Directed by Priyadarshan, Marakkar: Arabikadalinte Simham features the popular actor Mohanlal and was reportedly made on a budget of Rs 100 crore, making it the most expensive Malayalam film ever.
Directed by Priyadarshan, it features the popular actor Mohanlal and was reportedly made on a budget of Rs 100 crore, making it the most expensive Malayalam film ever.
On March 26, the big-budget film Marakkar: Arabikadalinte Simham (Marakkar: The Lion of the Arabian Sea) will release in Kerala and elsewhere. Directed by Priyadarshan, it features the popular actor Mohanlal and was reportedly made on a budget of Rs 100 crore, making it the most expensive Malayalam film ever.
Last month, a petition was filed in the Kerala High Court against the film, alleging ‘distortion of history’ and demanding a stay on the release. The court declined.
What is the film about?
It is a war film depicting the heroics of the Marakkar clan, whose leaders were naval chieftains of the Zamorin of Calicut during the 16th and 17th centuries. The Zamorin, Samoothiri in Malayalam, was the title given to rulers of the Calicut kingdom on the Malabar coast. The Marakkars fought against Portuguese invaders for nearly a century.
Who were the Marakkars?
By some accounts, they were of Arab origin and had migrated from Tunisia to Panthalayani near Koyilandy in present-day Kozhikode, and later moved to the region around present-day Kottakkal and Thikkodi near Payyoli. By other accounts, the Marakkars were descendants of affluent businessman from the Cochin kingdom who migrated later to Calicut.
Historian M G S Narayanan said the name ‘Marakkar’ could have originated from maram or marakkalam, meaning ship, as these families lived along the coast and used ships. Alternatively, it could have originated from the Arabic word markaba, meaning those who migrated via ships. “The Marakkars were mostly Muslims, but in some parts, they have been found to be Hindus as well,” Narayanan said.
What was the war against the Portuguese about?
Faced with invading Portuguese ships, the Zamorin reached out to the Marakkars to defend the coast. They were led in succession by four Marakkars, chief admirals who were appointed by the Zamorin with the title of Kunjali. Related by bloodline, they were Kuttyali Marakkar (Kunjali Marakkar I, appointed in 1507), Kutty Pokker (Kunjali Marakkar II), Pathu Marakkar (Kunjali Marakkar III) and Muhammad Ali Marakkar (Kunjali Marakkar IV, appointed in 1595).
“Their strategy was similar to guerrilla warfare. The Portuguese had massive ships which could not make easy manoeuvres in the sea. The Marakkars used small ships which could easily surround the Portuguese ships, enabling the fighters to attack at will,” Narayanan said.
In the span of 100 years, the exploits of the Kunjali Marakkars are said to have improved the naval fleet of Calicut as well as other kingdoms, stretching from Saurashtra to Ceylon along the Indian coast. War technologies and ammunition greatly improved as well.
Who is the ‘Lion of the Arabian Sea’ depicted in the film?
Mohanlal plays Kunjali Marakkar IV, who earned his reputation with his fierce onslaught on Portuguese ships, the favours he gave those who fought against the Portuguese, and his efforts to strengthen the fort at Kottakkal.
When he took charge in 1595, relations between the Zamorin and the Marakkars were deteriorating. The Zamorin was feeling threatened by Kunjali Marakkar IV’s popularity, and by reports (said to be spread by the Portuguese) that he was planning to create a Muslim empire.
In 1597, the Zamorin signed a peace treaty with the Portuguese and attacked Kottakkal fort. For months, the Marakkars resisted the attack by the Zamorin’s Nair soldiers and the Portuguese fleet. Eventually, as Portugal sent more forces and the Zamorin mounted his effort, Marakkar surrendered to the Zamorin on the assurance that their lives would be spared. But the Portuguese violated the terms, arrested him, took him to Goa and beheaded him.
Why was a petition filed against the film in the High Court?
Mufeeda Arafath Marakkar of Koyilandy, who identified herself as a descendant of the Marakkar clan, argued that the the film’s version of events could mislead students and researchers. Among the contentions is that Kunjali Marakkar IV is shown to have romantic interests when there is no such evidence in history. He is shown sporting a picture of Lord Ganesh on his turban; the petition contends that he was actually a pious Muslim who did not display Hindu imagery.
The High Court declined to impose a stay and asked the film certification Board if it had handed over the complaint to the Centre. The Board conveyed that the subject deals with art and that it cannot interfere in the freedom of expression of the filmmakers.
source: http://www.indianexpress.com / The Indian Express / Home> Explained / by Vishnu Varma / Kochi, March 09th, 2020
(This story was first published on 10 November 2017. It has been republished from The Quint’sarchives to mark Maulana Azad’s death anniversary.)
“I am an essential element, which has gone into building India. I can never surrender this claim.”
