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Zohran Mamdani’s New York win revives a forgotten history — of Gujarati Muslim cosmopolitanism

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GUJARAT / UGANDA / New York, U.S.A :

From Mughal ports to Dutch wars to Bombay’s merchant dynasties, Gujarati Muslims once shaped the Indian Ocean world — long before one of their descendants took New York.

File photo of Zohran Mamdani | Reuters 2025

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What You Need to Know

Zohran Mamdani’s election highlights a forgotten Indian Muslim cosmopolitanism. Historically, Gujarati Muslim communities dominated Indian Ocean trade, challenging European powers and fostering diverse business relationships. Later, groups like the Khojas adapted through “corporate Islam” (jamaats), becoming powerful economic forces globally. This rich, diverse history is increasingly overshadowed by modern religious nationalism.

*AI-generated summary. Check context in original text.

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Having delivered speeches in Gujarati, Bengali, Arabic, Hindi, Luganda, and Spanish, Mamdani is a reflection of a long-forgotten Indian Muslim cosmopolitanism. The Gujarati Muslim communities he descends from once challenged the Dutch for hegemony in Indonesia; poured money into schools, hospitals, and printing presses from Japan to Arabia; and helped the British Empire consolidate its grip over Africa. To this day, that Indian Muslim history still echoes — in high-end London auction houses as much as in the working-class boroughs of New York.


The election of Zohran Mamdani as Mayor of New York last week has struck a surprising chord in the world’s media — especially considering he is technically the head of just one American city’s administration. But the buzz around this young Indian-origin Muslim, an avowed democratic socialist, is a ripple in a much older ocean.

Gujaratis in the Indian Ocean

This column began with a rather innocuous tweet pointing out that Mamdani’s multilingualism would have made him a fortune in the early modern Southeast Asian spice trade. As of writing, it has racked up over one million views and 54,000 likes — and it’s a pretty accurate reflection of what propelled Gujarati Muslims to international trade superstardom in the first place.

In her paper ‘Gujarat’s Trade with South East Asia (16th and 17th centuries)’, historian Ruby Maloni describes the great port of Khambhat in Gujarat as having “stretched out two arms — one towards Aden, the other towards Malacca.” While Banias were especially prominent in East Africa and the Persian Gulf at the time, Gujarati Muslim merchants dominated the Malacca trade, conveying relatively cheap block-print textiles from manufactories in Ahmedabad deep into Southeast Asia to trade for spices.

The most prominent among these merchants effectively formed ‘dynasties’ closely linked to the Mughal court, among others. But there was also a strong aspect of caste-based collective organisation, paralleling that of Hindu and Jain Gujaratis.

Nowhere was this more evident than in Surat, perhaps the most impressive port on India’s west coast. Its multilingual babble included Gujarati, Arabic, Persian, Urdu, Dutch, English, and Portuguese. Certainly, there were clear distinctions between caste and religious groups, and within their communities Gujarati merchants — Hindu and Muslim alike — could be quite rigid. At the same time, in interpersonal and business relationships, their shared Gujarati heritage encouraged cosmopolitan attitudes.

Historian Jawaid Akhtar offers several examples in his paper ‘The Culture of Mercantile Communities in Mughal Times.’ In Surat, Armenian merchants were in business with Parsis and Muslims; Vaishnavite Bhatias, despite a taboo against crossing the ocean, jointly owned cargo and ships with Muslims. Akhtar cites documentary evidence of Bania men adopting Muslim practices such as offering dowers to their wives. Muslim and Hindu merchants also collectively represented their grievances to Mughal authorities.

On one occasion in 1669, when the Qazi of Surat compelled a Vaishnavite Bania to convert to Islam, nearly 8,000 merchants — apparently of all religions — emigrated to Bharuch in protest against this infringement of their privileges.

Gujarati Muslims quickly identified Europeans as a threat to their trade dominance in Southeast Asia. Maloni notes that Dutch East India Company records mention their difficulties with these merchants, who took them on through price wars and by installing their own candidates as port authorities. It seemed that there was nothing the Dutch could do to prevent Gujarati Muslims from trading. The Sultanate of Johor welcomed ships belonging to the merchant Haji Zahid Beg, who bought tin in flagrant defiance of Dutch embargoes. Other merchants, Maloni writes, hired cargo space on English ships; the spectacularly wealthy merchant Abdul Ghafur of Surat even flew Dutch flags on his own ships. It was only when the Dutch forcibly colonised much of Indonesia that Gujarati Muslims finally lost their grip on Malacca. But by then, new opportunities were already emerging on the horizon.

Khoja Lady | From the album presented to the Princess of Wales by the women of Bombay, featuring 13 full-page watercolours of Indian women by artist Manchershaw Fakirjee Pithawalla (1872-1937) | Wikimedia Commons

The rise of ‘Corporate Islam’

As the Mughal juggernaut began to shake and unravel in the 18th century, the old order of great merchant princes and dynasties started to fall apart. Surat, repeatedly raided by the Maratha king Shivaji, faced growing competition from the East India Company’s new port at Bombay.

Three Gujarati Muslim communities — the Bohras, Memons, and Khojas — who had hitherto been relatively small-time traders, found themselves ideally placed to benefit from the changing political landscape. Zohran Mamdani descends from the last of these.

In his seminal book No Birds of Passage: A History of Gujarati Muslim Business Communities, 1800–1975, historian Michael O’Sullivan notes that these three groups had spread “as far east as Ujjain, as far west as Karachi, as far south as Poona, and as far north as Udaipur… They thus inhabited a territory that was, by the reckoning of an Indian lexicographer in the 1840s, larger than Great Britain and Ireland, with their shared mother tongues [Gujarati] serving as the principal language of business in Central and Western India.”

The Bohras, Memons and Khojas had all converted to Islam around the 15th century, but their social and cultural practices varied drastically. Subgroups were affiliated with various Sunni and Shia sects; some were Ismaili and revered the Aga Khans, while others traced descent by region and worshipped Sufi saints.

