Bethra Village (Sultanpur District), UTTAR PRADESH :
The Surviving kin of Jameel Ahmed Khan, Niayz Ahmed Khan, Nisar Ahmed Khan, Fayyaz Ahmed Khan, Abdul Rehman Khan, Ubaiur Rehman Khan and Wahedur Rehman Khan
British ruled over India, exploiting its people, resources, and wealth. But then there were heroes, the Indian Freedom fighters, who liberated the land through extraordinary acts of courage, valour, and a never-say-die spirit, despite having to make numerous physical, emotional, and personal sacrifices. Some get the limelight, while others remain in the shadows and contribute just as much as the others.
This is the story of one such true freedom fighter, whose tale will inspire you with courage, emotion, and patriotism.
Jameel Ahmed Khan, a resident of Bethra village in the Sultanpur district of Uttar Pradesh, was remembered for his extraordinary contribution and inordinate struggle.
Jameel Ahmed Khan was an ardent, outspoken anti-British activist who was at the forefront of many activities considered against the then British Raj.
This incident demonstrates his patriotism and altruistic behaviour, as when he was sentenced to imprisonment, he discussed the matter with his wife and divorced her so that she could marry someone else, as he was well aware of the uncertainty of his release and the sufferings his wife could face.
When the British Raj Police arrived to arrest him, Jameel Ahmed Khan refused to be handcuffed, declaring, “It is an honour to be a prisoner in the struggle to liberate my homeland, but I will not be handcuffed, and I will go to jail on horseback only because for me this is not a punishment, but a celebration and pleasure.” As a result, he had a horse brought to him and rode it to jail.
In Bethara, IAS and IPS Sultanpur District visited Jameel Ahmed Khan’s surviving kins and presented them with the Praman Patra in recognition of their ancestors’ contributions.
Shrimati Jabbarunnisa, Jameel Ahmed Khan’s only daughter, has four sons Jalal Ahmed Khan (died in Makkah, Saudi Arabia, in 1984), Niayz Ahmed Khan, Nisar Ahmed Khan, Fayyaz Ahmed Khan and two daughter Razia and Zareena.
Niyaz Ahmed Khan sons, i.e. the fourth generation of freedom fighter Jameel Ahmed Khan are Abdul Rehman Khan, the founder and Chairman of Mumbai’s Bilal School, Ubaiur Rehman Khan, the Founder and Director of Blossom Media Pvt. Ltd. and Abyaz Textile CEO Wahedur Rehman Khan.
The family is pleased that Jameel Ahmed Khan’s contribution is remembered during this historic and significant Indian festival, 75th Azaadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav.
Jail Yatra Certificate issued by Dist. Jail Authority of Sultanpur.Tamr Patra presented to Jameel Ahmad Khan by Prime Minister Shmt. Indra Gandhi on the occasion of 25th Anniversary of Independence on August 15, 1972Badge presented to the kin of Jameel Ahmad Khan by Motilal Vora, the Governor of Uttar Pradesh on the occasion of 50th Anniversary of Independence on August 7, 1993Certificate presented to the kin of Jameel Ahmad Khan by Motilal Vora, the Governor of Uttar Pradesh on the occasion of 50th Anniversary of Independence on August 7, 1993Praman Patra presented to the kin of Jameel Ahmad Khan by Sultanpur Dirtrict Authorities Ravish Gupta (IAS), DM Sultanpur and Soman Varma (IPS) the Superintendent of Police, Sultanpur on the occasion of 50th Anniversary of Independence on August 7, 1993
source: http://www.siasat.com / The Siasat Daily / Home> Opinion / by Neha Khan, Guest Contributor / August 20th, 2022
Indians and other historians have either tried to whitewash the revolutionary movements for freedom or presented these as disjointed localised efforts.
Even the largest movement of Azad Hind Fauj led by Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose has been narrated in a staggered manner and an episodial manner like the battle of Burma (Mayanmar) and the battle of Imphal. The picture thus presented is of an army fighting at a frontier with no support elsewhere. This history needs to be revisited.
In 1930, Sayyid Sibghatullah Shah Al-Rashidi called Pir of Pagaro, a Muslim Saint from Sindh with a huge following, was arrested by the British Government for ‘creating disturbances’. He was accused of instigating anti-colonial feelings among his followers known as ‘Hurs’ (literally meaning free). The decision to send him to a prison away from Sindh rather shaped this anti-colonial Muslim saint into a nationalist revolutionary.
