewitnesses as to what happened on the night of 23 February 1991, when the Indian soldiers from the 4 Rajputana Rifles regiment gang-raped around 23 women of Kunan and Poshpora villages.
According to Dr. Ghulam Nabi Fai, the Secretary-General, of the World Kashmir Awareness Forum, “The Indian Army has gang-raped over 10,000 women, even brides on the way to their new homes since 1991.”
“The women of Kashmir, especially those who have been violated against their will, only hope that the CEDAW and UN Special Rapporteur will take note of their sufferings.
“The women of Kashmir wonder what action was taken by the UN ‘Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women,’ whose mandate included action on “state-sponsored violence against women”, he added.
The Indian Army and the Government of India have denied all these allegations.
[The writer, Syed Ali Mujtaba, is a Journalist based in Chennai. He can be reached at syedalimujtaba2007@gmail.com.]
source: http://www.ummid.com / Ummid.com / Home> Book Review / by Syed Ali Mujtaba / October 16th, 2024
Though long neglected in translation, Rashid Jahan blazed a trail for Urdu writers.
In her short, eventful life, Rashid Jahan made her mark as a literary stylist and an outspoken critic of patriarchal norms. COURTESY SHAHID NAJEB
1952. ISMAT CHUGHTAI HAD BEEN, for nearly a decade, the leading short story writer and novelist in the world of Urdu literature. But across the border in Pakistan, Qurratulain Hyder’s reputation as the disaffected chronicler of the generation lost to the tribulations of Partition was rapidly rising and would soon challenge Chughtai’s supremacy. In Lahore, Hijab Imtiaz Ali was turning to psychoanalytically inspired fictions about alcoholism and the Electra complex. Several other young, female Urdu short story writers, of a generation nurtured on the literature of the Progressive Writers’ Movement, were coming to maturity: Khadija Mastur, Hajra Masroor, Mumtaz Shirin, Shaista Ikramullah, Amina Nazli. And Rashid Jahan—doctor, political activist, Chughtai’s literary mentor and the forerunner of this entire wave of writers—died of cancer in a Russian hospital in July of that year, some weeks before her forty-seventh birthday, almost forgotten by the literary world she had stormed two decades before. Yet she had freed the tongues and the pens of several generations that followed; her impact would be surpassed only three decades later, by Fahmida Riaz and Kishwar Naheed, the feminist poets of the 1960s who replaced the forensic idiom of Rashid’s work with a lyrical celebration of women’s bodies.
The daughter of Shaikh Abdullah and Wahid Jahan Begum, an illustrious couple of educationists in Aligarh, Rashid came from an enlightened family, and her decision to study medicine was perhaps not surprising. Her literary reputation rested on her contribution to Angaare, a pioneering anthology of short fiction published in 1932. This milestone of Urdu literature had introduced four young writers in their twenties, who in their fiction presented contemporary philosophical and psychological ideas, and also techniques absorbed from modern European writing. The most famous of the four was Ahmed Ali, who, though not prolific, would go on to become one of the most respected Anglophone litterateurs of the subcontinent. Ahmed Ali had introduced the young doctor to the other contributors. Aware of her literary predilections, one of them, Sajjad Zahir, is believed to have persuaded her to write two pieces for the book; another, Mahmud-uz-Zafar, would become her life’s companion.
The contributors, radical and ready to challenge as they might have been, were perhaps unaware of the shockwaves their discussions of sex and religion would send out into an audience that, though probably ripe for a new literary movement, was unprepared for the force of this onslaught on their sensibilities. Rashid was the only woman in the gang of four. Critics have noted that she was also the only one of them that didn’t differ significantly from her predecessors in her choice of milieu or material, but her unabashed vocabulary earned her the censure of readers across the Urdu-speaking regions. Ordinances were passed against her and the others. She was advised to travel with bodyguards but, as a practising doctor, she refused to take such precautions.
Her zeal was infectious. Faiz Ahmed Faiz, arguably the greatest political poet of his generation, was said to have been awakened to his ideological responsibilities by Rashid and her husband and fellow communist, Mahmud-uz-Zafar. Ismat Chughtai said of her, “I stored up her work like pearls … the handsome heroes and pretty heroines of my stories, the candle-like fingers, the lime blossoms and crimson blossoms all vanished … the earthy Rashid Jahan shattered all my ivory idols to pieces … Life, stark and naked, stood before me.”