What these groups shared, though, was the jamaat —an institution that O’Sullivan describes as a form of “corporate Islam”. Essentially, members of each jamaat shared some resources in common — schools, hospitals, that sort of thing. Particularly wealthy members, who often held senior religious positions, also maintained private family trusts and companies.

What the jamaat ensured, O’Sullivan writes, was a mechanism for organisation, exclusivity, and interpretation, allowing these communities to adapt the changing contours of Islamic practice to an era of globalisation. Jamaats could mobilise capital, human resources, and theological flexibility at a rate few other Indian institutions could match.

Collectively, these Gujarati Muslim jamaats emerged as some of the most powerful Indian economic forces of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Though now outshone in the popular imagination by Parsi and Bania entrepreneurs, Gujarati Muslims similarly negotiated with the Marathas and the British, benefited from the Opium Wars, and switched soon after to manufacturing all sorts of commercial goods, especially in Bombay.

In the 1840s, Gujarati Muslims commissioned pioneering printed texts — in Gujarati — including travelogues and cultural primers for new markets like China. Their growing wealth also funded spectacular mansions, such as those in Sidhpur, now eerily abandoned. It was Gujaratis, perhaps more than any other Indian group, who built the financial infrastructure of the British Raj in East Africa — a migration line from which Zohran Mamdani himself descends.

All of this amounted to a decisive shift in the centre of gravity of Indian Ocean Islam. It was for this reason that the Aga Khan, revered by Ismaili Khojas, moved his seat from Iran to Bombay before Partition.

Sidhpur city in Gujarat | Wikimedia Commons

A cosmopolitanism forgotten

The versions of Islam promoted by Gujarati Muslims absorbed the modernist vocabulary of capital accumulation and inheritance, frequently splintering into new jamaats as they expanded into ever-new markets and cultures.

At the same time, as researcher Danish Khan notes, Gujarati Muslims attained positions of leadership and influence in Bombay well before they had even set foot in the United States of America. “The first Muslim baronet in colonial India,” he writes, “was a Khoja and the first Muslim ICS officer was a Sulaimani Bohra. Badruddin Tyabji and Rahimtoola Sayani were the first two Muslim Presidents of Congress party. Sir Adamjee Peerbhoy presided over the first session of the Muslim League in Karachi.”

But with the rise of pan-Islamic and Hindu nationalism in the early 20th century, the scales swung once again, and mercantile, oceanic histories were overridden by grievances inspired by long-dead inland kings.

Where does the history of Gujarati Muslims fit now? Mamdani’s election is ironic on many levels. In Bombay, once the historic home of the community, a BJP politician declared, in response to Mamdani’s victory in New York, that “We won’t allow any Khan to become mayor.”

The fact is that before and since, the history of Gujarati Muslims has, for all intents and purposes, disappeared into the ever–widening gap between radical Hindutva and radical Islam. Every news cycle, it seems, tears India’s many intertwined histories further apart.

Anirudh Kanisetti is a public historian. He is the author of ‘Lords of Earth and Sea: A History of the Chola Empire’ and the award-winning ‘Lords of the Deccan’. He hosts the Echoes of India and Yuddha podcasts. He tweets @AKanisetti and is on Instagram @anirbuddha.

This article is a part of the ‘Thinking Medieval’ series that takes a deep dive into India’s medieval culture, politics, and history.

(Edited by Prashant Dixit)

source: http://www.theprint.in / The Print / Home> Opinion> The Fine Print / by Anirudh Kanisetti / November 13th, 2025

Mamdani’s Hindustani Effect: A Historic Triumph for Inclusion in New York

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GUJARAT/ UGANDA / New York, U.S.A. :

Zohran Mamdani

A Historic Win

“I am a Democratic Socialist, I am a Muslim… I am not apologizing for either.” With these words, Zohran Mamdani declared victory in the New York City mayoral race, a symbolic global capital of commerce and culture. His triumph rekindled hope among conscientious citizens in New York and resonated worldwide, especially amid the rise of populist, authoritarian-leaning leaders who thrive on division and privilege wealthy allies.

Only a year prior, Mamdani was widely seen as an underdog. Yet he defeated Andrew Cuomo, the former governor who ran as an independent and received informal support from prominent national figures, including the sitting president. Mamdani garnered just over 50 percent of the vote, becoming the youngest mayor in a century and the first Muslim and South Asian to hold the office. His campaign also achieved one of the highest voter turnouts in New York City since 1969, signalling renewed civic engagement for a progressive, inclusive agenda.

Political Polarization and Economic Context

While such a victory might appear routine in an established liberal democracy, it must be understood against the backdrop of deep U.S. political polarization since the Trump era. Divisive rhetoric and exclusionary policies fractured communities and workplaces, stifling dreams and limiting opportunity.

During the Trump administration, harsh immigration enforcement via ICE and other agencies fuelled fear in immigrant communities. Arbitrary detentions, wrongful arrests, and forced family separations became emblematic of policies that disregarded due process and human dignity. At the same time, tariffs and trade disputes increased living costs, particularly in metropolitan areas like New York. Rising rents and price hikes strained households across demographics, as economic hardship transcends ethnicity, citizenship, or geography. Some commentators noted that the political climate during Mamdani’s election was marked by tension between the federal administration and certain Democratic-led cities. Debates around federal funding, social welfare programs, and executive rhetoric heightened the stakes of the mayoral race, creating a context in which Mamdani’s message of local accountability and inclusion resonated strongly with voters.

The Socioeconomic Landscape of New York

New York City, with a population of approximately 8.48 million as of 2024, is among the world’s most diverse urban centres. Over 30 percent of residents are foreign-born, representing more than 100 nationalities. Yet the city struggles with high income inequality, reflected in a Gini coefficient of 0.555. Housing shortages, rising rents, and long commutes—averaging 41 minutes—have made the city increasingly unaffordable for lower- and middle-income households, prompting out-migration to suburbs.

Employment levels have recovered post-pandemic, with private-sector jobs growing 2.8 percent in 2024–25, yet the income gap continues to widen. Households in the highest quintile earn more than twenty times those in the lowest quintile. Policies favouring high-income earners during prior administrations exacerbated this structural inequality.

