Category Archives: Books (incl.Biographies – w.e.f.01 jan 2018 )

Ibn Sina Academy of Medieval Medicines and Sciences is a legacy in four walls

Amazing Feats, Arts, Culture & Entertainment, Books (incl.Biographies - w.e.f.01 jan 2018 ), Community Involvement / Social Issues, Leaders, Museums, Libraries (wef. April 16th, 2022), World Opinion, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,

Aligarh, UTTAR PRADESH:

Professor Syed Zillur Rahman, founder,Ibn Sina Academy of Medieval Medicines and Sciences with the author
Professor Syed Zillur Rahman, founder,Ibn Sina Academy of Medieval Medicines and Sciences with the author

Known for its locks, Aligarh, a city in Uttar Pradesh, has also locked a legacy in its reserve – for generations to benefit from it. It houses a rare academy and museum called Ibn Sina Academy of Medieval Medicines and Sciences. 

Located at Tijara House, amid a vibrant market place and residential area, Ibn Sina is hailed as the rarest house of legacies in arts and sciences combined under one roof. Named after the legendary scholar of philosophy and medicine Abu Ali Ibn Sina (980 -1037), this academy was accredited to the Ministry of Ayush in 2004 and promoted to Centre of Excellence in 2008.

The institution was established for encouraging and promoting research and studies in medieval sciences, especially Ibn-Sina’s as well as arts, culture, poetry, and other sciences. 

The bust of Ibn Sina with Charak inside the museum

Of Ibn Sina’s four stories, a major attraction is on its second floor which houses the Fazlur Rahman Museum of Orientalism, Art, and Culture. 

It has four main galleries; the crockery gallery has a large collection of oriental and British Indian utensils, hammami plates, bowls, tea sets that belong to prominent personalities such as Hakim Ajmal Khan, Nawab Sultan Jahan, Nawab Shahjahan Begum of Bhopal, Nawab Yusuf Ali Khan of Rampur and many others.

The textile gallery is ornate with attires, garments with gold and silver calicos studded with precious stones, one of which has entire Quranic surah Yaseen embroiled in gold zardozi on it, turbans worn in battles, among many other oriental attires. The picture gallery has prominent personalities of AMU’s pictures, drawings, photography, prints, etc.

Its miscellaneous gallery has coins, postage stamps, clocks, busts, pens, memes, and relics of prominent personalities. 

“We have over 2 Lakh stamps beginning from ever since the stamps started, from all countries and India. People who were pioneers in the world of arts and culture, education, and freedom fighters on whose names, and stamps were released, we have a collection of the same. shares Dr. Aftab who is a convenor at Ibn Sina.

In addition medical manuscripts, medical philately, medical souvenirs memories of physicians especially those of Nobel laureates are well preserved here.

The wall of fame (Pictorial history of some important Muslim families)

The connecting rooms of the galleries welcome you with a sofa of Raja Jai Kishan, a mirror of the times when they were made of iron sheets. The iron sheets called ‘aaina’ were rubbed so many times that they would become sparkling clear and shining to become a mirror. That’s how the mirror got its name ‘aaina’ Later it got a new name –sheesha – with the change of the material..

The academy is rare for numerous reasons. For avid readers of medicine, science, Urdu, Persian, Arabic, literature, poetry, oriental studies, researchers, students preparing for competitions, and scholars IbnSina is a heaven. It boasts of a rare collection of 32000 books, 17000 magazines, 1100 manuscripts, (makhtootaat), 21 rare Qurans including one pocket size in gold, and much more is in store.

Built by professor Syed Zillur Rahman, a medical academic and passionate Urdu litterateur from Aligarh, Ibn Sina was an extension of his colossal library that he had established in 1960 which soon extended into the world’s rare academy and museum of its kind in the year 2000. 

Collection of stamps 

“Hamare yahn Aurangzeb ke hath ka likha, aur uske bete ke hath ka, likha hua Quran hai,” gleams the professor, sharing the information.

Apart from a separate collection of Muslim women achievers, Ibn Sina boasts of the world’s best collection of Islamic sciences, Islamic medicines, and Islamic philosophy being published across countries such as Iran, Central Asia, Syria, Iraq Turkey, etc. Scholars from across the globe come here to refer to books in this section.

For Ghalib devotees, the academy has a separate section called Ghalib Study Centre. It “Ghalibka collection joh mare paas hai vo duniya mein kisike paas nahi hai,” claims the professor.

Delhi finds a special place here boasting of 7500 books, some as old as 1893, dictionaries as old as 150 years, authentic diwaan on Ameer Khusrau, books on and by the last Mughal Bahadur Shah Zafar, British period –Victorian Era with pictures in Lithographs and much more.

Children using the library

The academy has a library for students especially those preparing for competitive exams. The 100-seater library has the best of books from literature, agriculture, science, math, medicine, etc.

“There is no fee to sit in this library. It opens every day from 10 to 10. This section has over 28000 books including 56 of Professor Rehman on Tibbi and Unnani medicines. there are separate sections for Unani medicine and Sir Syed Movement, biographies,” Dr Aftab Alam, the coordinator of Ghalib Study Centre informed.

There is a reason why the library has most books in Urdu and Persian on Indian history, culture, language, society, education, politics, medicine, etc. “Not much work in English has been done on Muslims. Most work has been done in Urdu and Persian. So this is our helplessness. Our focus is on India – the Hindustan. Indian scholars have done immense work in any domain, philosophy, travelogues, and medicines, especially in Islamic history, the Quran, and hadith that is comparable to anyone in the world, especially the Arabic and Persian world. The problem is we don’t read because we don’t read Urdu,” rues the professor. 

Why Ibn Sina was built has an interesting story. As a young man, Professor Rahman used to watch a bird who had made a nest and would bring food for her newborn, just as the routine was with a cat who had given birth to kittens – at his home. After some months, the birds flew, and the kittens grew and went away with their mothers.

“I thought to myself, ‘Is this the life God has created mankind for? Just be born, eat, sleep, and die like animals? God has created a man to not only take care of his family but also society, language, culture, community, and world.”

Ibn Sina Academy of Medieval Medicines and Sciences

So, he decided to create a legacy that he says would be useful for a generation after 80 years! “We are away from civilization by 80 years. A standard time to develop any civilization is 150 years. So, now people are not able to understand the legacy I have created but the students who read it 80 years later will know what it is. By then we would be a civilization.”