Even Premchand, the grand old man of Hindi and Urdu literature, who was a vital supporter of the Progressives and their aims, is said to have written his last few stories of “stark and naked” life—of down-and-outs and derelicts—under the direct impact of Rashid and Angaare.
Six years later came Aurat, the only book Rashid would publish in her lifetime, a collection of seven stories. Throughout the decade of the 1940s, she had been involved in her work as a medical practitioner and Communist Party worker; she only occasionally published a story or a play in some obscure journal. Her reputation as a trailblazer and pioneering feminist was held to be based more on her ability to tell bitter home truths than on any exceptional literary talent. Her promise, it was held and still is, was never fulfilled. Above all, perhaps, it was the eventfulness of her short, unconventional life that made her a legend.
But in the fleeting period of her fame—or infamy—she had written at least a handful of pieces that made an impact on literary history which continues, to this day, to be analysed and chronicled. Her uncollected stories were published in Shola-e-Jawwala (1974), while the uncollected plays were included in Woh Aur Dusre Afsane Drame (1977). There was no authoritative collection of Rashid’s work for more than 30 years till Nasr-e-Rashid Jahan appeared in Pakistan in 2012. Edited by Humera Ashfaq, this was a major retrospective volume of 16 stories, five plays and a few essays, bringing together the author’s most famous pieces and lesser-known texts. Now, in A Rebel and Her Cause: The Life and Work of Rashid Jahan (Women Unlimited, 256 pages, R400), Rakhshanda Jalil, the well-known critic of Urdu literature who translated and edited the volume, presents eleven stories and two plays (all but one of these texts are also in Ashfaq’s volume), prefaced by a brief biography and a critical assessment, to give us the first full-length study of Rashid Jahan’s life and work to appear in the English language.
Three of the texts included are widely acknowledged as minor classics: the very brief monologue ‘A Tour of Delhi’, and the plays ‘Behind the Curtain’ and ‘Woman’. These three works, written in the space of about five years, display the development of her perception. In the first of these, a woman wrapped up in a burqa, whose husband has promised her a day trip in Delhi, is left to sit alone at the railway station to guard their bags while the husband goes off on a jaunt with a friend. Later, the woman recasts her experience as a self-deprecating story to entertain her friends back home. Rashid’s wit, and her command of the idiom of semi-educated middle-class women, are in evidence here. Though Rashid may have been influenced in passing by Western literary models, the most remarkable trait she reveals in ‘A Tour of Delhi’, and indeed throughout her career, is an ability to weld disparate influences into a seamless whole and create fictions that are deeply rooted in the milieu she portrays. This quality makes her work less formally innovative but more radically relevant to her readers’ lives than the writings of her male contemporaries.
The second piece, ‘Behind the Curtain’, a dramatised dialogue for two female voices, is far darker in texture. Muhammadi Begum, the mother of many children, laments to a friend that her husband has lost interest in her.
The truth is that my womb and all the lower parts had slipped so far down that I had to get them fixed, so that my husband would get the same pleasure he might from a new wife … How long can a woman who bears a child every year expect to have her body remain in good condition? It slipped again. Again, he went after me, nagged and threatened me into going under the butcher’s knife. But he is still not happy.
These words, of an unprecedented frankness at the time in their charting of a woman’s anatomy and naming of reproductive organs, nevertheless do not release the woman who utters them into any form of freedom. But Rashid would complete this task in ‘Woman’, which has a wider cast of characters, both male and female, and a more intricately theatrical frame. Here, in a very similar situation, Fatima, whose ailment this time is gonorrhoea, actually throws the cheating husband who gave it to her out of their marital home. The long-suffering woman of Urdu literature is replaced by a character prepared to take control of her own destiny.
I have the disease you have given me. You caused my innocent babies to die. You murderer! I will get myself treated by whoever I want. No one can stop me now. I have suffered enough at your hands by listening to your commands.
Again, one could compare Rashid’s characters to Western ones—in this case, Ibsen’s Nora from A Doll’s House and his other stories of discontented wives. But Rashid’s stories derive so completely from their parochial contexts that such comparisons point more to the discontinuous universality of human—and in particular women’s—experience than to literary borrowing.