A Campaign Grounded in Inclusion

Mamdani’s success can be attributed to his focus on everyday concerns of New Yorkers: affordability, public transportation, universal childcare, housing, and progressive taxation. He positioned himself against divisive political rhetoric, resonating across New York’s diverse communities and appealing to those marginalized economically or socially helping unite both conservatives and liberals as economic hardship doesn’t see political allegiance.

A defining moment in his campaign was his emphasis on local priorities. During a mayoral debate, while other candidates pledged their first visit abroad to Israel, Mamdani highlighted his responsibility to New Yorkers first, reinforcing his commitment to municipal governance over symbolic foreign policy gestures.

He also navigated sensitive international issues with nuance, affirming support for the safety and rights of Jewish residents while criticizing the humanitarian crisis in the occupied Palestinian territories. His stance on human-rights accountability, including adherence to ICC mechanisms, underscored a principled approach that strengthened his political credibility.

Major New York City billionaires marshalled tens of millions of dollars to thwart Zohran Mamdani’s mayoral campaign, deploying deep-pocketed political machinery in support of his opponents. For instance, former Mayor and billionaire Michael Bloomberg is reported to have donated approximately US$8.3 million to the pro-Andrew Cuomo super-PAC Fix the City. Hedge-fund billionaire Bill Ackman contributed at least US$1 million to the anti-Mamdani PAC Defend NYC, and additional sums to Fix the City.

Concurrently, opposition efforts against Mamdani involved advertisements and mailers that his campaign denounced as blatant Islamophobia. For example, a mailer circulated by the pro-Cuomo super-PAC Fix the City was reported to have altered his appearance, darkening his beard and lightening his skin, a move Mamdani characterized as racially and religiously discriminatory. In addition, opponents sought to question his political allegiances, falsely portraying him as a supporter of Hamas and suggesting that he did not recognize Israel’s right to exist—claims that his campaign firmly rejected as misleading and defamatory.

Engaging Communities on the Ground

Mamdani’s outreach strategy was multifaceted and culturally inclusive. Campaign messaging spanned multiple languages, reaching New Yorkers across diverse linguistic and ethnic backgrounds. Beyond digital platforms, he visited places of worship, including Hindu temples, Jewish synagogues, and Christian churches, reinforcing interfaith solidarity.

He also engaged with ethnic food outlets and small businesses, highlighting immigrant contributions to the city’s cultural and economic life. This ground-level engagement translated into broad support across communities—Muslims, Christians, Jews, and secular groups alike—demonstrating a shared alignment with his vision for an inclusive, socially just New York.

Diasporic Resonance and Global Context

Mamdani’s heritage evokes transnational connections to India and Uganda, reflecting the experiences of diaspora communities navigating multiple cultural and political identities. His election elicited reactions from segments of Indian nationalist (Hindutva) movements, including online circulation of Islamophobic commentary. In contrast to widely celebrated Indian-origin figures such as Rishi Sunak, Kamala Harris, Tulsi Gabbard, and Usha Vance—often cited as symbols of India’s soft power abroad—Mamdani’s identity as a Muslim and his candid critique of the 2002 Gujarat riots have positioned him outside these narratives. He has reflected thoughtfully on the experiences of Muslims in New York, observing that “to be Muslim in New York is to expect indignity,” while emphasizing that such challenges do not define the broader community. His principled approach extends to global issues as well; his measured stance on the Israel–Palestine conflict underscores a commitment to human rights and ethical governance, reinforcing his reputation as a leader guided by conscience and social justice rather than partisan or sectarian considerations.

Zohran Mamdani’s unapologetic assertion of his identity, faith, and commitment to the public good offers a potential model for Indian Muslims and other marginalized communities confronting the rise of militant Hindutva and an increasingly adversarial state. His example demonstrates that principled, assertive engagement—grounded in inclusivity and social justice—can effectively challenge exclusionary and sectarian politics. Secular political parties in India, which in recent years have often sidelined Muslim voices in public life, might draw lessons from Mamdani’s approach: defeating divisive politics requires active, unapologetic advocacy for inclusion and pluralism, rather than silence or timidity. In essence, countering the forces of social and political exclusion demands a combination of ethical clarity, strategic assertiveness, and public visibility.

A Template for Inclusive Politics

Domestically, Mamdani’s rise occurs amid American ideological polarization and Democratic Party struggles to counter authoritarian rhetoric. His unapologetic advocacy for inclusive, pluralistic, and redistributive policies offers a potential model for progressive politics, reinforcing democratic values while countering divisive populism.

Mamdani’s victory, therefore, represents more than a personal or partisan success: it is a reassertion of democratic ideals, a rejection of exclusionary politics, and a renewed belief in a morally grounded, economically just, and inclusive vision that resonates far beyond New York City.

Diasporic Resonance and Global Context

Mamdani’s heritage evokes transnational connections to India and Uganda, reflecting the experiences of diaspora communities navigating multiple cultural and political identities. His election elicited reactions from segments of Indian nationalist (Hindutva) movements, some of whom circulated Islamophobic commentary online.

In contrast to celebrated Indian-origin figures such as Rishi Sunak, Kamala Harris, Tulsi Gabbard, and Usha Vance—often cited as symbols of India’s soft power—Mamdani’s identity as a Muslim and his critique of the 2002 Gujarat riots positioned him outside such narratives. He has reflected on the experiences of Muslims in New York, noting that “to be Muslim in New York is to expect indignity,” while emphasizing that these challenges do not define the broader community. His principled, humanitarian approach extends to global issues, with a measured stance on the Israel–Palestine conflict that underscores his commitment to ethical governance and human rights.

A Model for Marginalized Communities

Mamdani’s unapologetic assertion of his identity, faith, and commitment to the public good offers a potential model for Indian Muslims and other marginalized communities confronting militant Hindutva and adversarial state policies. His example demonstrates that principled, assertive engagement—grounded in inclusivity and social justice—can effectively challenge exclusionary politics. Secular political parties in India, which in recent years have often sidelined Muslim voices, might draw lessons from Mamdani’s approach: defeating divisive politics requires active advocacy for inclusion and pluralism rather than silence or timidity.