In the Bengal hail, he met several revolutionaries and realised that what he had experienced in his area was the same being experienced by others. He understood that British colonialism was destroying the nation and Hindu-Muslim unity was the only weapon to fight them.
From the prison, he started preaching nationalist messages. Sarah F. D. Ansari of the University of London in her book Sufi Saints and State Power: The Pirs of Sind, 1843 – 1947, writes, “messages strongly coloured with a radical nationalist tinge were smuggled out in the form of notes written in the margins and between the lines of books and magazines. They condemned the British for treating ‘Indians like donkeys’, loading them down with ‘England’s burdens’, and pointed out that the only reason why the British were able to rule over 300,000,000 people was that Indians were ‘cowards’.”
In 1936, when he returned to his seat at Khairpur in Sindh, Pir of Pagaro had turned a revolutionary.
He started establishing links with revolutionary leaders of Bengal as well as those living in Europe, especially Germany. He started inviting Congress leadership to his area and organise Hindu-Muslim unity meetings. We must keep in mind that it was 1938 and Subhas Chandra Bose was the President of Congress. Unsurprisingly when Subhas formed Forward Bloc after his famous differences with Mahatma Gandhi, Pir of Pagaro asked his followers to back Forward Bloc and denounced the stand of Congress.
In 1939, the centuries-old Hindu-Muslim unity of Sindh was severely shattered over the Manzilgah mosque dispute and the riots that followed. Pir of Pagaro ordered his large following of armed followers known as ‘ghazis’ to save Hindus from the Muslim fanatics. Sarah F. D. Ansari writes, “In his newspaper, the Pir-jo-Goth Gazette, he (Pir of Pagaro) called for Hindu-Muslim unity: ‘My forefathers’, he wrote, ‘treated Hindus and Muslims alike as a sacred trust. The same is my principle . .. Allah is the same as Parmatma, though with different names. I will be happy when I see temples and mosques together with only a wall dividing them and everyone [worshipping] according to their rights so that no one may have a grievance against the other’. In a similar vein, he denounced the Hindu Sabha and the Muslim League as divisive communal movements. Only when Hindus and Muslims combined would ‘peace . . . be achieved and satanic deeds . . . stopped’: Indians had to be ‘national minded’ and regard India as a country which belonged to all its inhabitants.”
An intelligence report dated October 1940 says, “Pir of Bharchundi is not liked by the Pir Pagaro, who disrespected the Pir of Bharchundi and sent him away from his ‘Kot’ when the Pir of Bharchundi last visited the Pir Pagaro… the reason for such treatment of the Pir to the Pir of Bharchundi was that the Pir of Bharchundi would not assist in getting the murderers of Hindus arrested.”
It further says, “Pir Pagaro has won great sympathy of the Hindus.” Sarah also points out how the Pir came out in support of a Muslim man’s right, who had earlier converted into Islam from Hinduism, to reconvert into Hinduism. “
Another intelligence report noted that Pir of Pagaro has enlisted at least 6,000 militants to fight with an oath to die for the cause. These militants were called ghazis. Ghazis had paraded and displayed their military skills in front of him during his visits to Jaisalmer and Jodhpur as well. The nationwide presence was a threat for the British. The report further noted, “the Pir was renewing his contacts with terrorists (terrorists was a term used by the English for revolutionaries) who had been in prison along with him in Bengal. His visits to Calcutta (Kolkata) were, it is said, performed for no other reason.”
The British apprehension was not wrong. Pir Pagaro had contacts with Bengali revolutionaries and Subhas. If Subhas raised an army on Eastern Front, Pir of Pagaro raised another on the Western Front. An intelligence report from 1941 noted, “He (Pir of Pagaro) has got his electric plant and radio set at which he and his followers hear Hindustani programs from Germany and then spread the German news in the villages which has a disquieting effect on the local people.” The report also pointed out that “the villainous activities of the Pir and his growing contempt of authority are becoming a byword throughout India”.
Pir of Pagaro was running an independent government in that region of Sindh with the help of his militia. The British Government arrested him in Karachi on the pretext of holding talks with him. His ghazis would not stop and kept attacking the British infrastructure. They were so much feared that the Legislative Assembly members did not want their names to become public for voting in favour of an act against Hurs (followers of Pir of Pagaro).
Sarah notes, “The level of fear which existed in Sind at the time even inside the Legislature was reflected in the session being held in camera. Members of the Assembly were not prepared to vote openly in favour of the act ‘lest they were marked down for the Pir’s future vengeance’.” The fear was not unfounded as soon after Ghazis killed the son of Hidayatullah, one of the tallest Sindh leaders in that Legislative Assembly, by derailing a train.