People get worried that the graph of Muslim development is going down. But the Professor feels it is nothing to be worried about. “Every civilization has to go through it. Our graph has risen. We were 10 crores in 1947. After Partition, 7 crore left for Pakistan had 3 crore stayed in India. We were nothing in 1947 but our buzurgs worked very hard to study and became scholars. Now we are making educational institutions, universities, hospitals, media houses, and so on. Most important is that girls are getting higher education and they will change the face of the nation,” he says, satisfied while emphasizing reading Urdu to know a legacy called India and the contribution of Muslims to it.

Rana Siddiqui Zaman is a Delhi-based senior columnist and art reviewer

source: http://www.awazthevoice.in / Awaz, The Voice / Home> Stories / by Rana Siddiqui Zaman / January 10th, 2024

Changing Status of The Muslim Women in Manipur released

Books (incl.Biographies - w.e.f.01 jan 2018 ), Women/Girls(since May26-2021), , , , , , ,

Imphal, MANIPUR:

Changing  Status of The Muslim Women in Manipur, a book wriiten by Dr Haobam Bidyarani and published by Sunmarg Publishers & Distributors New Delhi was released today at Manipur University.


The author is an Assistant Professor at the Department of History, Kumbi College.

Speaking as the chief of the ceremony, MU Vice Chancellor Professor Naorem Lokendra lauded Dr H Bidyarani for highlighting the social issues of the muslim women in Manipur through her book.


Saying that the author took suggestions from different sources, carried out intensive field work to complete the book, Prof Lokendra maintained that the book focused on  the social norms, dress code and other features of the Meitei pangal.


Meitei pangal are a socially and culturally hardworking community, he said and added that the book would be helpful to future scholars and draw the attention of many.


The book was reviewed by Former HoD of Department of History, MU Salam Irene.


Kumbi College Principal Kumam Jugeshor; Manipur University School of Social Science Dean Professor Senjam Mangi and College Development Council (CDC)  Director Professor Soibam Jibonkumar also attended the programme.

source: http://www.thesangaiexpress.com / The Sangai Express / by Staff Reporter / November 11th, 2021

Non-Muslim students form majority in India’s Muslim minority institutions: CSR study

Books (incl.Biographies - w.e.f.01 jan 2018 ), Community Involvement / Social Issues, Education, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,

NEW DELHI:

New Delhi:

A recent study, coinciding with the hearing of the AMU minority status case in the Supreme Court, has revealed that the majority of students in Muslim minority institutions hail from the majority Hindu community.

According to the report, 52.7 per cent of students in the Muslim-run institutions are Hindus and only 42.1 per cent of students are Muslims.

These startling revelations have been made in two reports: “A Survey of Muslim-Affiliated Private Institutions of Higher Education in India” and “Two Decades after Sachar: A Socio-Economic Survey of Indian Muslims”.

These reports have been prepared by the Delhi-based think tank Centre for Study and Research (CSR) in collaboration with NOUS Network.

The reports were released by Jamaat-e-Islami Hind President Syed Sadatullah Husaini along with other dignitaries at the India International Centre here two days ago.

CRS is a not-for-profit organisation and aims at knowledge production in domains pertaining to all sciences impacting human civilisation. The CSR survey marks the first attempt of its kind to map the higher education institutes managed by the Muslim minority community across India. The data provides a reference point to track the growth in Muslim institutes over the coming years.

The findings of the report are quite significant to blast the stereotype view held by a section of the majority community having proximity to BJP and other groups who believe that only Muslim students study in the Muslim-run education institutes. This indicates that Muslim institutes not only serve the Muslim community which is educationally very backward but also the Hindu community students. To be exact, while these institutions have the title of minority-run institutions, they perform the role of national and secular institutions that offer education to all communities irrespective of their faith and culture. So, the role of Muslim institutions in spreading education to all communities is second to none.

The report says that Muslim minority manages 23 of India’s 1,113 universities where Hindu students account for 52.7% against 42.1 percent of Muslim students.

Similarly, across the 1,155 colleges managed by Muslim minorities, non-Muslims form the majority, with Hindus constituting 55.1% of enrolled students, followed by 42.1% Muslims and 2.8% belonging to other minority groups.

JIH chief hails reports prepared on Muslim-run institutions

Addressing the audience, JIH chief praised the survey that highlighted the contributions of Muslim-run institutions in not only providing education to Muslims but also to non-Muslims.

He commended their efforts in providing educational opportunities to vulnerable groups, communities, and female students.

With reference to the ongoing legal battle for Aligarh Muslim University’s minority status, Mr. Husaini emphasized the importance of minorities’ right to establish and manage their own educational institutions.

The JIH supremo described the two survey reports as “vital documents” offering valuable insights for government officials, policymakers, scholars, educators, community leaders, and researchers seeking to understand the educational landscape for Muslims in India.

Praising the data’s potential, the JIH President emphasized how it can improve education quality, uplift the Muslim community, and guide policy making towards equal educational opportunities for all.

“These findings, exploring diverse aspects of Muslim education, offer a roadmap for actionable initiatives,” he said.

CSR director Dr. Rizwan highlights Muslim institutions’ role in education

CSR Director Dr. Mohammad Rizwan highlighted the collaborative effort behind the study on Muslim-run institutions. He said, “Prepared with the help of NOUS Network led by CEO Ali Javed, the report examines higher educational institutions managed by Muslim societies and trusts, including those founded by Muslims and currently overseen by government agencies.”

Dr Rizwan, in his address, presented an analysis of student enrolment patterns, gender representation, and the socio-economic background of Muslim students.

In a conversation with this scribe, Dr. Rizwan emphasized the key takeaways from the report. He stressed the importance of understanding the dynamics of Muslim-run institutions for informed policymaking.

The report’s findings, he noted, highlight the unique needs of the Muslim minority in higher education and advocate for targeted interventions.

Speaking about the Indian Muslim community’s educational landscape, Dr. Rizwan reiterated the crucial role of institutions run by the Muslim minority and their significance in not only serving the community’s needs but also those of other communities. He stated that these institutions ultimately contribute to the nation’s educational advancement by uplifting a broader population.

CSR Director hailed the study as a groundbreaking first, highlighting that no previous research has investigated the number of higher education institutions affiliated with Muslim minority groups.

Dr. Rizwan explained the study’s unique methodology, highlighting its use of data from AISHE, AICTE, NCMEI, and NAAC reports to meticulously identify and compile a comprehensive list of Muslim-affiliated higher education institutions in India, ensuring a thorough analysis of the educational landscape.

Highlighting key findings of Muslim institutions survey

A striking finding from “A Survey of Muslim-Affiliated Private Institutions of Higher Education in India,” reveals that despite constituting 73.4% of all minority groups, Muslims manage only 16.6% of colleges run by minority communities. Conversely, other minority groups, representing 26.6% of the population, manage the remaining 83.4% of these colleges.