A Template for Inclusive Politics

Domestically, Mamdani’s rise occurs amid increasing ideological polarization in the U.S. and ongoing struggles within the Democratic Party to counter authoritarian and exclusionary rhetoric. His unapologetic advocacy for inclusive, pluralistic, and redistributive policies offers a potential model for progressive politics, reinforcing democratic values while challenging divisive populism.

Ultimately, Mamdani’s victory represents more than a personal or partisan success: it is a reaffirmation of democratic ideals, a rejection of exclusionary politics, and a renewed belief in a morally grounded, economically just, and inclusive vision—one that resonates far beyond New York City.

source: http://www.muslimmirror.com / Muslim Mirror / Home> Opinion / by Mushtaque Rahman / November 11th, 2025

For the first time, AMU student union poll sees three women win

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Aligarh, UTTAR PRADESH :

For the first time in the history of Aligarh Muslim University Student politics, three women have won the student union elections. Ghazala Ahmad, Sadaf Rasool and Labiba Sherwani all contested the polls for the first time and all three won posts of cabinet members in the AMUSU.

The results of AMUSU elections sent a positive message about gender equality in an university that had gotten bad press for restricting library access for undergraduate women students.

Ms. Ahmad is final year student of Bachelors of Social Work, Ms. Rasool is in the final year of B.U.M.S. and Ms. Sherwani is in her first year of Bachelors of Social Work.

In 2015, one female student had won the union elections. But this is the first time in the history of AMU that three women have won the polls in their maiden attempt.

Kehkashan Khanam, a student of Ph. D. in Theology had won the post of cabinet in the last AMU student union elections. Ms. Khanam had contested this time for the post of vice-president in the AMUSU.

While talking to The Hindu on phone from Aligarh, Ghazala Ahmad said she held the victory of three girls in their first attempt to be a “sign that students of AMU want to see more girls presence and participation in overall student politics”.

When asked how she convinced a male-dominated electorate to vote for her, Ms. Ahmad said, “I told everybody on the campus that time has come to change outsiders’ perception of AMU. I told them, lets show the outside world that AMU campus is friendly and open to girls.”

The twenty-one-year old Ms. Ahmad said her inspiration was her working mother Nahid Fatima, Principal of a Government Primary School in Aligarh.

The job of a cabinet member is to ensure that the problems faced by the students at the departmental and faculty level, should be conveyed and taken up with the president, vice-president and secretary of the AMUSU. “It is a male-dominated campus but the results show that students on the campus want to more participation from girls. After all girls are also there on campus. Who will represent them. It was a tough competition so I had to work really very hard,” said Ms. Ahmad.

source: http://www.thehindu.com / The Hindu / Home> News> India> Other States / by The Hindu / November 01st, 2016

Historian revisits Maulana Azad: A secular nationalist and nation-builder

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Mecca, (Ottoman-SAUDI ARABIA / Kolkata, WEST BENGAL / DELHI :

Abul Kalam Ghulam Muhiyuddin (November 11, 1888-February 22, 1958), better known as Maulana Azad, was a writer-activist-statesman.

Historian S Irfan Habib speaks on Maulana Azad on his birth anniversary at an event organised by the Maulana Azad College alumni association in Calcutta on Tuesday / The Telegraph

Historian S. Irfan Habib, while delivering his Maulana Abul Kalam Azad memorial lecture titled “Revisiting Maulana Azad in Contemporary India” on Tuesday, rued how in today’s India, anytime he posts anything on social media on the freedom fighter, 80 per cent of the comments comprise hateful abuse.

“Full of abuse… 80 per cent of the comments. And from people who have no idea of who he was, what he stood for, and what he did for India,” said Habib, whose lecture on the Maulana on the icon’s 137th birth anniversary was organised by the Maulana Azad College alumni association to mark the college’s centennial.

Abul Kalam Ghulam Muhiyuddin (November 11, 1888-February 22, 1958), better known as Maulana Azad, was a writer-activist-statesman.

One of Mahatma Gandhi’s most trusted lieutenants and the youngest president of the Indian National Congress, he made crucial contributions to the freedom movement. He was also Independent India’s first education minister.

“I will speak about those issues relevant for today’s India. What he did for education, how he defined nationalism — today all those who have no idea of what nationalism is are nationalists — and how he defined Islam…. Islam too is in danger when we see what we believers have done to our own faith,” said Habib, former Maulana Azad Chair at the National University of Educational Planning and Administration, New Delhi.

Maulana Azad’s family moved from Mecca to Calcutta when he was two. He spent several decades of his life in this city, his residence on 5 Ashraf Mistry Lane of Ballygunge now a museum.

November 11 is celebrated as National Education Day to recognise his contribution in establishing the education foundations of India — from the Indian Institutes of Technology, the University Grants Commission, the All India Council for Technical Education, the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research, the Indian Institute of Science, and the Sahitya Akademi, the Sangeet Natak Akademi and the Lalit Kala Akademi, besides the Indian Council for Cultural Relations.

“Patriotism, nationalism and humanism, the difference between them Maulana tried to look at. In this (the belief in the culmination in humanism) he was very close to Gurudev Rabindranath Tagore, and he actually writes about it, that he believes in the idea of nationalism which was pitched by the idea of Tagore’s humanism and universalism,” said Habib.

“True relationship is only one, where the entire earth is one’s native land. This is necessary is today’s India, where we indulge in othering among own citizens, in the name of religion, caste, language, all sorts of issues, all sorts of divisive tools we use to divide Indians, while Maulana says mankind is one family and all humans are brothers, this is the idea of humanity of nationalism which Maulana left behind,” he added.

Habib underscored how the Maulana began as a pan-Islamist, speaking against the subjugation of Muslim nations by imperialist powers — a sentiment expressed strongly in his papers Al-Hilal and Al-Balagh, and it was because of his role as a fiercely upright journalist that the British Raj viewed him as one of the most dangerous persons in India.