It did not take much time and within weeks Martial Law was declared. The British had to open a war front at the time of World War II. Sarah writes, “The area north of Sanghar and the Thar desert (Rajasthan) were thoroughly reconnoitered from the air; paratroopers and bombs were used against bands of armed men. Hur villages were raided, wells stopped up and their cattle herded into other districts.” On the other hand, the Pir was being tortured to ask his followers to put down their weapons.
Did the nationalists concede defeat? No. The Pir of Pagaro, Sibghatullah, embraced martyrdom at the gallows on 20 March 1943, after a sham of a court trial. Hurs kept fighting the British till 1946 even after their Pir was gone.
source: http://www.awazthevoice.in / Awaz, The Voice / Home> Culture / by Saquib Alim / July 23rd, 2022
New Book , First ever English translation of Nizami’s invaluable Urdu book Begumat ke Aansoo
pix: amazon.in
Apart from the fifteen years that Sher Shah Suri snatched upon defeating Humayun, the flag of the grand Mughal Empire flew over Delhi undefeated for over 300 years.
But then, 1857 arrived and the mighty sword fell helpless in the face of a mightier British force.
After the fall of Delhi and Emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar’s tragic departure from the Red Fort in 1857, members of the royal Mughal court had to flee to safer places. Driven out from their palaces and palanquins onto the streets in search of food and shelter, the dethroned royals scrambled to survive. Some bore their fate with a bitter pride, others succumbed to the adversity.
Through twenty-nine accounts of the survivors of the Uprising of 1857, Khwaja Hasan Nizami documents the devastating tale of the erstwhile glorious royalty’s struggle with the hardships thrust upon them by a ruthless new enemy.
In vivid and tragic stories drawn from the recollection of true events, Nizami paints a picture of a crumbling historical era and another charging forward to take its place.
With the reminiscence of past glory contrasted against the drudgery of everyday survival, Tears of the Begums – the first ever English translation of Nizami’s invaluable Urdu book Begumat ke Aansoo – chronicles the turning of the wheel of fortune in the aftermath of India’s first war of independence.
source: http://www.amazon.in / Amazon / Home> Books> History> World / as on August 06th, 2022
One of the most important but undervalued events of India’s independence movement was the naval revolt of 1946, about which Indian historian Sumit Sarker wrote, “Had this insurrection succeeded, India’s struggle for freedom might have taken a different turn.” From February 18 to 23 that year, more than 20,000 ordinary sailors, known as ratings, and low-ranking officers of 74 warships and 20 installations took part in a strike, which was termed as a mutiny or rebellion.
After Bengal lost its independence at Palashi’s Mango grove in 1757, the British Raj in India faced two major armed revolts: the first one was exactly after one hundred years, the military revolt of 1857, and the second one was 189 years later, the naval mutiny. Both in 1757 and 1857, the freedom fighters were defeated by the arms and tactics of the British rulers, but the naval mutiny failed because of the politicians in India then. It was not only the ratings’ mutiny that the political leadership had decided not to support – the civilian uprising triggered by the naval mutiny, too, was condemned by them. The scale of the civilian uprising, if it happened in a post-colonial era, would have created a revolution or at least caused the fall of the government of the day.
Three days after the mutiny ended and the civilian uprising was crushed with brutal force, the then British Prime Minister Clement Atlee told the House of Commons on February 26, 1946, “I regret to inform the House that grievous loss of life, injury and destruction of property have resulted from all these disturbances. In Bombay, there have been 223 deaths and 1,037 persons have been injured. The total damage includes the looting or destruction of nine banks, 32 government grain and cloth shops which the public can ill-afford to lose, 30 other shops, 10 post offices, 10 police stations and 1,200 street lamps. The number of vehicles destroyed is not yet estimated. In Karachi, there have been seven deaths and 21 cases of injury. In Madras, up to last night, one person has been killed and another seriously injured” (Source: Hansard).
Mr Atlee in his statement said, “Both Congress and Muslim League leaders cooperated in condemning and attempting to stop the disturbances, but the Communist Party issued a manifesto at midnight on Thursday thanking the public for its support.” It perhaps explains why, to this day, the political classes of the three countries born from the partition of India are not willing to admit their failure and give those mutineers and civilian martyrs their due credit. Therefore, in 2021, there was no big event in the subcontinent to mark the 75th anniversary of the naval revolt.