The survey found that in 1947, at the time of independence, there were only 22 Muslim higher education institutes. In over seven decades, this number has grown to just 1,178, which includes 23 universities and 1,155 colleges. Critics have pointed out that the Muslim community, which comprises over 14% of India’s population, did not undertake concerted efforts to establish educational institutes over this long period.

University Landscape

Among India’s 1,113 universities, 23 are categorized as Muslim minority institutions, according to the 2020-21 AISHE data.  The report traces the growth of Muslim minority universities from just five at India’s independence in 1947 to the current 23. Despite the passage of 75 years, the Muslim community established only 18 additional universities.  The majority (43.5%) are privately managed, and nearly 70% are located in urban areas, emphasizing the need for rural educational infrastructure.

Among the key findings, Uttar Pradesh, with the largest Muslim population in the country at around 38 million, has the highest number of Muslim universities (6), followed by Karnataka with three.

College Scenario

Among the 43,796 colleges in India, 1,155 are managed by the Muslim minority community. From 17 Muslim colleges in 1947, the number has surged to 1,155 over 75 years.  In terms of growth trends, the decade from 2001-2010 saw the highest increase in number of Muslim colleges at 416, while in the most recent decade from 2011-2020, only 316 new colleges were established. 

Kerala leads in terms of highest number of colleges at 211, followed by Uttar Pradesh at 209. The survey notes that 10 states – Kerala, Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Karnataka, Telangana, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, West Bengal, Bihar and Jammu and Kashmir account for over 90% of all Muslim colleges in the country. However, the majority of these colleges (57.8%) are in rural areas. Despite comprising 73.4% of all minority groups, Muslim minorities hold a mere 16.6% share in colleges, showcasing a significant disparity.

Muslim institutions lack participation in quality assessment

The report has sparked concern about the quality of education at Muslim-affiliated higher education institutions in India, highlighting their low participation in national quality assessment frameworks.

A staggering 90.65% of Muslim colleges and 56.5% of universities lack accreditation by the National Assessment and Accreditation Council (NAAC), a key benchmark for educational quality.

Only 21.7% of universities and a mere 3.1% of colleges participated in the 2023 National Institutional Ranking Framework (NIRF), with 96.4% of Muslim minority colleges entirely absent. Only 36 Muslim colleges participated in the NIRF ranking process of 2023, suggesting a potential need for further investigation and support to improve their standing.

No Muslim minority college secured a spot in the top 100 NIRF rankings, raising further questions about their overall academic standing.

Enrolment Patterns of Muslim students a cause for concern

The latest reports reveal a stark underrepresentation of Muslims in higher education, with only 4.9% enrolment as compared to other religious groups. In institutions of national importance, such as IITs, IIMs, and NITs, the representation drops to a mere 1.92%.

The report reveals that Muslim students predominantly opt for undergraduate programs (90.6%). The survey pegs the total enrolment in Muslim universities at around 98,000 students, while enrolment in Muslim colleges stands at over half a million. However, the majority of Muslim students opt for undergraduate programmes, with just about 8% pursuing Postgraduate courses and less than 1% enrolled in research programmes like MPhil and PhD.

The enrolment figures highlight the need for greater focus on higher education and research among the Muslim community.

The report also highlights gender-wise and social group-wise distribution of students, pointing out the need for increased representation of Muslims in higher education.

Female Enrolment Dominates Muslim Colleges

The survey points out that the share of female students among the Muslim student population is amazingly encouraging at over 52% in colleges and 37% in universities. In terms of social groups, about half of the enrolled Muslim students come from the general category, while around 48% are from OBCs. Representation from STs is negligible at less than 1%.

Females outnumbered males across all programme levels – undergraduate (50.9%), postgraduate (59.43%), and certificate (62.45%) in Muslim run colleges. This female majority even extends to Muslim students enrolled in colleges, with females constituting 52.82% of the total. Higher degree programmes (M.Phil. and Ph.D.) buck the trend, with male representation exceeding female.

Unlike colleges, universities witnessed a stark contrast, with males constituting 63.19% of the enrolled students. Only in the M.Phil. program did females hold a slight majority with 11 students enrolled.

Educators, policymakers see Muslim education report as roadmap for improvement

After launching the reports and briefing about them, a roundtable discussion was held, in which educators, policymakers, and stakeholders applauded the report on Muslim-managed higher education institutions as a valuable resource for addressing existing challenges.

Among those welcoming the report were JIH Markazi Taleemi Board (MTB) chairman Professor Mohammad Salim Engineer, Mr. M. Farooq (who runs various educational institutions in Maharashtra), and researcher Sadat Husain.

They described the survey report as a roadmap for improvement, offering insights and recommendations for policymakers and educators.

They also recommended enhancing access to higher education through scholarships and financial aid mechanisms exclusive for economically marginalized Muslim youths; creating special drives to encourage NAAC accreditation and NIRF participation among Muslim institutes; establishing dedicated cells to promote research publications from Muslim institutes; and exploring public-private partnerships and Resource Centres to elevate standards of existing Muslim colleges.

JIH Markazi Taleemi Board Director Syed Tanveer Ahmed stressed the importance of data collection and research for effective action.

“This report offers valuable insights,” he said, highlighting the need for “affirmative actions” based on data, not just “perceptions.” He urged the community and its NGOs to study the report and suggest concrete steps based on its findings.

Mr. Ahmed expressed the view that a well-informed minority can effectively play a role of majority in a democracy, underscoring the importance of trust in research and data to foster genuine awareness. He urged the Muslim community to actively engage in data collection, citing the commendable efforts of CSR in this regard.

According to Mr. Ahmed, community organizations should closely examine reports generated from surveys and provide valuable inputs on potential actions for both the community and its NGOs. He highlighted the need for strategic efforts in the political domain to advocate for affirmative action, emphasizing that the Muslim community often lacks interest, practice, and seriousness in collecting data.

The data collected, according to Mr. Ahmed, serves as a guide for implementing affirmative actions in the education sector for the Muslim community. He suggested that if the number of universities is insufficient, the government should formulate policies to facilitate the establishment of universities by Muslim NGOs and institutions. Additionally, Mr. Ahmed addressed some threats to the Muslim minority in the education sector, pointing to the misinterpretation of Article 30, particularly in reference to the AMU case.

The MTB director suggested that the two reports be discussed widely across the country at all levels – local, state, and national. He believes distributing the report to stakeholders and government agencies will generate broader discussion and potential impacts.

He also called upon social organizations to actively work towards altering the overall attitude of the Muslim community towards education.