Habib stated that after the Maulana was released from exile in Ranchi in 1920, he was torn between reading and writing in seclusion, or public life and the freedom struggle. It was soon after coming out of exile that the Maulana met Gandhi on January 18, 1920, for the first time.

“The meeting seemed to have had a profound impact on both… and they remained inseparable for the rest of his (Gandhi’s) life,” he said.

According to Habib, the Maulana fought on multiple fronts, not only against the British, but also Hindu and Muslim communalists.

“Maulana stressed on indivisible or composite nationalism, where he went back to early Islamic history, when the Prophet (Muhammad) created the first Muslim nation in Medina by aligning with the Yehudis (Jews). He saw no reason why Muslims could not join hands with Hindus and others in nation-forming…. He was appalled with communalists busy with sectarian campaigns when the need was to fight the British as a composite nationalist group,” Habib said.

“Maulana stood for a united India and remained steadfast in this resolve till the end. We are amid polarising politics where religion has become a distinct marker of identity…. The majoritarian nationalism being flaunted today runs contrary to the idea of composite nationalism espoused by Maulana all his life,” he added. “Maulana found the demand for Pakistan absurd as he was conscious of the fact that religion cannot be a binding factor for a nation.”

source: http://www.telegraphindia.com / The Telegraph Online / Home> West Bengal / by Meghdeep Bhattacharyya / November 12h, 2025

Fruit vendor’s daughter wins gold medal at CUK

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Aland Town (Kalaburagi District), KARNATAKA :

Saniya Samreen receiving a Gold Medal from Justice Dinesh Maheshwari, Chairperson of the Law Commission of India and former Judge of the Supreme Court, at the 9th Convocation of the Central University of Karnataka (CUK) held on Saturday. | Photo Credit: ARUN KULKARNI

Defying all odds, Saniya Samreen, daughter of a fruit vendor from Aland town in Kalaburagi district, bagged the Gold Medal in Master of Commerce (MCom) at the 9th convocation ceremony of the Central University of Karnataka (CUK) held on Saturday.

She received the medal from Justice Dinesh Maheshwari, Chairperson of the Law Commission of India and former Judge of the Supreme Court, in the presence of Vice-Chancellor Battu Satyanarayana, Registrar R.R. Biradar and Controller of Examinations Kota Sai Krishna, on Saturday.

Ms. Samreen, who completed her schooling and college education in Aland before joining CUK for her postgraduate studies, said that her achievement was a result of perseverance and family support. 

“All of my achievements are the result of hard work, dedication, and the unwavering support and guidance from my family and mentors,” she with gratitude during her interaction with media representatives on the sidelines of the convocation.

Her father, Mr. Shamu Bagwan, earns his livelihood as a fruit vendor, while her mother, Mrs. Raziya Begum, is a homemaker. “My parents’ constant belief in me has been the driving force behind my success,” Saniya added.

Saniya, who has also qualified both the Karnataka State Eligibility Test (KSET) and the National Eligibility Test (NET) for assistant professor, said she wishes to build her career in academia. 

“I aspire to contribute to the field of commerce through teaching and by shaping future professionals,” she said.

source: http://www.thehindu.com / The Hindu / Home> News> India> Karnataka / by The Hindu Bureau / November 08th, 2025

Shabana Faizal is the youngest among Indian philanthropists

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Mangaluru, KARNATAKA / Kozhikode, KERALA / Dubai, U.A.E :

Shabana Faizal with her husband Faizal Kottikollon

New Delhi :

Mangalore-based Shabana Faizal has emerged as the youngest woman among India’s top 10 philanthropists, according to the EdelGive Hurun India Philanthropy List 2025.

She has donated ₹40 crore (approximately $1.5 billion) through the Faisal & Shabana Foundation to education, health, and social development.

Shabana Faisal’s journey from being raised in a small town in Mangalore to co-leading a global enterprise is about he hard work and ambition.

Her entrepreneurial journey began in 1995 as a retailer of unique, speciality and luxury products. After leading the company for eight successful years, she decided to team up with her husband, entrepreneur Faizal Kottikollon, and support him in running the world-class foundry, Emirates Techno Casting (ETC).

Shabana took charge of all human resources and administrative processes at ETC, where she created a significant impact in shaping the company’s business success.

In her role as Vice Chairperson of KEF Holdings, she is actively involved in guiding the business’s growth strategy across global markets. Deeply committed to social improvement, Shabana and her husband founded the Faizal & Shabana Foundation in 2007, with the vision of ‘Giving to Create Impact’.

At 53, Shabana’s work has placed her among some of the most influential women in India’s philanthropy world, including Rohini Nilekani, Kiran Mazumdar-Shaw and Bina Shah.

EdelGive Foundation, in collaboration with Hurun Research Institute, recently released the 12th edition of the EdelGive Hurun India Philanthropy List 2025.

The list honors India’s most generous individuals and families. Over the past three years, 191 philanthropists have donated a total of ₹10,380 crore, representing an 85% increase in contributions.

The education sector continues to lead as the top donor, receiving ₹4,166 crore from 107 donors.

Shabana is the mother of four children – Sophia, Sara, Zakaria, and Zarina – but continues to play an active role in business and philanthropy. Her work makes her one of India’s most influential female philanthropists, exemplifying how professional leadership and a commitment to giving can combine to create widespread social impact.

The EdelGive Hurun India Philanthropy List 2025 states that the top 25 donors contributed ₹50,000 crore in just five years, or an average of ₹46 crore per day. Mumbai leads in philanthropy, contributing 28% of total donations, followed by New Delhi and Bengaluru.

source: http://www.awazthevoice.in / Awaz, The Voice / Home / posted by Aasha Khosa / November 10th, 2025

The actual Taj story: how a monument’s history has been warped

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Agra, UTTAR PRADESH :

Tushar Goel’s film, ‘The Taj Story’, has reignited controversy over the Taj Mahal’s origins, claiming it is a Hindu temple rather than a mausoleum built by Mughal emperor Shah Jahan. The film’s debut highlights debates about the interplay of history and ideology in contemporary India.