These were the famous words uttered by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, when he stared at the daunting prospect of Partition. On his birth anniversary, we remember his contribution to the country.
source: http://www.youtube.com / The Quint
Azad was among the many Muslim leaders in India who opposed the Partition of Unified India into Pakistan and Hindustan. As the leader of the All India Congress Committee in 1946, he put forth a Cabinet Mission proposal that advocated a federal structure of government, with autonomy for states. Though the proposal did face a great deal of skepticism, the Working Committee passed it, with even Jinnah agreeing to it for ‘the greater good of Indian Muslims’.
This proposal was certainly considered a breakthrough, as Jinnah and Azad had never enjoyed very good relations, predominantly owing to their opposing stances on Partition. Where one batted for Hindu-Muslim unity under a larger India, the other was vehement on the creation of two separate states. But their souring relations never stopped Azad from attempting to convince Jinnah to consider a ‘unified India’.
For instance, when Jinnah’s clamour for Pakistan grew louder, Azad is known to have sent a telegram insisting on the perils of a two-state ideology. Jinnah is said to have insulted Azad in his response, calling him Congress’ ‘show boy President’.
Don’t you feel that the Congress has made you a show boy President to hoodwink non-Congress parties and other countries of the world? You represent neither Muslims nor Hindus.
Having failed at getting Jinnah to reconsider, Azad then unsuccessfully tried to convince the Congress leaders to wait till a solution could be found. But even Patel, who earlier backed Azad’s proposal, was now vehemently pro-partition. Azad in his autobiography later writes that the party agreed to the Partition as “blindness of Congress leaders to facts, and their anger and frustration clouded their vision.”
According to Azad, as he writes in his autobiography, Nehru too contributed to angering the Muslims, by committing two mistakes which ultimately drove Jinnah to lose faith in the proposal and go through with partition.
The first was when Nehru refused to take two Muslim League leaders as Cabinet Ministers in the UP elections of 1937. The second mistake was when after taking over as the President of the Congress in 1946, he indicated that the earlier Cabinet Mission proposal could be changed, which culminated in Jinnah insisting on the formation of Pakistan.
Maulana had not only opposed Partition as an Indian leader, but also as a Muslim. He was, in fact, of the opinion, that the two-state policy will only “create more problems than solve”.
And true to his word, even today the relations between the two countries are strained at best, despite their shared history.
source: http://www.thequint.com / The Quint / Home> News Videos / November 10th, 2017 / and February 22nd, 2020
Abid Hassan, born in Hyderabad in 1912, hailed from a patriotic family.
Abid Hasan Safrani/COURTESY INDIANMUSLIMLEGENDS.BLOGSPOT.IN
Hyderabad :
This is the story of Abid Hassan Safrani who, not many may know, was not just the trusted lieutenant of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, but the Hyderabadi who had coined the magical slogan JAI HIND.
I have had the privilege of translating into English the Telugu book on the life of Netaji Bose by the late Ch. Acharya at the behest of the Freedom Fighters Association.
The following are excerpts from the book. Kindly read on:
“JAI HIND ”. No slogan had ever cast a greater spell on the nation than this. It had welded the people of this country of diverse languages, cultures, and faiths during the freedom struggle and filled them with a strong sense of patriotism. It continues to do so even now.
The man who coined this stirring slogan was Major Abid Hassan Safrani of Hyderabad, a close aide of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose.
It was adopted as the national slogan at Free India Centre’s first meeting in Berlin in November 1941. Then, it became a popular form of address and greeting.
Safrani was with Bose when he undertook the death-defying undersea journey from Germany to the Far East. Safrani recalled how calm and composed was Bose when enemy ships rained bombs on the submarine. Unmindful, he dictated notes to Safrani on the future course of his action.
Sisir Kumar, the nephew of Bose, gave more details of the adventure in his book, ‘INA in India Today’.
Abid Hassan, born in Hyderabad in 1912, hailed from a patriotic family. After graduating in engineering with distinction, he went to Berlin for higher studies.
Attracted by Bose’s freedom movement, he joined the Indian National Army. Recognising his leadership qualities, Bose gave Safrani ample scope to grow to his full potential.
Safrani could fluently speak several languages like English, German, French, Arabic, Persian, Sanskrit, Hindi, Urdu, Telugu, and Punjabi. This enabled him to build excellent rapport with officers and men of the INA. Major Safrani headed the Gandhi Brigade in the INA. It consisted of men of exceptional courage and valour.
When they eventually surrendered to the British army at Imphal in North East India, top British officers could not help marvel at the bravery of Safrani and his men. He was imprisoned and put in solitary confinement with not even a window to allow light.
He mentioned this in a letter to his mother, Hassans had firm roots in nationalism. Abid’s father, Jaffer Hassan, was dean in Osmania University , and mother, Begum Amir Hassan, a staunch Gandhian. They inculcated patriotic feelings in their sons, Badrul Hassan and Abid Hassan, at a tender age.
All of them were very close to Mahatma Gandhi and used to visit his Sabarmati ashram. Fanatics threatened to kill them and throw their bodies into the Musi. Gandhi would send his secretary, Pyarelal, to railway station whenever the Hassans visited him. Badrul Hassan edited Gandhi’s “Young India” in 1925.