CSR coordinator Syed Ahmed Muzakkir, who coordinated the event, presented a concise summary of the reports verbally.

source: http://www.indiatomorrow.net / India Tomorrow / Home> Education / by Anwarulhaq Baig / February 07th, 2024

Recycling myths: an excerpt from Ziya Us Salam’s Being Muslim in Hindu India

Books (incl.Biographies - w.e.f.01 jan 2018 ), ,

NEW DELHI:

By equating Akbar and Aurangzeb, proponents of Hindutva show they prefer to settle present-day disputes with the weapon of history, real or imagined.

Muslims gather for prayer during Eid Mubarak in Delhi. | Photo Credit: Getty Images/iStockphoto

Those who believe in the Hindutva agenda cannot find a distinction between the diverse Muslim Indian leaders of the past. It is in this light that persuasive attempts have been made to link Akbar and Aurangzeb, the two Mughal emperors who should be seen at the opposite ends of the spectrum of religiosity and pluralism. An excerpt from the forthcoming book, Being Muslim in Hindu India.

Vintage illustration of the military in 16th Century India. | Photo Credit: Getty Images

For the votaries of Hindutva, all Muslim Indian rulers of medieval India are the same. Be it the rulers of the Delhi Sultanate, the Deccani sultans or the Mughals, their names are incidental, even superfluous. They were all Muslim kings! It does not matter that no Muslim king governed by the principles of Islam and most of their decisions were taken based on political needs. Their alliances and conflicts were all entered for personal aggrandizement. No king waged a jihad, a crusade. The fight was not to uphold the supremacy of any faith, but to expand fiefdom, kingdom or empire. To the rabble-rousing Hindutva brigade, it matters not that there were Muslim commanders of Hindu armies, and Hindu governors in charge of the so-called Muslim armies.

For instance, Raja Jai Singh led Aurangzeb’s armies against Shivaji, just as Raja Man Singh had led the Mughal forces against Rana Pratap in the time of Akbar. At the same time, Hakim Khan Sur led Rana Pratap’s forces against the Mughals! Violence was a regular feature of premodern Indian kingship, and there were no religious divisions when it came to violence. All kings, all dynasties, were violent — right from the Nandas and Mauryas to the Sultanate and Mughals, everyone. From Kalinga to Panipat, the story was the same.

However, these facts are for the discerning. For the Hindutva proponent with a clear agenda of ‘we’ and ‘they’, the important basis for distinction is the name of a Muslim king. It is under this light that persuasive attempts have been made to link up Aurangzeb and Akbar, the two Mughal emperors hitherto seen at opposite ends of the spectrum of religiosity and pluralism.

The former has historically been projected as a bigot, the man who charged jizya, demolished temples and withheld state patronage to arts and culture. The latter has been hailed for the breadth of his vision, his ability to forge matrimonial alliances with the Rajputs — taking their princesses in marriage while they remained practising Hindus — initiating a dialogue with priests and practitioners of all faiths, even collecting the best principles of various religious denominations to come up with Deen-e-ilahi, a new faith that sought to appeal to the broader instincts of the educated.

Mughal emperor Akbar | Photo Credit: Wiki Commons

The faith died with Akbar, but the fact remains that Deen-e-ilahi and the underlying principle of Sulh-i-Kul were probably among the earliest attempts at finding a solution to inter-faith differences. ‘Akbar supervised translations of Singhasan Battisi, Atharva Veda, Mahabharata, Harivamsa and other scriptures into Persian,’ says historian Shireen Moosvi, professor at Aligarh Muslim University, adding that Sulh-i-Kul was the result of genuine considerations to suit the needs of a multi-religious country like India. Much before the Indian Constitution made secularism the touchstone of democracy, Akbar had practised it.

Aurangzeb | Photo Credit: Wiki Commons

Now, the difference between Aurangzeb and Akbar, clear as night from day, is being gradually blurred. No, despite serious attempts by historians, the polity is not looking at Aurangzeb afresh; in the mind of the common man, he continues to be a destroyer of temples, one guilty of regicide, patricide, fratricide and what have you. In February 2023, the name of Aurangabad, the city where he is buried in a simple tomb, was changed to Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar, after Chhatrapati Shivaji’s son, who was executed by Aurangzeb in 1689.

Repeated attempts are being made to nibble at Akbar’s greatness, letting us know through an incident here, a rechristening attempt there, that Akbar was not so great after all. That the Rajputs were better, that Akbar was a Mughal and hence incapable of being our hero. The attempt is not only to rewrite history, but also to deprive contemporary Muslims of their heroes, in whose actions they could take pride, and icons they could quote in conversations as their contribution to the nation. The stray barbs about the Taj Mahal or the Ajmer Fort are actually not isolated or spontaneous utterings of a loose cannon, but a deliberate ploy to take the sheen off the accomplishments of the Mughals — and by extension, modern-day Muslims—who are now held accountable for all the battles and bloodshed of the past.

Muslims sit inside a mosque in Bombay, in 1993, following the outbreak of violence in the Babri Masjid demolition incident. | Photo Credit: Getty Images

In the grammar of Hindutva votaries, you see, every Muslim king was a Mughal, and every Indian Muslim of modern India is responsible for the failures and sins of the Mughals…. The derogatory ‘Babur ki Aulad’, a term often heard since the Babri Masjid–Ramjanmabhoomi dispute, stemmed not just from a political mindset, but a much deeper and divisive ideology. It is this ideology that refuses to take a dispassionate look at our past. It prefers rather to settle present-day disputes with the weapon of history, real or imagined…. In their world of binaries, you are either with them or against them. The recycling of Hindutva mythologies is merely an attempt to fuel modern-day bigotry. Nuanced study, not sweeping generalisations, is the need of the hour.

Being Muslim in Hindu India; Ziya Us Salam, HarperCollins, ₹599.

Excerpted with permission from HarperCollins.

ziya.salam@thehindu.co.in

source: http://www.thehindu.com / The Hindu / Home> Books>Review / by Ziya Us Salam / November 17th, 2023

“Let’s talk about consent,” says advocate Aaliya Waziri, author of ‘In the Body of a Woman’

Books (incl.Biographies - w.e.f.01 jan 2018 ), Business & Economy, Community Involvement / Social Issues, Women/Girls(since May26-2021), World Opinion, , , , , , ,

NEW DELHI :

For gender-responsive law-making, it is imperative to have a clear definition of consent.

An advocate at the High Court in Delhi, Aaliya Waziri lives with the horrors of the 2012 Delhi gangrape. In the aftermath of the Nirbhaya case, the J.S. Verma committee’s recommendations led to amendments in Indian criminal law. But why do women still live in fear? Waziri’s collection of essays, In the Body of a Woman, takes stock of the progress that has been made and the long road left to cover, even as she pushes for gender-responsive law-making. Excerpts from an interview.