Scaffoldings are pictured as restoration work goes on at the dome of the Taj Mahal in Agra on October 17. | Photo Credit: AFP

A little over 60 years ago, Purushottam Nagesh Oak slept and dreamt. He woke up and claimed that the Taj Mahal in Agra was actually a Hindu palace going back all the way to 4th century. Friends of Mr. Oak, an English teacher-turned-lawyer-turned-journalist but never a historian, told him that the Taj Mahal couldn’t have been a fourth century structure as the technology employed in building the Taj in the 17th century didn’t exist back then. The fantasist turned a pragmatist, and Oak brought his argument forward by a few centuries. The Taj was now claimed to be a Hindu temple. This was in 1989. He wrote articles and a book too, but found no support from historians. Even the Supreme Court dismissed his claims as “a bee in his bonnet” in 2000.

But post-2014, history is like a revolving door, you enter and exit at your ease and pleasure. You pick and choose, you circumvent and invent. Dress it up as a movie and claim you are looking at history anew. That is how we get a movie like Tushar Amrish Goel’s The Taj Story, starring former BJP MP Paresh Rawal; just like we had The Kashmir Files and The Bengal Files, starring Anupam Kher and Mithun Chakraborty, all ideological partners of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

With The Taj Story, Goel goes where no historian has gone. Proof, evidence and knowledge amount for nothing as the director makes a case for the Mughal monument being actually a Hindu temple, much like the BJP leader Sangeet Som who called it alternately a Shiva temple and a monument built by a man who incarcerated his father. Mr. Som obviously couldn’t make out a Shah Jahan from an Aurangzeb and hence got mixed up. Much like Oak, oops, Goel, who sees no difference between history and mythology, facts and fantasy.

Recorded history

Talking of facts, the Taj Mahal was built by the Mughal emperor Shah Jahan after his favourite wife Arjumand Bano Begum breathed her last after bearing the last of their 14 children. Its chief architect was Ustad Ahmed Lahori. The land for her last resting place was procured from Mirza Raja Jai Singh of Amber who had inherited it from Raja Man Singh, a celebrated general of Akbar, who was Shah Jahan’s grandfather. Shah Jahan compensated Jai Singh with four havelis from the royal property for the massive haveli in which rests Mumtaz Mahal. His firman to Jai Singh, the latter’s agreement and the Mughal emperor’s subsequent letter of granting him four havelis in lieu of one, are all part of history; unlike the claim of The Taj Story which talks in terms of a massacre and genocide of the locals for fulfilling the wishes of an emperor and his consort!

The work on the tomb started in 1632 with the finest craftsmen from across the country and West Asia. The chief mason was Mohammed Hanif from Baghdad who earned ₹1000 a month for his efforts. The pinnacle was built by Qayam Khan of Lahore and its Quranic inscriptions were done by Amanat Khan Shirazi. The mosaic work was done by local Hindu workers. Above all, some 20,000 workmen toiled for 22 years to build the monument to love. Its white marble came from Jaipur, lapis lazuli from Sri Lanka, crystal from China and coral from Arabia. The monument uses the double dome technique, previously seen only in the Humayun’s tomb in Delhi, and never seen in the country before the arrivals of the Turks.

Not the first time

Over the years, many have tried to appropriate credit for its beauty and majesty. In the 17th century, it was claimed by many in the West that the architect of the Taj was Venetian Geronimo Veroneo, a jeweller by profession. Then came the claim by Mughal Beg in Tarikh-e-Taj Mahal that it was designed by Muhammad Effendi, an architect supposedly sent by the Sultan of Turkey. Effendi though was as much an architect as Oak was a historian. In the mid 19th century it was claimed that the monument was the result of the genius of Frenchman Austin de Bordeaux, a jeweller. However, Austin died in 1632, the year the work on the Taj began. With his death all claims of Austin being the Taj’s architect were buried. And facts began to be raised.

As for fantasy, well there is Goel’s film, never mind its claim of presenting the “untold history of the Taj Mahal”. The film, replete with stereotypes of kohl-lined, skullcap-donning Muslims aims at building a nation’s memory on unreasoned mythology, far removed from the well argued debates of history. Much like Oak’s view that Christianity was nothing but Krishan-Niti. Not game for any ridiculous claims in an insipid film which opened with a mere 14% attendance in the first show? Watch M. Sadiq’s 1963-saga Taj Mahal. Sure, you would remember its song, ‘Jo wada kiya woh nibhana padega’, penned by Sahir Ludhianvi and sung with much love by Mohammad Rafi and Lata Mangeshkar. Sadiq’s film with Pradip Kumar and Bina Rai in the lead cast, made no effort at replacing history with mythology.

source: http://www.thehindu.com / The Hindu / Home> Entertainment> Movies> In the limelight / by Zia Us Salam / November 07th, 2025

Historic reunion of descendants of Chhatrapati Shivaji and his aide Qazi Haider

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Pune, MAHARASHTRA :

Sohail Shamshuddin Shaikh with Fattesingh Raje Bhosale at Pune

The home of Sohail Shamshuddin Shaikh in Pune, Maharashtra, is a piece of living history. He has preserved the legacy of his ancestors’ service and valour dating back to the era of Chhatrapati Shahajiraje Bhosale (the father of the iconic 17th-century Maratha king, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj) and the Peshwas.

This story begins about 400 years ago. Shahajiraje Bhosale had granted a special sanad (royal charter) to Sohail Shaikh’s ancestors. Sohail Shaikh has preserved this charter to this day. It is not just a document; it is a testament to his family’s glorious history and their unbreakable bond with the Bhosale dynasty.

After Shahaji Maharaj’s passing, the Shaikh family continued to serve. Later, during the Peshwa era (the period of the Maratha prime ministers), his ancestors served in an important position of Qazi (an Islamic judge). For eight to ten generations, they served the Swarajya (Shivaji’s self-rule movement) and later the Peshwas.

The families of Sohail Shamshuddin Shaikh and Fattesingh Raje Bhosale at the Pune meet

Sohail Shaikh has also preserved many judicial documents and historical records from Shivaji’s time. These documents offer insights into the work of his ancestors and the social system of that era.