He remained a true Gandhian until his death in 1973. He wore khadi and led a spartan life in a small room.
Abid Hassan Safrani also imbibed these traits.
Begum Safrani was a unique personality who lived a full life(1870-1970). She gave away everything for the freedom of the country, including her paternal property. She was a close friend of Sarojini Naidu and was affectionately called ‘amma Jaan’ by Gandhi, Nehru, Netaji and Abul Kalam Azad.
“Abid Manzil”, their residence in Troop Bazaar, stands as mute testimony to the burning of foreign cloth in 1920 at the behest of Gandhi. In his book, Sisir Kumar Bose gave a graphic account of the escapades of Subhash Chandra Bose and Abid Hassan Safrani such as the submarine journey from Germany to Asia and the INA’s triumphal march through the forests of Imphal.
After the Second World War, Safrani was jailed for six years. Begum Amir Hassan, who did not expect anything in return for the services of the family, was much worried that her son might be sentenced to death in the Red Fort trial. Several INA men were shot dead for participating in the liberation movement. She met Gandhi, Nehru and Sarojini Naidu to plead for her son’s life.
Safrani got a last-minute reprieve after Prime Minister Nehru and Governor-General, Lord Mountbatten, intervened. Nehru had earlier visited a prison in Singapore where INA members were lodged. He spotted a man sitting aloof and asked if he was Safrani from Hyderabad . The man greeted him with “Jai Hind” and nodded ‘yes’.
After his release, an ailing Safrani returned to his “Dhoop Chaon” residence in Banjara Hills, Hyderabad and recuperated under the care of his loving mother and friends like Bankat Chandra, Elizabeth, and C.S. Vasu. He took up radio sales for a living, but with little success. He wrote a civil services examination and qualified for foreign service. He was personally interviewed by Jawaharlal Nehru .
He had served in Indian missions in a number of countries like Egypt, Iraq, Turkey, Senegal, Zambia, Ivory Coast. Safrani was Indian Ambassador to Iraq when Jordan King Hashmath-e-Faizal, was killed in an army coup in 1957. The government drew heavy flak in Parliament for his absence in Baghdad at the crucial movement. Nehru defended Safrani. Safrani loved agriculture and raised a horticultural farm in Golconda . It was his practice to visit Netaji’s hometown, Calcutta, in January every year carrying fruit grown on his farm.
That was his way of remembering his mentor, Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose. He used to recall with moist eyes those memorable years with Bose. He died in 1984 but immortalized himself with the soul-stirring slogan he coined: Jai Hind. It would keep the Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs and others together for centuries and strengthen national integration. He was an ideal Shia and a noble Sufi saint.
Safrani memorial school in Golconda, run by his wife, Suraya, seeks to instill in the minds of young pupils the lofty ideals, values and principles dear to her husband.
Dasu Kesava Rao is a senior journalist who worked for The Hindu, among other newspapers
source: http://www.siasat.com / The Siasat Daily / Home> Featured News / by Safoora / January 26th, 2020
An experts’ committee constituted by the state government to look into the demand of BJP MLA Appachu Ranjan, who sought removal of content related to Tipu Sultan from textbooks, on Tuesday recommended against the demand by urging the government to retain the content on Tipu.
The committee, comprising academicians and historians, had submitted the report to the Karnataka Textbook Society on Monday and expressed an opinion that chapters on the ruler of Mysore currently prescribed in textbooks are only introductory in nature about the life of Tipu Sultan. “It is impossible to teach the history of Mysore without the introduction to Tipu,” the committee noted in its report.
Sources in the committee told DH that all textbooks contain only factual and introductory information about Tipu Sultan. “We have not arrived at any judgement based on the controversy. Being historians, it was our duty to submit a factual report,” revealed a member of the committee. Historians, who were part of the committee, have also advised that some of the documents submitted by Appachu Ranjan need to be verified.
Karnataka Textbook Society officials will now submit the report to the state government for a final decision. Textbooks for classes 6, 7 and 10 had lessons pertaining to Tipu Sultan and his administration.
BJP MLA from Madikeri Appachu Ranjan had appealed to Primary and Secondary Education Minister Suresh Kumar and Chief Minister B S Yediyurappa to drop content related to Tipu Sultan from school textbooks.
source: http://www.deccanherald.com / Deccan Herald / Home> City> Bengaluru Politics / by DHNS, Bengaluru / December 10th, 2019
‘Dastan-e-Ghadar: The Tale of the Mutiny’ by Zahir Dehlvi offers insights that are particularly relevant today.
NDIAPICTURES VIA GETTY IMAGES Miniature of Bahadur Shah Zafar.
Butkhano’n mein jab gaya main kenchkar qashqa Zafar
Bol utha woh but, ‘Brahmin yeh nahin to kaun hai?’