Mohammad Dewan Ali Nazir, Royal Indian Navy, Index no: 34499.
On a personal level, it’s ironic that, despite studying history at the country’s two top universities, I, too, did not take much interest in it during my student life. When I first heard of the rebellion from a mutineer, I had already taken a job and started my professional journey devoid of in-depth history. The mutineer I am talking about was my father, who spoke about his role and feelings about the lost cause during one of my short home visits. My father, Mohammad Dewan Ali Nazir (Royal Indian Navy, RIN, Index no: 34499) was one of the last 3,500 sailors and 300 sepoys who refused to surrender until the last on board of HMIS Akbar.
They were detained after surrendering and were released in August of that year. The mediation and the assurances given by the leaders of both Congress and Muslim League turned out to be nothing but betrayal. Though the uprising was a challenge to the Empire, shaking up the British imperial order, the leaders of the nationalist movement waiting to form an interim government through negotiations were not ready to derail that prospect.
Newspaper clipping of the Evening News.
The leaders of the Congress and the Muslim League did not want a revolution – they wanted a peaceful transfer of power. Among the leading politicians, only Congress leader Aruna Asaf Ali extended her support to the ratings’ strike and tried to persuade her party leaders to take a stand in favour of the strikers, but failed in the face of opposition from Vallabhbhai Patel. On February 22, Vallabhbhai Patel sent a message to the rebels to surrender. Only the Communist Party of India came forward in support of the naval revolt and called a general strike. Reading the memoir of one of the key figures of the revolt, Balai Chand Dutt (BC Dutt), and a few other publications, one can easily imagine how much frustration and pain those mutineers felt because of the national leaders’ silence, which they saw as a betrayal. Perhaps it explains why my father, too, lost interest in politics and didn’t speak much about the heroic uprising that ended in a tragedy.
Those nationalist leaders, including Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and Muhammad Ali Jinnah, advised them “not to mix up ‘political demands along with service demands’; to ‘remain calm’ and to formulate to the naval authorities their service demands.”
But from the very beginning, those naval ratings were raising political demands – particularly, the Quit India slogan.
Their Charter of Demands asked for: 1. Release of all Indian political prisoners; 2. Release of all Indian National Army personnel unconditionally; 3. Withdrawal of all Indian troops from Indonesia and Egypt; 4. British nationals to leave India; 5. Actions against the commanding officer and signal bosonshead for rough treatment of the crew; 6. Release of all detainees (naval ratings); 7. Speedy demobilisation of the RIN ratings and officers; 8. Equal status with the British navy regarding pay, family allowances and other facilities; 9. Best class of Indian food; 10. No return of clothing kit after discharge from service; 11. Better treatment from officers to subordinates; and 12. Installation of Indian officers and supervisors. (Source: Meanings of Failed Action: A reassessment of the 1946 Royal Indian Navy uprising by Dr Valentina Vitali, University of East London, UK.)
Autobiographies of two rebels – BC Dutt and Biswanath Bose – suggest that the then (undivided) India could have been a different place if the revolt of that day had succeeded. The rise of communal politics, the division and instability that is spreading in the states and society, would not have happened.
BC Dutt was one of the organisers of the HMIS Talwar, the ship where the mutiny started. He was arrested and tried for writing a new slogan on a ship on February 1, three weeks before the start of the February 18 mutiny. His book, The Mutiny of the Innocents, contains details of how political literature and pro-independence activities were organised much before their strike.
Biswanath Bose’s RIN Mutiny, 1946 also gives detailed descriptions of how the revolt unfolded. But politicians argued that the revolt was mostly due to the resentment among Indian ratings over low wages, poor quality of food and housing, which was lower than that of the Whites, and racial discrimination.
After the mutiny of 1857, the British rulers banned the entry and discussion of political leaflets in all forces, but BC Dutt used to secretly discuss political documents in the ship HMIS Talwar. Two months before the mutiny, on the Naval Day on December 1, when it was open for public visit, they wrote various slogans, including “Quit India” and “Jai Hind” on the ship. Explaining the reason why the mutiny failed, BC Dutt wrote that while all Europeans and Indians were stunned by the course of events and wondering if it was a revolt, unfortunately the political parties had nothing to say. When it was time to lower the British Union Jack and fly the Indian flag, they felt unprepared.
Newspaper clipping of the Hindusthan Standard
On February 22, 1946, when the nationalist leaders were busy arranging the ratings’ surrender, Prime Minister Clement Attlee told the parliament that the sailors had given political slogans and demanded that a political leader be given a chance to speak. He also said in the statement that Congress had nothing to do with the insurgency, but the communists and leftists could try to exploit sympathy.