Today, his 14th generation is settled in Pune, and remarkably, they have continued the legacy of service. Just as his ancestors were in the service of the king and the state, today’s generation is in government service. Following in his ancestors’ footsteps, Sohail Shaikh is the fifth generation of his family to serve in the police force.

Unfortunately, this great legacy of Sohail Shaikh’s family was largely overlooked. However, ‘Awaz Marathi’ brought his story to all of Maharashtra through a video. Since that time, Sohail has been interviewed by many news channels and media outlets. He has since become known as a descendant of Qazi Haider, who held an important position in Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj’s court.

The Pune meeting

As the next step, a historic event took place on November 2. A meeting was held between Babasaheb alias Fattesingh Raje Bhosale, the 13th descendant of Raja Vyankoji Maharaj of Tanjore (Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj’s brother), and Qazi Sohail Shaikh, the 13th descendant of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj’s secretary, lawyer, and envoy, Qazi Haider Shaikh.

This is an example of how historical religious harmony is being preserved. ‘Awaz-the Voice, Marathi played a significant role in making this meeting happen.

Speaking about this meeting, Sohail Shaikh says, “‘My interview with Awaz Marathi made this meeting possible. My video reached Fattesingh Raje Bhosale, and he immediately contacted me. He then set a date and came to meet me. This meeting was historic and upheld social commitment, which is why we named the ceremony the ‘Social Commitment Meet’.”

Fattesingh Raje Bhosale entering the venue of the meeting in Pune

Sohail Shaikh said, “This ceremony was truly historic. Descendants of Maharaj’s Muslim and Maratha commanders, police officers, and social activists were present. Fattesingh Raje was overjoyed to see this all. He spoke to everyone with deep emotion and pride. We have put up banners outside my residence detailing my ancestors’ history, which were inaugurated by Raje.”

He added, “Speaking with Maharaj, we learned more historical facts. About 375 years ago, when Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj was on his Karnataka campaign, he went to meet the Qutubshah of Golconda. At that time, our ancestor Qazi Haider was with him, along with other commanders. That is when Vyankoji and my ancestors had met. Meeting Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj’s family is a matter of pride”

Sohail Shaikh proudly states, “We have always had a place of deep respect for Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj in our hearts. And for our families to be connected is truly a matter of great pride. This was a golden moment for Fattesingh Raje and me to meet after nearly 375 years. We are happy to be part of this.”

Sohail Shamshuddin Shaikh with Fattesingh Raje Bhosale at the Pune meet

Babasaheb alias Fattesingh Raje Bhosale, the 13th descendant of Raja Vyankoji Maharaj of Tanjore, told Awaz-the Voice, Marathi, “This meeting was very important for maintaining unity in society. The main purpose behind this meeting was to stop the ongoing Hindu-Muslim disputes in society and to re-establish an atmosphere of harmony, just like in the old days.

“We have to carry forward the principles of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj and Vyankoji Raje, which was to take everyone along—the Bara Balutedar (the 12 traditional village artisans) and the Athara Pagad Jati (all 18 castes and communities) … We all must follow the constitution that Babasaheb Ambedkar wrote based on Shivaji Maharaj’s principles.”

Fattesingh Raje Bhosale said that this meeting was held to create harmony in society. He said, “Today, political people are fanning the flames of caste disputes for their own benefit, which must stop somewhere. All communities must maintain their unity. This is our heartfelt wish.”

source: http://www.awazthevoice.in / Awaz, The Voice / Home> Stories / by Bhakti Chalak, Pune / November 07th, 2025

Meet Ghazala Hashmi: Daughter of AMU Alumnus is New Virginia Lt Governor

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Hyderabad, TELANGANA / New Virginia, U.SA :

Indian-American Ghazala Hashmi, who is closely linked with the prestigious Aligarh Muslim University (AMU), has won the Virginia Lieutenant Governor 2025 Election result of which was declared on Monday.

Virginia: 

Indian-American Ghazala Hashmi, who is closely linked with the prestigious Aligarh Muslim University (AMU), has won the Virginia Lieutenant Governor 2025 Election result of which was declared on Monday.

A Democrat Party candidate, Ghazala Hashmi, defeated Republican candidate and the state’s first gay statewide nominee, John Reid, to become first Muslim and first South Asian American elected as Lieutenant Governor of Virginia, a Republican stronghold.

Ghazala Hashmi polled over 55% votes as against her nearest rival John Reid who got the support of around 44.7% voters. Hashmi had earlier defeated five primary challengers in June, narrowly winning the nomination with 28% of the vote, as per the final result of the Virginia Lieutenant Governor Election 2025.

Ghazala Hashmi was the first Muslim woman to be elected to the Virginia State Senate following her stunning victory over sitting Republican Senator Republican Glen Sturtevant in the 2019 U.S. elections.

Ghazala Hashmi was born in India and emigrated to the US as a child with her family. She is also a former director of the Center for Excellence in Teaching & Learning at Reynolds Community College.

Ghazala Hashmi’s AMU Link

Ghazala Hashmi was born to Zia Hashmi and Tanveer Hashmi in Hyderabad in 1964. She spent her childhood days at her maternal grandparents’ house in Malakpet, Telangana.

She migrated to the United States with her mother and older brother as a 4-year-old child to join her father in Georgia.

Ghazala Hashmi’s mother, Tanveer Hashmi, is an alumna of Osmania University’s Women’s College in Kothi from where she did BA and B.Ed before migrating to the United States.

Ghazala’s father Professor Zia Hashmi is the alumnus of Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) from where he did MA and LLB. He completed his PhD in International Relations from University of South Carolina and soon after began his university teaching career. He retired as the Director of Centre for International Studies which he founded.

Ghazala Hashmi is married to Azhar Rafiq. The couple have two adult daughters – Yasmin and Noor – who both graduated from Chesterfield County Public Schools and the University of Virginia.

According to information available on her official website, Ghazala Hashmi is an experienced educator and an advocate of inclusive values and social justice. Her legislative priorities focus on public education, voting rights and the preservation of democracy, reproductive freedom, gun violence prevention, environmental protection, housing, and affordable healthcare access.