(When Zafar went to the temple with a tilak on my forehead
The idol exclaimed, ‘If not a Brahmin then who is he?’)
—Bahadur Shah Zafar
Abu Zafar Sirajuddin Mohammed Bahadur Shah, better known by his pen name Bahadur Shah Zafar, was the son of Akbar Shah II and his Rajput wife Lal Bai.
He inherited an empire that was his only in name as the British writ ran through it. He was their pensioner. The British Resident in Delhi was responsible for everything that happened in Delhi as well as in the Qila.
Bahadur Shah Zafar [foresaw] trouble and banned cow-slaughter in the areas he nominally controlled… Bakr-Eid passed peacefully in 1857 thanks to the wise decisions of the emperor.
However, along with his empire he also inherited the national outlook of his ancestor Akbar and father Akbar Shah II. He believed in the wisdom that all his subjects were his children, and in fact his last prayer when he left the Qila after the fall of Delhi on the night of 16th September 1857 was:
“Khuda, the Hindus and Muslims of India are my children. Please keep them safe and don’t let them suffer for my deeds at the hands of the British.”
(Related by his daughter Kulsum Zamani Begum who saw him praying on his musalla the night he left it. This has been included in the story “Shahzadi ki Bipta” in the book Begumat ke Aansu which comprises eyewitness accounts recorded by Khwaja Hasan Nizami.)
The Hindu men and women who came to bathe in the River Yamuna every dawn would participate eagerly in the jharokha darshan when the emperor appeared before his subjects in the balcony of the Musamman Burj in the Qila every morning. Only after that would they go home and eat.
Bahadur Shah Zafar condemned the actions of maulvis who tried to divide the populace on religious lines:
Kaho mullah se kiya hum se rindo’n ko padhega
Ki hum Lahaul padh ke teri taqreer sunte hain
(Ask the mullah what can he teach one, so drunk in love
I hear his speeches with a disclaimer on my lips)
Akbar Shah II, who started the Phoolwaalon ki Sair , would offer pankhas both at Qutub Sahib’s dargah and Yogmaya temple in Mehrauli. Bahadur Shah Zafar went to the extent that he would not go to the dargah if for some reason he couldn’t visit the temple the previous day.
The Indian society of the 19th century was living quite happily and in communal harmony, bar a few incidents here and there. When Bahadur Shah Zafar was exiled there was a palpable sense of loss amongst the Hindus and Muslims alike; they felt as if they had lost their father.
Nowhere is this emotion more emphasized as in an anecdote described by Zahir Dehlvi in Dastan-e-Ghadar*.
“Once, some Hindus, along with officers of the British government, hatched a plot to throw all the butchers slaughtering cows out of the city. The British government gave orders stating that these butchers should take their shops out of the city. They had all the shops within the city closed.
When the butchers realized that they had no choice but to obey and lose their means of livelihood, they banded together, took their wives, children and possessions, and came and camped on the riverbank under the jharokha. From there, they appealed to the king, asking ‘How can we leave our city and go away?’
The cherisher of subjects, the emperor, heard their petition and gave the order that his tent be pitched alongside theirs on the riverbank.
‘Whatever is the state of my subjects is my state,’ he said.
As per the decree of their emperor, the servants immediately took the imperial paraphernalia and installed it on the bank of the river.
As soon as the British Resident heard the news, he came running to the emperor and respectfully asked, ‘Huzoor, what are you doing? All the people of the city will come and stand here with you.’
Badshah Salamat replied, ‘I am wherever my subjects are. My subjects are my children and I can’t be separated from them. Has flesh ever been separated from the fingernail? Today, the butchers have been given orders to leave the city; tomorrow, it will be some other community; the day after, it will be another one, and these orders will continue. Slowly, the entire city will be emptied. If the intention of the British government is to empty the city, then tell me so in plain words. I will take all my people and go and live in Khwaja Sahib. Since you have control over the city (Shahjahanabad), you can do whatever you will.’
The Resident was taken aback. ‘Huzoor, don’t even think of such an action. I will redress the complaints of these people immediately and settle them in the city. Huzoor, please have your camp removed from here.’
The Resident gave orders for the butchers to go back to their houses and ply their trade within the city as before. The tent of the emperor was removed.”
Bahadur Shah was equal in his treatment of his subjects and did the same for the ghosis or herdmen of Shahjahanabad when they were faced with a similar situation. Zahir Dehlvi in Dastan-e-Ghadar* writes:
“Once the British government gave orders to the herdsmen to take their family and cattle and leave the city and go and settle outside the city. There was a tumult in the entire city and once again the ghosi (herdsmen/milkmen) along with their families and cattle came and camped on the Reti.
Once again the Emperor, Raiyyat Panaah (shelter of the subjects) was so distraught by the cries of the children and the distress of the cattlemen the emperor gave orders for his tent to be pitched alongside theirs so he could share their sorrow. Once again the Resident came and pleaded with the Emperor and gave orders revoking the previous ones so that the herdsmen could go back to their original quarters in the city.