Aaliya Waziri | Photo Credit: special arrangement

A majority of women and girls live in some sort of fear — they fear for their safety in buses and trains and sometimes even at home. After the Nirbhaya case, a stringent law was put in place. What more needs to be done to make women feel safe?

As women, we carry pain and fear for our safety. Ask any woman walking the street after sunset how many times she looks over her shoulder. Nirbhaya was the tipping point for our insecurities related to our safety. It was also a watershed moment in terms of pointing out the lacunae in the legal framework. It would be false to state that things haven’t changed since Nirbhaya. For example, we now have vulnerable witness deposition complexes in district courts, victim compensation schemes etc. but there is much more to be done. We can do more to strengthen our laws and have a robust system in place that does not allow for procedural lapses. We must have a judicial gender-sensitisation training system that ensures victims are not subjected to re-victimisation. We need to allocate more resources and personnel to fast track courts and precipitate the specialised redressal mechanism in place. We can expand the definition of consent to make it more gender responsive by affirming what consent is.

Students with placards emphasising the need for women’s safety at the ‘Freedom from fear’ rally organised in Mumbai. | Photo Credit: Vivek Bendre

Why should consent be at the centre of all discussions on gender sensitivity?

Talking about consent is perhaps the most important conversation when it comes to gender responsive law-making. Right now there is a grey area of offences that are not punishable by law because deciphering consent is tricky. Marital rape is one such example. The law defines consent in negative terms. At the same time, we have a statutory definition that talks about how consent must not be tainted with fear or duress or coercion. But this definition talks about all that consent is not instead of a definition that affirmatively defines what consent is, which is where the problem lies. Without a definition of what consent is, we are all shooting in the dark.

In a poor country like ours, why is it important for women to be equal beneficiaries in every sphere of life?

The answer is parity. Women are not a homogenous group. We are unevenly and disproportionately placed on the starting line. To give women a fair chance at competing with men, we have to first put them on an equal footing with men. Only then can we hope to ensure women are equal beneficiaries of the Indian success story. Unless women are equal recipients of state welfare mechanisms that form a conducive environment for women to participate freely in the open market, how can we expect women to enter, re-enter and exist in the work space? There is no one-step-panacea to put women on an equal footing with men but what is important is to identify and plug operational loopholes with affirmative action, no matter how much some of us might dislike the phrase.

Why do you want the focus to shift from a gender-neutral approach to a gender-responsive one if society and mindsets have to be transformed?

A gender-neutral approach might seek to bridge the differences between different genders. But what we need is an approach that acknowledges and addresses differences between genders and works towards parity and inclusion as opposed to homogenising them. I am not sure if the collective mindset of our society can be changed, that’s a pipedream, but we can take concrete steps towards smaller goals. Law is a mirror to our societal fabric and by inculcating a gender-responsive approach, we recognise that within the subcategory of women, we are not an analogous group, we differ in terms of our access to welfare services, the impact our geographical and marital status has on our socio-economic identities, and so forth. The goal is to target disadvantages that women face, simply by virtue of their gender, and equip them to better respond to these challenges.

In the light of the ‘sulli deals’, what should be done to prevent such cyber bullying?

The anonymous non-confrontational form of violence against women and girls, devoid of physical contact, in cyber space, must be viewed as an impeding factor to gender justice in the 21st century. Essentially, if women are at the receiving end of systemic gender-based violence in real life then the same will translate into an inequitable cyberspace.

With that in mind, we have to first understand the fact that the landscape of violence against women and girls has changed with the advent of technology. To counter this, what we need is targeted legislation that criminalises cyber violence against women and girls. In the absence of any special legislation, both the IT Act and the Indian Penal Code are interim solutions inadequate to contain the magnitude of problems brought on by digital technology.

In The Body of a Woman; Aaliya Waziri, Simon & Schuster India, ₹499.

sudipta.datta@thehindu.co.in

source: http://www.thehindu.com / The Hindu / Home> Books> Author / by Sudipta Datta / October 20th, 2023

‘Pathan, Muslim, Bihari: these identities intrigued me’ | Interview with author Abdullah Khan

Arts, Culture & Entertainment, Books (incl.Biographies - w.e.f.01 jan 2018 ), , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,

Motihari, BIHAR :

The author talks about how identity and politics play a huge role in his writing.

Abdullah Khan will be at The Hindu Lit Fest 2024 in Chennai on January 26-27. 

Abdullah Khan’s journey with literature began with a discovery — that he shared his place of birth, Motihari in Bihar, with one of the most prominent authors of the 20th century, George Orwell. Since then, the written word has remained Khan’s constant companion. From his debut novel Patna Blues (2018) to his latest, A Man From Motihari (2023), Khan employs a deft handling of sensitive subjects and hot-button issues to tell stories of everyday characters in Indian society. A speaker at The Hindu Lit Fest 2024 in Chennai on January 26-27, Khan discusses his thoughts on identity, desire and aspiration.

Edited excerpts:

How much of what you write is influenced by your own story?

During my school days in Bihar, my history teacher once asked, “Are you Muslim first or Indian first?” I confidently replied, borrowing the answer from my grand uncle: “I am both, born to Muslim parents, I’m Muslim; born in India, I’m Indian. Both identities came to me at birth.” As a boy, I didn’t fully grasp the complexities of identity.

During college, I pondered over how identity shapes thoughts, realising we’re not always aware of every facet of our identity. Sub-identities and super-identities emerge, revealed by others’ prejudices. In my village, I was Pathan; in school, a Muslim. Beyond Bihar, a Bihari. These identities intrigued me.

As I ventured into fiction writing, my reflections on identity seamlessly became woven into my stories. And, conflict between circumstances and desire is integral to human existence and is a vital element in crafting engaging narratives. I found inspiration in Bihari IAS/ civil services aspirants, news, historical incidents, real-life characters, beautiful places, and even SMS/ WhatsApp forwards for plot ideas.

What comes first — the plot or the point it makes? And in the case of ‘A Man from Motihari’, what was the genesis of the story?

Plots and characters naturally come to me without any preconceived plan. As I create the story, some significant points or messages often emerge organically.

Take, for instance, the inspiration behind A Man from Motihari. A few years ago, a Bangladeshi newspaper asked me to write about the house in Motihari where Orwell was born. While standing in front of that house, I had an idea: what if a boy from Motihari is born in the same room where Orwell was born many years ago? How would the boy react when he finds out, and how would it change his life? That’s how I came up with the character of the protagonist, Aslam Sher Khan, who is born in the same house as Orwell.