Hashmi spent nearly 30 years as a professor, first teaching at the University of Richmond and then at Reynolds Community College. At Reynolds Community College, Hashmi also served as the Founding Director of the Center for Excellence in Teaching and Learning (CETL).

Former Minister, MLA and BRS leader KT Ramarao has congratulated Ghazala Hashmi on her victory.

“This is massive! From Malakpet to Virginia… Congratulations to Ghazala Hashmi on becoming the first Indian-American Lieutenant Governor of Virginia. There is nothing more beautiful when democracies celebrate diversity of the world”. KTR wrote on X.

source: http://www.ummid.com / Ummid.com / Home> United States / by ummid.com news network / November 05th, 2025

Words of wisdom

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Bolwar (Puttur Taluk, Dakshina Kannada) / Bengaluru, KARNATAKA :

Writer Bolwar Mahamad Kunhi talks about literature and fests.

Karnataka : Bengaluru : 30/10/2017 : Bolwar Mohammed kunhi during The Bengaluru Literature festival in Bengaluru on Sunday. Photo : Sudhakara Jain.

Bolwar Mahamad Kunhi, 66, is the only Indian writer conferred with two Central Sahitya Academy Awards (2010 & 2016) for creative prose in Kannada. He received the Atta Gallata Bangalore Lit Fest 2017 Award for Kannada for his overall contribution on the concluding day of the Lit Fest on Sunday. With 250 short stories and a host of novels, with several directed towards children behind him, Kunhi a recipient of the Karnataka Rajyothsava Award and Karnataka Sahitya Academy’s Lifetime Achievement Award says, “Young writers should regularly read what seniors write and get inspired to find their own words and voice.” Kunhi, who said every recognition is a moment of inspiration to writers, spoke to MetroPlus regarding his life and writing. Excerpts:

Do you think such literary fests are important for the growth of literature?

Yes. Such festivals also add their share to other ingredients required for a healthy literary growth, look at the buzz they create, have you ever seen this kind of an unprecedented crowd? I am not as aware of the present statistics of other languages. This is my uncorroborated research. In recent times Kannada literature has seen a huge number of publications, possibly surpassing that of any other Indian language. The number of literary events or the number of Jnanapeeth awardees we have could surpass those from any other language. This could be another reason some Kannada writers have achieved celebrity status.

Is literature the voice of society?

Literature always augurs well for society and provides wisdom to humanity. All religious books, which I consider part of literature, are works of wisdom which have had a great impact on humankind. Literature also taught civic sense to man who lived like a wild animal. The conversations and dialogues in such events also propagate the same wisdom.

After Chand Ali in ‘Swathantrayada Ota’ who is the next character in your work awaiting attention?

In the last two years I have been busy in understanding two important characters for different reasons. First to write 1000 couplets about Ambedkar and second to write a novel on the Prophet’s beloved wife, Ayesha. The second has gained more traction in the last few months. When I wrote the first ever historic novel on Prophet Muhammad Oidiri two years ago, it was well-received. But most of the characters in Odiri were male. The thoughts, words, actions, and the attitude was male. I always wondered if the women of that time had opinions of their own. Did they ever voice what they felt? Even in solitude? This is the subject of the proposed novel titled Umma (Mother) inspired by the life of Ayesha. I am not sure which one will be completed first.

After Gorur Ramaswamy Iyengar who wrote on Gandhiji, your book on the Mahatma received instant recognition. How important is it for today’s children to read about Gandhiji?

To guide our children in the right way we show them role models. It is a shame we are unable to give them contemporary examples to encourage and mould their personality. The examples that we provide from history or mythology seem too overwhelming for them. Historical characters are kept on a pedestal and are inaccessible. Gandhiji maybe one example which children can relate to since they read and learn about him a lot and he is the most recent of those examples! To these children my book attempts to show that Mahatma Gandhi was not an unachievable superhuman. He was a common, simple boy, who grew up like most of us, as a darling to his parents, went to school, studied prescribed text books and qualified as a lawyer. As a young man he fought for the downtrodden and stood for truth, non-violence and social justice. I tried to depict him as a common man who lived an uncommon life to become a Mahatma.

Do female characters get more importance in your novels?

I don’t think so. Being feminist writer is not an easy way to popularity. Though I was born in a male-dominated community, I was brought up with the love of various women in my early life – my mother, my sisters and my first teacher. They were the ones who tolerated my anger, frustration and ego and loved me unconditionally. That guilt might be the reason women are central to my work. I dedicated my first story collection to ‘Appi Bayi’, the teacher who taught me to write alphabets. The second one was to my mother who I buried with the same hands that I dedicated it to. Another work was to my elder sister and another to my two daughters. My mega novel is dedicated to my beloved. All of this could be due the same guilt. May be my work as an emotional man resonates with like-minded people and thus gets appreciated.

How was your experience writing the screenplay for ‘Munnudi’ and ‘Athithi’?

My writing is like a sculptor’s. It takes shape with time. I don’t believe in inspirations. Cinema, definitely is not my medium. I wrote the screenplay under the persuasion and for the love of my friends P. Sheshadri, who bagged nine National awards in a row and Dattanna, an inimitable character actor. I wrote what I felt for both movies and they incidentally won national awards. I cannot comment on what else I might be able to do in cinema, at least not now.

Can you talk about your initiation to writing considering you have no writers in the family?

I joined Syndicate Bank in Gulbarga after my B.Sc. Much later when I was associated with the Sahitya Academy I discovered that most members had masters degrees. It enthused me into getting an MA in Kannada in the 1980s.

My desire to write was another one of such self-imposed challenges. During a casual conversation while playing carrom with writer Arooru Lakshmana Seth in Gulbarga, I asked him how he was able to visualise and write so much. His said “non-writers like me cannot understand the process.” That comment propelled me into writing a short story and getting published in Navbharat which was the beginning.

source: http://www.thehindu.com / The Hindu / Home> Books> Authors / by Ranjani Govind / October 30th, 2017