This time the Emperor told the Resident, ‘Look in my presence do not exile my subjects from their houses. After me you will be in control and can devastate the city (eeint se eeint baja dena).’
That is what was done (after the Emperor).”
On 12th May 1857 when the Indian soldiers who had risen up against the British crowned Bahadur Shah Zafar as the Emperor of India he issued the following decree:
“To all the Hindus and Muslims of India, taking my duty by the people into consideration at this hour, I have decided to stand by my people… It is the imperative duty of Hindus and Mussalmans to join the revolt against the Englishmen. They should work and be guided by their leaders in their towns and should take steps to restore order in the country. It is the bounden duty of all people that they should, as far as possible, copy out this Firman and display it at all important places in the towns. But before doing so, they should get themselves armed and declare war on the English.”
During the Uprising of 1857 the British tried their best to disrupt the Hindu-Muslim unity that was very apparent amongst those they called “baghi” or rebels.
Colonel Keith Young, Judge-Advocate General of the Indian Army who was present with the British forces on the ridge in Delhi regularly sent letters to his wife in the safety of Simla. This wife published them later as “Delhi—1857; the siege, assault, and capture as given in the diary and correspondence of the late Colonel Keith Young’.
On 29th July 1857 he wrote to her:
“Camp, Delhi Cantonments, Wednesday, 29th July:
Hodson just now came into our tent and interrupted my writing this. He tells me that a letter has just come in from the city confirming what we had before heard of the dissensions going on, and they seem likely to terminate in something serious at the Festival of the Eed, as some of the Mahomedan fanatics have declared their fixed intention of killing a cow as customary on that day at the Jumma Musjid. It is hoped that they will religiously adhere to their determination, and there is then sure to be a row between the Mahomedans and Hindoos.”
Colonel Keith Young to his wife. Camp, Delhi Cantonments, Thursday, 30th July:
“All is quiet in camp, and the mutineers must, I should hope— as we all believe—be quarrelling amongst themselves, and unable to agree to come out and attack us again. The Eed, we trust, will bring matters to a crisis with them, and be the day for a grand row between the Hindoos and Mahomedans.”
Camp, Delhi Cantonments, Sunday, 2nd August:
“Our hopes of a grand row in the city yesterday at the Eed Festival have not, apparently, been fulfilled—at least the only newsletter received from the city alludes to nothing of the kind. The King had issued strict orders against killing cows, or even goats, in the city, and this, if acted upon, must have satisfied the Hindoos; and instead of fighting amongst themselves they all joined together to make a vigorous attack to destroy us and utterly sweep us from the face of the earth, when it was arranged that the King should perform his evening prayers in our camp!”
Bahadur Shah Zafar had foreseen this trouble and banned cow-slaughter in the areas he nominally controlled. In The Great Uprising of 1857, Prof Z.H. Jafri cites that they found several documents in the Mutiny Papers in the National Archives, New Delhi by Bahadur Shah Zafar and Bakht Khan, the commander in chief of the Indian forces, asking the people to desist from cow-slaughter and to the kotwal to capture the cows from the houses of people who might go ahead with such sacrifices. There is evidence to support the fact that the police officers took these orders very seriously and thus prevented any sacrifice of cows by them, which could have led to the trouble that Young, and his colleagues were so eagerly anticipating.
Bakr-Eid passed peacefully in 1857 thanks to the wise decisions of the emperor.
The fallout of the First war of Indian Independence was the well-documented policy of divide and rule adopted by the British, which tried to create disharmony between Hindus and Muslims. The two communities fought together again in the freedom struggle leading up to Independence in 1947, but the partition of India and subsequent riots and murder show that the British did succeed to a great extent.
* Book excerpt from ‘Dastan-e-Ghadar : The Tale of the Mutiny ‘ by Zahir Dehlvi, translated from Urdu by Rana Safvi, Penguin Random House.
source: http://www.huffingtonpost.in / HuffPost / Home> The Blog / by Rana Safvi / May 18th, 2017
The museum has a large cache of 1,700 such rockets that were recovered from an old well at Nagara village in Hosanagar taluk last year.
An image of the ‘Tipu rockets.’
Shivamogga :
A dedicated gallery housing metal cased rockets used during Tipu Sultan period (18th century) has been opened in Shivamogga city. However, it was thrown open to the public without a formal inauguration by people’s representatives, which according to sources, is due to the recent controversy surrounding the ruler.
The gallery was opened to the public on the first day of the Heritage Week on November 21.
The gallery has been set up at the Shivappa Nayaka Palace which is also a museum. It is the first and largest gallery having the “Tipu rockets” or “Mysore rockets” in the world.
While the Royal Artillery Museum, Woolwich Arsenal in London, is home to a collection of two such rockets, three pieces are at the government museum in Bengaluru. There was no dedicated gallery for the rockets until the one in Shivamogga opened.