Tell us about your journey — from writing to publication.

Fresh out of completing my Master’s in chemistry, when I began writing Patna Blues, I had no knowledge of the technicalities of fiction writing and no background in literature. So, writing Patna Blues served as a kind of training for me, a sort of MFA, where I learned everything from scratch through trial and error. It took almost 10 years to write and nearly 9 years to get it published. I didn’t have a peer group then for beta reading or sharing comments. The journey to publication was challenging, enduring more than 200 rejections before it was published.

For my second novel, it took no more than a year to write, and finding a publisher was comparatively easier. Style-wise, I have improved significantly and gained more confidence in my writing.

There are strong political notes in your stories. What kind of responsibility do you feel towards your readers in terms of what you write about?

I believe no story exists in a vacuum. I allow the politics of the time to become a part of the narrative as I believe it is the only way to tell authentic stories.

While writing about politics, I do not shirk my responsibility as a writer and chronicler of the truth. I strive to be as impartial as possible. I generally don’t allow my personal beliefs or political ideology to creep into the story. Instead, I focus on the characters’ take on the politics of that time and keep myself a bit distant from those events.

What’s your take on literature festivals? What can they do for writers, and their readers?

Literature festivals offer writers a chance to share ideas. They gain inspiration and build a community, while readers enjoy insights into the creative process. As writers, we also get a chance to meet authors from all over the world, and learn from each other.

I think we should do more at these festivals for aspiring authors, like arranging pitching events or conducting writing masterclasses.

I have also observed a disturbing trend at many literature fests, where organisers invite celebrities such as film stars or cricketers to boost attendance. This often shifts the entire limelight to them, sidelining writers.

Gsquare Group presents The Hindu Lit Fest 2024 in Association with NITTE Education Trust & Christ University. Bookstore partner: Higginbothams

swati.daftuar@thehindu.co.in

source: http://www.thehindu.com / The Hindu / Home> Litfest> The Hindu Litfest 2024 / by Swati Daftuar / January 05th, 2024

A year after receiving Padma Shri, Balti author Akhone Asghar Ali Basharat struggles to get book published

Amazing Feats, Arts, Culture & Entertainment, Bharat Ratna, Padma Vibhushan, Padma Bhushan, Padma Shri Award (since January 01st, 2024), Books (incl.Biographies - w.e.f.01 jan 2018 ), Community Involvement / Social Issues, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,

Karkit Tchoo Village (Kargil District), LADAKH:

Balti litterateur Akhone Asghar Ali Basharat
Balti litterateur Akhone Asghar Ali Basharat

The only Padma Shri Balti writer, Akhone Asghar Ali Basharat from the Kargil district of Ladakh, is struggling to get his anthology of native poetry published.

Akhoon has already published five books and when he was conferred with the Padma Sri by the government of India in 2022, it looked as if his career would take to newer heights. However, a year later, he lacks the resources to get his latest book published.

Speaking to Awaz-the voice from his home in the village Karkit Tchoo, 13 km from Kargil town, Basharat said that he was trying to get the collection of his poetry in Balti language published; he was looking for a means of subsidy. “It is a huge collection of my poems in Balti language; it highlights multiple facets of the language and culture divided by the Line of Control between India and Pakistan.”

The Balti language is spoken in the Gilgit-Baltistan region in the PoK and Kargil.

When the Awaz spoke to him last year, he was working on Aeena-e-Kargil (Reflections on Kargil), unfolding its history, geography, culture, writers and poets, the life of people, their dress, house, common food, following the religion of Islam, religious, social and political organizations.

His book, published this year, dwells upon the plight of the region during the Dogra rule, and also other ‘untouched issues in the post-Independence era’, he said. The 320-page book is a comprehensive account of the life and political issues the Balti-speaking people faced. His efforts in compiling details over more than 15 years have won him appreciation.

People are so impressed by Basharat’s achievements that a local poet Ashraf Ali Sagar, who is also the general secretary of the Association of Baltis in Himalayan Ladakh Territories of India, Kargil, composed a poem praising him. The poem is printed on the back side of the book. One couplet of the poem goes as follows:

“Kis Tarah Pur Soz Hai Tareekh-e-Kargil Kya Khabar

Yeh Basharat Teri Mehannat Ka Samar Honay Ko Hai”

(How vibrant is Kargil’s history, who knew; Basharat this is going to be fruitful for your hard work).

Akhone Asghar Ali Basharat (72), has not been to a school and he has no formal education. He learned Balti, Urdu, Persian, and Arabic languages from his father Sheikh Ghulam Hussain, who had set up a Madrasa in their home in 1972 and taught the children of the village for free.

Inspired by his father, he was attracted to learning, reading, and writing different languages.

His first anthology of Naat (in praise of Prophet Muhammad) and Manqabat (in praise of Allah) was published in the early eighties. His second publication, an anthology of poetry was published in 2002, followed by Waseelai Najaat, based on translations from Persian, which was published in prose form four years later, and, Bazme-Basharat including Naats, Manqabats, and poems on other issues got published in 2011.

Balti language is a Tibetan language spoken in parts of Kargil while it is the second largest language in the Gilgit-Baltistan area across the Line of Control (LoC). It is also spoken in parts of the Nubra Valley of Leh, Ladakh. Some of the Balti-speaking families from Kargil have also settled in the Tral area of Pulwama district in South Kashmir. There are 3.79 lakh Balti speakers in Pakistan, while the total Balti-speaking people in the world are estimated at 4.91 lakh.

The number of Balti speakers in India has shown a decline over the decades; today there are 13,774, Balti speakers in India, as per the 2011 census. It was around 20,053 in the 2001 census and 48,498 in 1981.

Akhon Asghar Ali Basharat gained popularity when he conducted regular Balti poetry shows on the AIR station of Kargil that took off in 1999. He became a regular participant in the local Urdu Mushairas and other cultural activities.

Basharat told a news portal that his father has been his inspiration. His father was the first published author from Kargil in the decade of 1980s.

“My father is my sole inspiration. He was a well-known social and religious activist. He had a huge collection of religious books. I sometimes feel writing is my inheritance and in my DNA.”

He says AIR Kargil station was of great help to people like him who live in remote areas. “My radio shows made me popular and encouraged me to write more. I am today because of AIR Kargil station.”

He says he fears that the Balti language may become extinct in Kargil. The fear of extinction is more because people across Ladakh tend to speak other languages and not their native ones to sound fashionable.

Bashart says to preserve language and culture, reading and writing books, and holding seminars and cultural programs must be encouraged.