William Richardson, a British researcher, writes in The Society for Nautical Research that the political movement for India’s independence was at the root of the revolt (The Mutiny of the Royal Indian Navy at Bombay in February 1946, May 1993).
Author of the book 1946: The Unknown Mutiny, Promod Kapoor wrote that the navies fell between the two aspirations of the two rulers. One side wanted their impending departure not to be tarnished by the stigma of rebellion. On the other hand, when power was imminent, the other rulers were anxious to see if there were any signs of chaos in the armed forces. Because in the future, they would have to manage these forces.
Politicians assured that no one would be punished, no compensation would be paid, and steps would be taken to meet the demands. In reality, the opposite had happened. Rebel leaders were arrested, tried and punished. Other rebels were told to grab third-class train tickets to return home and to never return to Bombay again. Showing various excuses, deductions were made from salary arrears even for minor damages in their uniforms.
Biswanath Bose’s book gives a glimpse of how frustrated and angry these rebels became with the behaviour of the government and the breach of promises by the political leaders. He wrote, “If patriotism is a crime, then we must be criminals.” Expressing his frustration for not being reemployed in the Indian Navy, he wrote a letter to Prime Minister Nehru asking if there was any law banning his return to the force due to dismissal for taking part in the freedom movement, and how, as a leader of the Congress, Nehru could be the prime minister.
Nationalist leaders were so reluctant to give the mutineers their due credit, that the Indian government banned the Bangla play Kallol (Sound of the Wave), based on the mutiny, by playwright Utpal Dutt, and he was imprisoned. The play was first performed in 1965 in Calcutta at the Minerva Theatre and it drew large crowds.
At the beginning of the naval strike, a Central Strike Committee (NCSC) was formed by the representatives of the ships stationed in Bombay. The committee renamed the Royal Indian Navy as The Indian National Navy. The committee was chaired by Signalman MS Khan, and Madan Singh was the vice-president. One remarkable element of the naval rebellion was the unity of various faiths among both the naval force and the civilians who took to the street. They raised slogans “Hindu-Muslim unite” and “Inquilab Zindabad” on the streets of Bombay.
BC Dutt’s book also speaks of this communal harmony. He wrote, “We are from different regions, and from families of Hindu, Muslim, Christian and Buddhist, but after spending years in the Navy, we sailors have become Indians. The irony is that the politics of communal division and hatred is now intensifying across the subcontinent.
(After leaving the job of a naval instructor, my father joined the office of Indian Civil Supply, and after a short stay in Kolkata, he was transferred to East Bengal. He retired as a magistrate and died on August 29, 2001.)
Kamal Ahmed is an independent journalist and writes from London, UK. His Twitter handle is @ahmedka1
source: http://www.thedailystar.net / The Daily Star / Home> In Focus / by Kamal Ahmed / July 25th, 2022
Maulana Muhammed Manzoor Nomani (1905-1997), most arguably was one of the five prime most Muslims of the Indian sub-continent in the last century. He was the founding member of Jamaat-e-Islami and later got associated with Tablighi Jamaat and was also the member of founding committee of Muslim World League.
Maulana Khalil-ur-Rehman Sajjad Nomani is his son who gives every credence to his father, as that is what has made him, potentially what he is today; the most potent Muslim voice in the nation.
Sajjad Nomani’s command on Arabic, Quran, Hadith, Urdu, Hindi and English, in the same verve, depth and gravitas, apart from being an eloquent speaker, an indefatigable champion of Muslim cause, a voracious reader and a writer with an unquestionable command on the intricacies of linguistic theory and cultural praxis, are all the qualities he has embodied and imbibed from his late father.
Yours truly also did once saw Manzoor Nomani Sahab, at his Nazeerabad residence, Lucknow, as he sat on his wheel chair engrossed in an Urdu newspaper and also attended to his funeral at Aishbagh, Lucknow in 1997.
It would be worthy to recollect some of the anecdotes Sajjad Sahab shared about his late father, which all are a treasure trove to understand the ‘times’ about seventy-five years back.
He reminisced that Pakistan first Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan was very insistent that Manzoor Sahab visit Pakistan and become a part of Pakistan Constituent Assembly to ‘pave for the ingredients’ for Islamic Jurisprudence for the state of Pakistan, and ultimately even officially sought for it, as Manzoor Sahab was one of the most outstanding figures of Islamic Law and Jurisprudence at those times.