The museum has a large cache of 1,700 such rockets that were recovered from an old well at Nagara village in Hosanagar taluk last year. However, only 15 are kept in the gallery owing to lack of space.
The length of the rockets now housed at Shivappa Nayaka Museum ranges from 190 mm to 260 mm and the diameter ranges from 33 mm to 65 mm. While the lightest specimen weighs 372 g, the highest one weighs 1.75 kg.
History buffs throng museum to see ‘rockets’
Sources in the Archeology, Museums and Heritage Department told TNIE that a formal inauguration was not done to “avoid any further controversy.” Earlier, the BJP State government had decided not to celebrate Tipu Jayanti at the government level and is thinking of removing lessons related to the ruler from textbooks.
History enthusiast Ajay Kumar Sharma said, “The department also avoided naming the gallery as Tipu Rockets Gallery but played safe by naming it as Mysore Rockets Gallery. There is also an argument that similar rockets were used by the Marathas. However, thorough carbon dating needs to be done to determine the period. Though it is not clear who invented these rockets, it is said that they were used during the period of Hyder Ali and his son Tipu Sultan.”
‘World’s first metal cased rockets’
Information put up at the gallery states that Mysore in the 18th century was the greatest threat to the development of the British colonial enterprise in India. The British fought them at every step. It was in this series of wars that England and the wider world was introduced to a new weapon of war – The Mysore metal cased rocket. The instant bamboo stick or sword blade attached to the rocket passed through a man’s body.
It resumed its initial speed and destroyed 10 or 20 men until the combustible matter with which it was charged was spent.
“Mysore was the first state in the world to have moved to the next stage of rocket development from wooden firework rockets to metal war rockets successfully,” the information reads. Though there was no formal inauguration, the gallery has already attracted history buffs who are visiting the gallery each day.
source: http://www.newindianexpress.com / The New Indian Express / Home> States> Karnataka / by Marx Tejaswi / Express News Service / November 23rd, 2019
Amidst well-organized and power-backed attempts to erase M-word from the history of India’s freedom movement, has come out a humble academic bid to preserve in black and white the key role of Ulema or Muslim clerics in the ‘bloody’ freedom struggle spreading over around one century. Written by a young writer Syed Ubaidur Rahman, who is just 44, the book ‘Ulema’s Role in India’s Freedom Movements: With focus on Silk Letter Movement (Reshmi Rumal Tehrik) captures Ulema’s sacrifices in the Mutiny of 1857 and 1858, Faraizi Movement and Sayyid Ahmad Barelvi’s movement besides mainly focusing on the Silk Letter Movement as the title declares.
“The word ‘Ulema’ has become a rather very misunderstood term in the present day Indian society. Like everything Muslim, a conscious effort has been made to malign and ridicule the Muslim clergy…Over the last few centuries, the Muslim scholars have contributed immensely in seeing to it that the nation remains a single, united and cohesive unit and have made significant contributions to this end,” writes the author in the introduction of the book.
While admitting that “Ulema’s role in the society has considerably shrunk over the last several centuries,” he says that Ulema “used to have a very important place in the Indian society during Muslim rule in the country and even after the dismantling of the Mughal empire…over the centuries, on many occasions, they have led not just on spiritual front but on temporal front as well.”
“Every time in the past, when the country found itself in challenging situations, they stepped in and tried to play a much bigger role than what is usually anticipated from them. This was seen during different phases of freedom movements beginning with the first war of independence of 1857,” writes Rahman, a journalist by career who has penned several books in the last one decade, besides regularly writing articles and columns for various periodicals.
The 280-page book deals with different phases of India’s freedom struggle “with special focus on Silken Letter Conspiracy, better known as the Reshmi Rumal Tehrik.”
Highlighting the need and relevance of the book, the author says: “Not much has been written on Reshmi Rumal Tehrik or the people behind it and thus it remains shrouded in mystery. The book also discusses at length the Mutiny of 1857 and 1858, Faraizi Movement that was anti-colonial movement launched and sustained by Islamic scholars, besides Tehrik-e-Jihad of Sayyid Ahmad Barelvi in North Western Frontiers and Kashmir.”
The author says: “Despite the slide of the Muslim empire and the subsequent dismemberment, first between Muslim nawabs in the North, Deccan and South India, and later the annexation of these territories by the East India Company, Muslim scholars remained instrumental in trying to keep the Muslim empire intact. They were at the forefront in trying to stop the slide, and in posing challenges, first against those who fought the Mughals and later against the British East India Company. Shah Waliullah, the legendary Islamic scholar and reformist, did everything to stop the Mughal Empire from going to dogs. But, when despite all his efforts nothing happened, he sent a later to Ahmad Shah Abdali and also to Nawab of Oudh and Hafiz Rahmat Khan, the shrewd Ruhella chieftain. The rest is history.”