Shaista Ikramullah—an admirer, whose own concise fictions show the influence of Rashid Jahan—was one of the few critics to pay serious attention to Rashid’s work during the latter’s lifetime. In her seminal work, A Critical Study of the Development of the Urdu Novel and Short Story (1945), Ikramullah writes about ‘Woman’:
It is a common enough occurrence, namely a husband contemplating a second marriage on the ground that his wife is childless. The fiction writers of the last four decades have condemned and criticised this cupidity of man. But none of them had the smouldering indignation that is present in Rashid’s indictment of it, nor has anyone yet succeeded in showing how contemptible were such men as she has. So far authors have been content to show just this one trait in man’s character, but Rashid has shown the entire man in his grossness.
Ikramullah is perhaps alone in tracing the connection between Rashid and the earlier generation of reformist writers, and in showing how she extends and rewrites their agenda from her progressive standpoint.
The lot of the poor has been championed in novels and short stories from the time they appeared in the Urdu language. But they were treated with an air of fateful acceptance … In Rashid’s stories there is a fire and a defiance that were not found in the stories that were written on the same theme before … In this attitude lies the difference between the new and the old school of writers.
What Ikramullah might have added is that Rashid brought to the concise and elliptical form of the short story the concerns of the novelists of a prior generation, often saying in three or four pages what it had taken the reformists several times that number to narrate. Hers was not only a political but also a formal innovation.
THE STORY that opens Jalil’s selection, ‘That One’, is a first person account of a young teacher’s strange relationship with a syphilitic prostitute; his infatuation with her is expressed by the daily gift of a flower. Finally, one of the housekeepers in the narrator’s hostel abuses and insults the prostitute, and throws her out. This story was, in some ways, Rashid’s introduction to a new generation of feminist readers, especially when it was translated into English for Susie Tharu and K Lalita’s pioneering anthology, Women Writing in India, 600 BC to the Present, Volume II (1993). The editors, however, focusing on Rashid’s narrative technique and conflating it with her authorial persona, ranged Rashid with a generation of bourgeois liberal women writers, introducing in the process a new if somewhat skewed reading of her literary politics.
The focus of these narratives remains the middle-class protagonist and her moral awakening to social responsibility and therefore also to citizenship. The ‘other woman’—the prostitute, the working class woman—is a figure cut to the measure of this middle-class woman’s requirements that is also, we must not forget, the requirement of the nation. These stories may be about those at the margins, but they are, all the same, stories of the centre, told by the centre … Though many of the protagonists in the stories are women, the questions raised pose few threats to a patriarchal order.
How exactly Tharu and Lalita expected Rashid to overturn the patriarchal order they did not say. But their restaging of Rashid Jahan’s image persists. Priyamvada Gopal, in several nuanced and sensitive readings of Rashid, attempts to vindicate her and yet sees her returning to a default position as a bourgeois narrator—a surrogate for the author—who surveys her material with a lofty disdain. But this, today’s readers might find, is something of an advantage, as they can easily identify with her modern voice; and Rashid is able to use this narrative mode to inflect her stories with varying levels of irony.
Several such tales are included in Jalil’s selection. Foremost among them in terms of fame is ‘One of my Journeys’, in which a young woman student, on her way home for the holidays, gets into a compartment full of women, both Hindu and Muslim, who use every opportunity they find to engage in thinly disguised sectarian disputes. The narrator, a secularised Muslim, castigates them all for their bigotries and the story ends on a note of almost manic harmony. The comic note of ‘A Trip to Delhi’ is reprised but in a multi-vocal mode, with Rashid’s perfect ear for speech giving it the immediacy of one of her plays.
Far more subtle and intricate, and perhaps as a result not as competently translated, is ‘Sale’, in which a young narrator, hiding in the back of a car on a country drive and reminiscing about an erotic moment, observes strange goings-on through the window: three burqa-clad women and five men, one of whom the narrator recognises as a comfortably married neighbour, disappear into the woods for a bit of fun.
A torch flashed … those few seconds of strong light revealed two naked bodies. As soon as the torch lit the darkness, the man – scared of being recognised and uncaring of his body – hid his face in the woman’s burqa.
Evidently, it is not a sin to commit a sin; it is a sin to get caught.
Suddenly, peal after peal of dead laughter rent the air. She was laughing at the dogs.