When India’s PM Jawahar Lal Nehru came to know of it, he communicated that though he does not want Maulana to volunteer it, yet if Maulana wanted then government of India was to facilitate it. But, there was no question of Manzoor Sahab even entertaining the idea as he was an unwavering Indian by his heart, not out of any chance but primarily for his choice, as Muslims after 1947 were to choose between India or Pakistan and Manzoor Sahab stood for India.
Maulana Khalilur Rahman Sajjad Nomani
Sajjad Sahab would also reflect that it was in 1976, when he was studying in Medina University, and had come to India on his vacations, that Manzoor Sahab kidneys collapsed all of a sudden and he went into coma. That was the time when emergency was in place. He informed that ‘intelligence inputs’ were given to PM Indira Gandhi that unless Maulana Ali Mian Nadwi, Maulana Manzoor Nomani and Qari Siddeeq Baandvi were to be arrested, Muslims were not relent to ‘vasectomy-sterilization’ and Indira Gandhi went to India’s President Fakhrudin Ali Ahmed, for his counsel on it, to which she was answered that all hell will break loose in the country in case of such an eventuality.
In the meantime, Indira Gandhi was also informed about the medical situation of Manzoor Sahab, and a chartered place to carry Maulana to Delhi was sent to Lucknow. The family members could not fathom for it, for they knew, that Maulana was be very angry once after the coma was to subside, the gesture of Indira Gandhi was hence refused, and fortunately by the midnight Maulana regained his senses, but then the next morning Indira Gandhi herself came down to Maulana’s residence. She would insist that Maulana may be flown to Delhi for his medical treatment, but all what Maulana sought from her was that she should implement justice as there was ‘tyranny’ all across the nation. He would address Indira Gandhi as his daughter and that when she played in her father’s courtyard, Maulana was to advice her father JL Nehru on critical issues.
Such has been the sense of belonging of Muslims for Manzoor Sahab , inherited too well by his son, is that while Jamshedpur raged under riots of 1979, Maulana went on to sit in a mosque for 21 days, draw into people and disbursed charity amongst the hapless Muslims, which continued for months. Maulana had an impeccable memory as Sajjad Sahab, relates, that shortly before his death, while he was searching for a Hadith, his ailing father, who was almost comatose, made him look for it on the exact page of Tirmezi- a great compendium of Hadith. Maulana Manzoor Sahab was a living authority and a luminary of Hadith-the sayings of Prophet of Islam.
Manzoor Nomani Sahab surely has left an indelible mark on Muslim civilization not across only in India but throughout the whole Muslim world. The best part however is that, it has all been very well innately translated into a relentless campaign for Muslim rights in India, by his son Sajjad Nomani, an activist always on his heels and one of the most credible voice of Muslims in the nation today. He is right now articulating the cause of Peace and Justice, a desperate call of the nation today. Sajjad Sahab is also the spokesperson of All India Muslim Personal Law Board, the Apex of Muslims in the country.
***
The writer is a former UP State Information Commissioner and writes on political issues.
source: http://www.mulimmirror.com / Muslim Mirror / Home> Muslim Scholars / by Haider Abbas / June 20th, 2022
Notably, Fathima’s father, Abdul Samad, an ex-Member of Parliament, won from the Harbour area during the 1958 urban local body polls.
AS Fathima Muzaffer led numerous anti-CAA protests in Chennai. (Photo | Special Arrangement)
Chennai :
The woman, who led numerous anti-CAA protests in Chennai, AS Fathima Muzaffer from the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML)-DMK alliance emerged victorious in ward 61 of the Chennai Corporation on Tuesday by a huge margin of votes.
After five and a half decades, IUML’s own symbol (ladder) was used and this is the first time in the history of the party that a woman candidate has contested in Chennai.
Notably, Fathima’s father, Abdul Samad, an ex-Member of Parliament, won from the Harbour area during the 1958 urban local body polls. Fathima bagged 6,347 of 11,443 votes in her ward.
“It is a historic moment for IUML as we contested only from one ward and won. This is a silent answer to the ongoing hijab fiasco. Also, this is my first political campaign. I have been a social activist largely and hope to do the same as a councillor — serve the public,” said Fathima, who is also the national president of IUML’s women’s wing.
With numerous colleges, a prestigious stadium and four slums in her ward, Fathima says she wishes to bridge the gap between the elite and downtrodden.
“I want to implement a lot of youth programmes. Since this ward has good population of youth, it is crucial. Apart from this, social equality and communal harmony will always be at the forefront.”