Deliberating on the core topic of the book, that is the role of Ulema in India’s freedom movement, the author writes: “Muslim ulema’s role was not limited to merely giving advice to the rulers and then become mute spectators of what was taking place. On the contrary, when they realized that there was no one coming forward to lead the masses, they took up leadership role, and fought off the invaders. From Bengal to Balakot and from Delhi to Lucknow, Muslim ulema played prominent roles in all the uprisings against the British (mis)rule. Be it Faraizi Movement, first war of independence of 1857 or the Reshmi Rumal Tehrik, they were instrumental and took leadership role. During the Mutiny of 1857, ulema were at the forefront and paid heavy price for their leadership role.”
The book highlights the contributions of some Ulema during the Mutiny of 1857 and subsequent fights.
The author says: Maulavi Ahmadullah Shah was one of the most prominent leaders of the entire freedom movement, who led on many war fronts and collaborated with all other renowned freedom fighters. Despite being among the most prominent leaders of the 1857 Mutiny, Maulavi Ahmadullah Shah remains a rather unknown figure in the country.He was a stalwart, a shrewd military planner, a great scholar of Islamic sciences and above all a unifier beyond any iota of doubt. He allied with almost all the leading actors of the 1857 revolution, be it Tantia Topi, Nana Sahib, Begum Hazrat Mahal, Bakht Khan Ruhilla, Khan Bahadur Khan Rohilla of Bareilly or any other freedom fighter of repute. It is an irony that despite his military successes against the British East India Company in 1857 from Lucknow to Bareilly and Shahjahanpur, his name is not even mentioned. His military planning unnerved the colonial rulers and his bravery won praise from the British generals like George Bruce Malleson and Thomas Seaton.
Haji Imdadullah Muhajir Makki was another alim of repute, known for his personal piety, scholarship, courage and military exploits during the Mutiny of 1857. A father figure among ulema of his time, his most renowned disciples include Maulana Qasim Nanotwi and Maulana Rasheed Ahmad Gangohi who not just fought alongside him in Thana Bhawan and Shamli but later went on to launch Darul Ulum Deoband. Maulvi Liaqat Ali, another alim was behind the uprising in Allahabad and evicting the East India Company out of the major North Indian town. It was his personal charisma and shrewd military planning that first brought together the mutineers and later successfully beat back the Company forces. Many more ulema played prominent roles during the uprising and paid dearly when the Company came back with a vengeance. Tens of thousands of ulema were hanged to death. Even those ulema who had nothing to do with the Mutiny were implicated, jailed, sent to kalapani and unceremoniously killed. However, this dance macabre didn’t stop them from taking to the same means to defeat the colonial rulers later.
Silk Letter Movement
The author says: “Reshmi Rumal Tehrik is a freedom movement that remains largely unknown. Not much has been written on it and both its top leaders, Mahmud Hasan and Ubaidullah Sindhi, despite their stellar roles and sacrifices, remain rather unknown. While Shaikhul Hind spent three years in trying circumstances in Malta, Ubaidullah Sindhi spent more than three decades in exile, first in Afghanistan and then in Turkey and Hejaz.”
Silk Letter Movement, known more widely as the Reshmi Rumal Tehrik, was launched by ulema of Deoband, particularly Mahmud Hasan and his renowned disciple Ubaidullah Sindhi, who later went on to become the Home Minister in the first provisional government established in Kabul. Raja Mahendra Pratap Singh was its President and Maulana Barkatullah Bhopali was its Prime Minister. The Reshmi Rumal Tehrik had a two-fold objective, one to incite the tribal people in North Western Frontier region and then forging alliance with other world powers including Afghanistan, Turkey and Germany. While Mahmud Hasan headed to Hijaz to seek help from Turkish officials, Ubaidullah Sindhi went to Kabul to forge alliance with Afghan amir. Both were very successful in their planning, but while Mahmud Hasan was still in Hijaz, Ottomans suffered heavy reverses against Sharif of Mecca who was being propped by Britain. At the same time, the entire planning of Ubaidullah Sindhi was discovered when the Silken Letters, sent by him to Mahmud Hasan were unearthed by the British CID. Hundreds of their supporters across Punjab, United Provinces and Delhi were arrested by British police.
In the introduction of the book, author Rahman says: “The pages that follow unravel a history that has been often suppressed and not much has been written on it. To many people, this side of the history may seem rather bewildering as I examine it and try to make sense as to what happened in our part of the world and how those brave men, despite the failure of 1857 mutiny rose repeatedly to defy the British Raj.”
How Important Is This Book when saffron eraser is moving fast on the canvas of freedom history of India?
Talking to India Tomorrow, the author responded to the question: “History needs to be preserved. It is the responsibility of the people, communities and the nations to preserve their histories and present right perspectives to what happened in the past. Indian Muslims have done precious little when it comes to presenting their perspective in right context. On the contrary, the Sangh Parivar, bent upon distorting the history of the last few centuries, has made strides in this field. Despite the fact they were never part of the freedom movement, they have claimed an important role for them, and have tried to co-opt major historic figures as part of their narrative. This began with Patel. Now they are trying to claim Gandhi and Ambedkar as their own, despite both being fiercely opposed to their ideology of hate. On the contrary, the Muslims have ignored this part completely. Hope this book serves its purpose and creates awareness among masses about what Muslim scholars and ulama did for the nation in the freedom struggle.”