He feels book writing should not be seen as a lucrative profession. “I feel book writing is not a lucrative profession. The author has to spend money to publish his book. Since the reader base is small the youth do not feel encouraged to write in regional languages. He has suggested that government must support writers of smaller languages.

source: http://www.awazthevoice.in / Awaz, The Voice / Home> Story / by Ehsan Fazili, Srinagar / January 07th, 2024

Review of ‘Another India — The Making of the World’s Largest Muslim Minority, 1947-77’ : The original betrayers

Books (incl.Biographies - w.e.f.01 jan 2018 ), Community Involvement / Social Issues, , , , , , , , ,

INDIA:

Pratinav Anil argues that policies of the Congress and the Muslim elite ended up hurting Indian Muslims the most.

Muslim devotees praying on the street of Kolkata during the holy month of Ramadan. | Photo Credit: Getty Images/ istock

Unobjective commentators have, in the last decade, perfected the art of highlighting the tribulations of being a Muslim in “Hindu India” without contrasting them with the difficulties the same Muslim faced in “secular India” that supposedly existed before 2014.

Pratinav Anil is perhaps the only modern historian who has gone against this trend to put right the wilful muting of Indian Muslim history. His new book Another India: The Making of the World’s Largest Muslim Minority, 1947–77 is an in-depth analysis of anti-Muslim violence since Independence that exposes the Islamophobic facet of the country the Congress established in August 1947.

In simple terms, the question that Another India seeks to answer is: Was the Congress’s idea of India genuinely secular and based on communal equality? From the facts it lines up, the answer is ‘no’.

Riots and taunts

Not many know that the “most violent Hindu-Muslim conflagration of postcolonial India” was unleashed in 1964 in which a staggering 800,000 Muslims from Bengal were pushed into East Pakistan.

President S. Radhakrishnan visiting Central Calcutta, a predominantly Muslim locality, affected by the January riots. He is seen with the Muslims of the locality (Kalabagan area) on June 30, 1964. | Photo Credit: The Hindu archives

Indeed, it was under the Congress that the derisive “go to Pakistan” taunt was actualised when nearly 2% of the Indian Muslims were sent to Pakistan after being branded infiltrators who had sneaked in to convert Hindus to Islam. Before being expelled, they were dumped in makeshift camps on the border “like herds of cattle”, and forced to “sign papers declaring falsely that they were Pakistanis” when many of them were genuine Indians.

A large number of those who couldn’t be “sent to Pakistan” became the victims of the “riots galore” that dotted Nehru’s rule. The “institutionalised riot system” was so one-sided that Muslims made up 82% of the fatalities and 59% of the injured.

Prepossessed hostility towards Muslims was also the cause of the 1948 police action in Hyderabad which, for Anil, was “a mass pogrom” because it had resulted in the massacre of 40,000 Muslims, the rape of women, loot, arson, desecration of mosques, forcible conversions, and seizure of houses and lands. Nehru hastily suppressed the Sunderlal Report that brought out these facts.

Anil concludes that Nehruvian India was often “an Islamophobic agency” that wore secularism as “a fig leaf” to hide its pro-Hindu bias.

At the historic conference in New Delhi on June 7, 1947, when Lord Mountbatten disclosed Britain’s “partition” plan for India. (left to right) Jawaharlal Nehru, Lord Ismay, Adviser to the Viceroy, Lord Mountbatten, and M.A. Jinnah, President of the All-India Muslim League. | Photo Credit: The Hindu photo archives

The Ashraf betrayal

But how did the Congress get away with its brazen marginalisation of Muslims? With the help of “nationalist Muslims” and “notables”, says Anil.

The former were mostly Muslim Congressmen who harmed their community by conflating India’s progress with that of the Congress; shielding Congress from criticism by blaming Muslim communalists for Partition, and placing the constitutional protection of the shariah above the community’s political rights.

The “notables” comprised upper-class Muslims (the ashraf) such as mutawallis (custodians of waqf properties), waseeqadars (princely pensioners) and waaqifs (dedicators of properties for waqf) all of whom used their aristocratic agency to feather their nests in the guise of working for the community’s economic development.

A major preoccupation of these patricians was “the preservation of distinctive elements of Muslim culture in a non-Muslim environment.” Backing them to the hilt were the ulama, especially those belonging to the Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind which Anil calls a branch of the Congress in all but name.

The “ashrafised” Islam that the ashraf-clergy nexus promoted secured the class interests of the ashrafs and almost totally ignored the plight of common Muslims.

In a scathing attack on the Muslim elite’s obsession with the shariah-based Personal Law, Anil says that it furnished the patriarchs with “a private fiefdom to do as they pleased” without mitigating the community’s “despondent public existence in an Islamophobic society.”

No space for scrutiny

As a consequence, Muslim politics had no room for “trade unions, mass protests, anti-discrimination legislation, and subaltern solidarity” while it had plenty for “high cultural totemic symbols such as the AMU, auqaf, Urdu, and the sharia.” This suited the ruling “Hindu Congress” because a politically empowered non-Hindu group was not in its interest.

Even today the ashraf-clergy alliance prioritises religion and religious symbolism over social cohesion and political participation. If, for instance, ashraf-backed madrasas are fixated on anachronistic medievalism, many clergy-endorsed secular English medium schools controlled by wealthy Muslims promote religious identitarianism by making the skull cap (for boys) and the hijab (for girls) a mandatory part of the uniform.

At a hijab shop. | Photo Credit: Reuters

This self-ghettoisation, which is nothing short of an attempt to discourage the enrolment of non-Muslims in Muslim schools, sustains itself on the fear of the other and has the potential to render Muslim students incapable of living in multi-religious and multi-cultural societies after graduation.

Given this sad state of affairs, Another India couldn’t have come at a better time. Its neoteric narrative is not just a searing exposé of Congress’ betrayal of trustful Muslims who stayed back in India after rejecting Pakistan; it is also an invitation to Indian Muslims to acquire a sense of critical thinking and break free from the serpentine stranglehold of the ashraf-clergy alliance that is hell-bent on denying them the heaven-ordained right to intellectual liberation.

Another India: The Making of the World’s Largest Muslim Minority, 1947-77; Pratinav Anil, Penguin/ Viking, ₹999.

The reviewer is Secretary-General of the Islamic Forum for the Promotion of Moderate Thought.

source: http://www.thehindu.com / The Hindu / Home> Books> Reviews / by A Faizur Rahman / February 04th, 2024

Poet Farooq Nazki, voice of India in gun-ridden Kashmir valley, dies in Jammu hospital

Arts, Culture & Entertainment, Books (incl.Biographies - w.e.f.01 jan 2018 ), , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,

JAMMU & KASHMIR:

Nazki took over as the director of Doordarshan and All India Radio, Srinagar — the twin propaganda arms of the State — after Lassa Koul, his boss at Doordarshan, was shot dead by militants on February 13, 1990

Farooq Nazki / Sourced by the Telegraph

Farooq Nazki, the versatile poet and broadcaster who steered India’s ship in Kashmir during the turbulent 1990s when the Valley was up in arms against the State, passed away on Tuesday at a hospital in Jammu’s Katra.