Fathima’s family has been in politics for three generations.
Her grandfather, Moulana Abdul Hameed Baqavi was a freedom fighter and reportedly the first person to translate the holy Quran into Tamil.
She has also won a lot of awards in the field of social service for her work on women’s empowerment and education, especially in the Muslim community.
source: http://www.newindianexpress.com / The New Indian Express / Home> Cities>Chennai / by KV Navya, Express News Service / February 22nd, 2022
Masoom Muradabadi’s book was launched at the Press Club on Thursday by eminent journalists
The event was organised to launch the Hindi translation of journalist Masoom Muradabadi’s book on Maulvi Baqar.
New Delhi :
The Press Club of India on Thursday held a seminar to commemorate the death anniversary of Maulvi Mohammad Baqar, the first journalist who was executed by the British following the rebellion of 1857.
A Hindi translation of the book titled ‘1857 Ki Kranti Aur Urdu Patrkarita’ (The Revolution of 1957 and Urdu Journalism) authored by journalist Masoom Muradabadi was released at the seminar.
It chronicles the life of Baqar as a journalist and freedom fighter. Moreover, two journalists — Swati Mathur, a reporter with The Times of India, and Shams Tabrez Qasmi, the editor of popular news portal Millat Times — were also felicitated with an award named after Baqar.
A number of veteran journalists and writers spoke on the occasion paying tributes to the ‘first martyr journalist’. They described Baqar as an icon of Hindu-Muslim unity whose ideals are increasingly relevant in the present times.”
“Maulvi Muhammad Baqir was one of the great journalists who preferred martyrdom to collaboration with Britishers.” A U Asif, a senior journalist and member of Press Club’s managing committee, said. “He is the ideal and role model for the new generation of journalists.
Satish Jacob, a BBC veteran, said Baqar was a journalist who sacrificed his life for the sake of the nation. He described him a proponent of Hindu-Muslim unity.
Jacob said he is proud of the fact that he hails from old Delhi which gave birth to a person like Baqar. He said that Baqar had started an Imam Barah in the Kashmere gate area which is still functioning. The Imam Barah was built with the expressed goal of communal harmony, he added.
Noted journalist Meem Afzal, who has been a member of Parliament and India’s ambassador in four countries, lashed out at the current government for communal divide and accused it of obliterating the contributions of people like Baqar. He said that Baqar used his pen to fight for the idea of India.
Maroof Raza, another journalist, appealed for steps to find the original source and preserve the archives of ‘Delhi Urdu Akhbar’, the newspaper Baqar used to publish.
Jai Shanakar Gupta, senior journalist and a member of the Press Council of India, urged the government to get copies of the newspaper that Baqar edited from Britain where they are lying in a museum.
SQR Ilyas, journalist and president of the Welfare Party of India, said that the sacrifice of Baqar should inspire the present-day journalists to speak truth to power. He lauded the Press Club for commemorating Baqar.
Similar sentiments were echoed by Syed Aijaz Aslam, editor of Radiance Viewsweekly.
Mathur and Qasmi expressed their gratitude to the Press Club for felicitating them with the award. “This recognition in the form of an award in Maulvi Baqar’s name is a big thing for me, ” said Mathur.
Qasmi credited his whole team of Millat Times for the work that earned him the award.
source: http://www.clarionindia.net / Clarion / Home> Editor’ Pick / by Zafar Aafaq, Clarion India / September 16th, 2021
A leading Islamic scholar and freedom fighter Mufti Abd-ur-Razzaq Khan of Bhopal, who was national vice president of Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind (Maulana Arshad Madani faction), breathed his last after a prolonged illness here on May 26. He was about 96 years of age.
Mufti Abd-ur-Razzaq was laid to rest on May 27 afternoon with state Guard of Honours granted by the Madhya Pradesh Government. Since he was a popular figure and had followers cutting across the barriers of religion, cast and creed, the funeral was held amidst tight security apprehending mass turnout in the face of prevailing lockdown and Corona curfew in the city.
He had authored more than 50 books including Sarzamīn-e-Hind: Ambiyā kirām aur Islām; Qur’ān mai kya hai?, Āzādi; Aslāf aur Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind; Islāmi zindagi: paidā’ish se jannat tak; Ahle Qur’ān aur ahle kitāb etc.
Police sealed walled city
Meanwhile, considering the popularity and his large number of followers, police took precautionary measures to avoid large congregation during his last rites because of corona curfew. The police put up barricades at prominent squares and roads of old city areas and police officers along with district administration also appealed people to avoid gathering because of the Corona curfew. Bhopal entry points from all sides were also sealed to prevent followers and admirers of the cleric from all the districts of the state from entering the city.