It’s a chilling story, told from the centre about the centre, but pervaded by the “dead” laughter of the prostitute—to the extent that the centre begins to expose its own hollowness.
In ‘Thief,’ a doctor—obviously a very deliberate parody of the author—complains about the time, demands a fee, and generally behaves obnoxiously with a poor man who has brought a child in for emergency treatment, until pity or a doctor’s duty takes over. But the story keeps turning. The narrator then discovers that the same man had robbed her house only some time before, yet decides to let him go. The rest of the brief story is an examination of social conscience and of varieties of theft:
… petty thievery, picking pockets, robbery, larceny, black marketing, exploitation, filling your home with the money earned from the labour of others, swallowing up someone else’s land or country. After all, why aren’t these included in theft? … I looked around me. I saw that some of the biggest thieves walk around me, dressed up as saints.
Though not perhaps one of Rashid’s best, this late story shows her experimenting with technique in a combination of pseudo-memoir and ironic essay, and in its satirical retake on the familiar narrative persona.
The bulk of Rashid Jahan’s stories, though, are not told in the first person. More often, they begin in the breezy omniscient tone of a traditional tale, as in ‘Mute’, a beautifully calibrated story of a young woman whose parents fail to find her a suitable groom.
Siddiqa Begum’s marriage was proving to be a very difficult one to arrange. She was a true blue Sayyadani. Her father, Hamid Hasan, was reasonably well placed. What is more, she was one among thousands when it came to beauty. Yes, Siddiqa Begum was still not married and already twenty-three years old. Her mother … could not sleep at night for worry over her.
The multi-layered ‘A Daughter-in-Law For Asif Jahan’ is also set in the enclosed milieu of the women’s quarters, but this time the occasion that sets the story in motion is the birth of a much prayed-for girl child, whose cousin has already been chosen as a bridegroom for her. The story’s subtext chastises the women of the family for failing to summon a doctor; instead, they use traditional midwives and methods of delivery. But in place of polemic Rashid graphically describes the process of childbirth, interspersed with the manic humour familiar from other stories, which culminates in a celebration of women’s resilience as every female member of the household plays her part in bringing the girl child into the world.
Rashid is inevitably identified with portraits of women, but some of her writing, in particular her later, unpublished plays, show that she can also manage the voices of men with panache. This is also evident in one of the finest stories in A Rebel and Her Cause, ‘Bad Company’, about an establishment judge who rejects his Marxist son. The piece is created from a seamless weave of interior monologue, telephone conversation, and dialogue. There are times that the judge’s climb is seen with something close to sympathy, but that is soon revealed as an illusion when the man’s snobbery and deep conservatism are gradually uncovered.
Jalil comments on the unevenness of the author’s oeuvre, noting that Rashid Jahan probably wrote quickly and didn’t edit; some of the stories, she feels, read like drafts. Though this is true of one or two of the stories in Aurat, it largely isn’t evident in those Jalil has chosen to translate for this book, which consistently display, in their seemingly simple mode of exposition, the storytelling dexterity that is Rashid’s forte. There is some consensus that Rashid herself probably favoured the dramatic form for its immediacy and its performative qualities, which encouraged group activity of the kind she enjoyed—and some of her best later work (which Jalil comments on in an analytical chapter) is in this genre. As we have seen, Jalil includes the two most famous plays but has otherwise chosen to concentrate on the fiction, possibly because dialogue is harder to render in English than narrative.
Jalil’s translations valiantly attempt to convey the range of her subject’s interests, and the themes and styles with which Rashid experimented. It’s a laudable enterprise, as is the decision to accompany the fictions with biographical and historical facts. What doesn’t always come through here is the distinctive lucidity and diamond-hard precision of Rashid’s prose, which depends so much on her ability to balance various registers of the Urdu vernacular—pathos and satire, humour, anger, compassion and very occasional touches of lyricism—in a way that’s near-impossible to capture in English translation. In fact, Rashid is underrated as a stylist; and, if this timely book succeeds in sending bilingual critics back to the originals (as it did this reader), that will be yet another of its several achievements, the finest of which is to make us grateful that, in her short and exceptional life, Rashid Jahan found time to write so many outstanding stories.
source: http://www.caravanmagazine.in / Caravan / Home> Gender> Books / by Aamer Hussein / January 01st, 2014