Nazki was 83 and is survived by his wife, son and two daughters. According to his relatives, he had been battling various health issues, including lung and kidney complications, for the past several years.

“The passing away of a qalander (ascetic or a carefree man) is not to be mourned; his fulfilling life is to be celebrated. For he has left this station after enriching it in many ways. A societal loss which is a personal bereavement. RIP Mir Mohammed Farooq Nazki (1940-2024),” his son-in-law Haseeb Drabu, a former journalist and politician, posted on X.

Politicians, including those from the BJP, National Conference and the People’s Democratic Party, mourned his death.

Nazki took over as the director of Doordarshan and All India Radio, Srinagar — the twin propaganda arms of the State — after Lassa Koul, his boss at Doordarshan, was shot dead by militants on February 13, 1990.

Militancy, which had erupted months earlier, was at its peak and the twin media institutions were its foremost targets, forcing authorities to turn the joint complex into a garrison. Under Nazki’s stewardship, they continued their fierce anti-militancy stand.

“He was like a one-man army, perhaps the lone Kashmiri Muslim who wore his Indian nationality on his sleeves those days, although I do not know how much of that was conviction and how much, compulsion,” a journalist, who covered Kashmir during the troubled 1990s, told The Telegraph.

“He was perhaps the most guarded Kashmiri those days, and he moved in a convoy of security vehicles. They were no ordinary times. National Conference leaders, including Farooq Abdullah, deserted Kashmir, and police too were in a mood of rebellion. Certainly, that did not go well with the people.”

Kashmir was rocked by a police revolt in 1993, forcing the army to storm into their headquarters to crush it. There was, however, no bloodshed.

Early in January 1990, Farooq Abdullah resigned as chief minister in protest against the installation of Jagmohan as governor. The Assembly was dismissed and governor’s rule was imposed, which triggered mass protests.

A former colleague of Nazki said there were no resignations at Doordarshan and AIR when militancy started, unlike in 1953 when Sheikh Abdullah was removed from power.

“He (Nazki) would say that he was doing his job and if there was anybody else, he would have done the same. He was brave enough to do it openly. In his poems, you will find him reflecting on the pain and sufferings of Kashmiris. But it is also true he was against militancy because he thought it would bring us ruin,” he said.

“He continued the parampara (tradition) of hoisting the Tricolour at Doordarshan, and that was no small feat in those days. He retired as deputy director-general, Doordarshan, in 2000, and to my surprise, he was never harmed. I have seen him moving around Lal Chowk without security. That is perhaps because he was a multi-faceted personality.”

Former Doordarshan director Shabir Mujahid, who worked under Nazki, said he was an ace broadcaster and a poet.

“He was a trendsetter at the national level. It is he who gave the concept of soap operas to Doordarshan, starting with Shabrang in the early 1980s. He produced many plays and serials. He was equally a wonderful poet,” Mujahid told this newspaper.

In 1995, Nazki won the Sahitya Academy award in Kashmiri language literature for his book of poetry, Naar Hyutun Kanzal Wanas (Fire in the Eyelashes).

After his retirement, he served as media adviser to two former chief ministers, Farooq Abdullah and Omar Abdullah.

source: http://www.telegraphindia.com / The Telegraph Online / Home> India / by Muzaffar Raina, Srinagar / February 07th, 2024

‘Quran in Embroidery’ a hand crafted phenomenon in 604-pages of velvet cloth – The Miracle of two Bengaluru sisters – Bibi Tabassum and Suraiya Quraishi

Amazing Feats, Arts, Culture & Entertainment, Books (incl.Biographies - w.e.f.01 jan 2018 ), Community Involvement / Social Issues, Karnataka (under research project), Women/Girls(since May26-2021), , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,

Bengaluru, KARNATAKA:

Bibi Tabassum and Suraiya Quraishi who embroidered the Quran.

Bengaluru :

This is a miracle. An awe-inspiring phenomenon took place in this city a few days back, as two sisters- Bibi Tabassum and Suraiya Quraishi- embroidered the sacred Quran onto 604 pages of plush velvet cloth.

Showing excellent craftsmanship, they used needles and threads to meticulously prepare an embroidered holy Quran. This embroidered Quran, prepared under the watchful guidance of an Alim-e-deen (religious scholar), is not only easily legible but also heavenly captivating.

Bibi Tabassum, the younger of the two sisters, holds a great fondness for doing embroidery ever since she was a child. In the beginning, she used to embroider only small verses of the Quran, but one day, an idea graced Bibi Tabassum’s mind – to intricately embroider the entire holy Quran. This took her on a laborious journey, one fueled by love and devotion.

Expressing extreme gratitude to Allah for giving them the opportunity to prepare this embroidered Quran, Bibi Tabassum says that she aspires to gift this embroidered holy Quran to a library in the holy city of Madina.

Venturing on this embroidery voyage of the Quranic verses along with her elder sister Suraiya Quraishi, Bibi Tabassum started with the first inaugural Surah of the Quran i.e. Surah Al-Fatiha, and continued diligently. The last surah- Surah An-Nas marked the culmination of their hard labour.

This embroidered holy Quran is divided into five volumes, and each volume consisting of six chapters. It went through a meticulous binding process by the skilled hands of its creators.

Initially, in the detailed process of embroidery, Bibi Tabassum used to inscribe the verses of the Quran with a pencil on the velvet cloth, followed by both the sisters intricately weaving threads along those sacred lines.

Carrying on the demands of daily life, both sisters, driven by unwavering dedication, used to finish their household chores and then engage in the embroidery work of the holy Quran.

To ensure the utmost accuracy of the embroidered work, a learned religious scholar closely scrutinized each verse upon the completion of a page. Bibi Tabassum says, ‘After completing every page of the embroidered holy Quran, we would show that to our scholar and do any correction if required.”

In the aftermath of this big achievement, family members are thoroughly elated for the two sisters. They say that the two sisters have utilized their time for a very noble endeavour. Extending heartfelt gratitude, they thank Allah for the manifestation of this lovely artwork, which stands as a testament to the beautiful blending of devotion and artistry.

source: http://www.indiatomorrow.net / India Tomorrow / Home> News> Society / by India Tomorrow (headline edited) / February 05th, 2024