Police barricaded the roads in old Bhopal. Only family members and limited people were allowed to attend the funeral. The heavy police force was deployed at all the prime squares and areas including Tarjama Wali Mosque, Iqbal Maidan, Peer Gate, Bhopal Talkies, Nadra bus stand, Alpana Talkies, Sangam Talkies, Moti Masjid, Ret Ghat, Kamla Park and adjoining areas. In addition to barricading all the routes to old Bhopal, the old city area was guarded by additional force of 700 policemen. The routes connecting Bhopal from borders and the roads towards old city areas remained closed.
Equally respected in all circles
Mufti Abd-ur-Razzaq in 1958 had established the Madrasa Islamia Arabia in Bhopal and a mosque popularly known as Tarjama Wali Masjid of Bhopal. He used to teach Islamic preaching in Indian language because of which the mosque gained the name Tarjama (translation) mosque. He was an Indian Muslim scholar, mufti and an activist of Indian freedom struggle, who was equally respected in political, social, civil and all circles. The Governor of Madhya Pradesh, Anandiben Patel, honoured him in January 2021 for his participation in the Indian freedom struggle.
The high point of his life was that he was able to establish a chain of Madrasas/Maktabs all over Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh wherein thousands of students receive Deeni Taleem (Religious education). He was revered by leaders of all religions. He used to organise meetings of leaders of various faiths to establish inter-religious dialogue with objective of creating communal harmony among the people. He was among those religious leaders who ran one of the oldest Gaushala on the outskirt of the city.
Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh, MP Congress Committee president & former chief minister Kamal Nath, Rajya Sabha member and Digvijay Singh expressed grief over his demise.
Mufti Abd-ur-Razzaq was born on 13th August 1925. He was schooled in “Masjid Malang Shah”, Jamia Darul Uloom Ilāhiya and Jamia Aḥmadiya in Bhopal. In July 1952, he joined the Darul Uloom Deoband to complete his studies. He studied Sahih Bukhari with Hussain Ahmad Madani; Sahih Muslim with Fakhrul Hasan Moradabadi; Jami’ al-Tirmidhi with Muḥammad Ibrāhim Balyawi; Sunan Abu Dawud with Bashīr Aḥmad; Sunan Nasai and Sunan ibn Majah with Mubārak Hussain; Muwatta Imām Muḥammad with Meraj-ul-Haq Deobandi; Muwatta Imam Malik with Sayyid Hasan; Shama’il Muhammadiyah with Muhammad Tayyib Qasmi; and Sharah Wiqāyah with Muhammad Salim Qasmi. He completed studying the “Dars-e-Nizami” course in 1377 AH and then specialized in “Ifta” with Mahdi Hasan Shahjahanpuri.
Participated in freedom struggle
Mufti Abd-ur-Razzaq participated in the Indian freedom struggle. In 1947, he was part of a fight that took place in Bhopal’s Qazi camp against the British colonialism. In 1958, he established Madrasa Islamia Arabia, one of the oldest and largest Islamic seminary in Bhopal. He was patron of various Islamic seminaries in Madhya Pradesh. He was also the state-president of the Darul Uloom Deoband’s “Rābta Madāris-e-Islamiya” for Madhya Pradesh. He is credited with the growth and development of Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind in Madhya Pradesh. He served as its national vice-president and the state-president for Madhya Pradesh. In 1958, he was appointed the vice-mufti of Bhopal’s “Dārul Qadha” (Islamic court); and chief-judge in 1968. He served as the Mufti of Bhopal city from 1974 to 1983. He promoted inter-religious harmony by organizing meetings with leaders of various faiths.[10] He was a vivid speaker and instructed Muslims to cope with communal riots with ways befitting the situation.
In 2016, denouncing the RashtriyaSwayamsevak Sangh, Vishva Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal activities in Madhya Pradesh, he told Muslims to maintain peace and not to engage in rioting or other things that could damage the peaceful atmosphere in the State. He expressed, “if someone attacks you and you don’t have any other solution but to kill him or to die for saving others from rioters, do not hesitate and go ahead. He also asked the political leaders of Madhya Pradesh to control these right-wing organisations and stop them from attacking and abusing Muslims.
source: http://www.indiatomorrow.net / India Tomorrow / Home> Featured> Religion / by Parvez Bari, India Tomorrow / May 31st, 2021
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