The book has come out at a time when the BJP government in Karnataka has decided to scrap the state’s official celebrations around Tipu Sultan’s birth anniversary. Going one step ahead, the government announced to remove the lesson on the 18th century Mysore ruler from school history books.
Author Syed Obaidur Rahman
Given the communal hatred widening the gulf between Hindus and Muslims, the author wants the book reaches the masses.
“While this is of paramount importance to render this book in Hindi and other vernacular languages, this seems a hard nut to crack due to want of resources. God willing, I would definitely like to bring it in Urdu, Hindi and other regional languages,” says Rahman who has several other books to his credit, including Muslim Freedom Fighters: Contribution of Indian Muslims in the Freedom Movement, Understanding Muslim Leadership in India and Muslim Mujahideen e Aazadi, aur Tehrik e Azadi mein unki khidmaat (Urdu).
Book:Ulema’s Role in India’s Freedom Movements: With focus on the Silk Letter Movement (RESHMI RUMAL TEHRIK)
Homeschooled for the early part of his life, Azad is considered to be the father of the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs). Here is a look at some of the major initiatives taken by him in setting up the Indian education system.
Maulana Abdul Kalam Aazad (File Photo)
Bharat Ratna awardee and India’s first Minister of Human Resource Development (HRD), Maulana Abul Kalam Azad was not only an educationalist but also a journalist. Homeschooled for the early part of his life, Azad is considered to be the father of the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) which are still considered among the best Indian educational institutes. Here is a look at some of the major initiatives taken by him in setting up the Indian education system.
Naming IITs – When India was looking to set up higher educational institutes which would impart knowledge in the field of science and technology, a Massachusetts Institute of Technology-like (MIT) model was thought of. The name ‘Indian Institute of Technology’ was adopted by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad before the inauguration of the institutes. The first Indian Institutes of Technology – IIT Kharagpur came into establishment in 1950.
Establishing UGC – A committee headed by S Radhakrishnan under the leadership of Azad as HRD Minister suggested extending the Universities Grant Commission (UGC)’s role to supervise work of all Indian varsities, make recommendations and grant funds. Earlier, UGC looked after three central universities, namely Aligarh, Benaras and Delhi.
DU and IISc – He laid the foundation stone of the Indian Institute of Science (IISc) in 1909, then known as the Tata Institute and granted deemed university status in 1958. Azad also oversaw the setting up of the ‘Central Institute of Education, Delhi’, which later became part of University of Delhi (DU) as the Department of Education. He was also a member of the foundation committee to establish Jamia Millia Islamia at Aligarh in UP.
Minority community – A supporter of education for poor, women and minority communities, Azad had said, “It is a birthright of every individual to receive at least the basic education without which he cannot fully discharge his duties as a citizen.”
To honour his efforts, Ministry of Minority Affairs of the Central Government of India set up the Maulana Azad Education Foundation to promote education among educationally backward sections of the society. The Ministry also provides the Maulana Abul Kalam Azad National Fellowship, an integrated five-year fellowship in the form of financial assistance to students from minority communities to pursue higher studies. The education institutes include Maulana Azad National Institute of Technology, the Maulana Azad College among others.
source: http://www.indianexpress.com / The Indian Express / Home> Education / by Education Desk , New Delhi / November 11th, 2019
In an attempt to highlight Tipu Sultan’s personality, diplomacy, relationships with other rulers, foreign policies and other facets of his rule, two youths from Solapur city, Sarfaraz Ahmed and Wayez Sayed are bringing out a Marathi book named “Tipu Sultan – Patre, Hukum Name aani Itihasache Sadhne” (Tipu Sultan – Letters, Orders and History materials).
About 415 letters and 10 orders (Hukm name) of Tipu Sultan have been collected by these two youths and translated into Marathi.
The book containing Tipu’s written material is ready for release and will be published by Adv. Gaziuddin Research Center, Solapur, Maharashtra. This research centre has released five books on Tipu Sultan.
Speaking with Twocircles.net, Sarfaraz Ahmed informed that they worked for nearly six years to translate this 300-page book.They had to travel across India to collect these 415 letters written by Tipu which have been preserved in different libraries of the country, he added.
“These letters show that he had very good relations with Maratha Sardars of Maharashtra, Nizam II of Hyderabad and other Indian kings. He also contacted foreign rulers, including Napoleon Bonaparte and British rulers as a part of foreign policy, ” Ahmad added.
Come author Sayed Shah Wayez said they had to work hard to translate these letters because they were written in seven languages since Tipu Sultan used to communicate with other rulers in their mother tongue only.
Renowned activist Ram Punyani, who has written the introduction for this book, lauded the efforts and the hardwork of Sarfaraz and Wayez.
source: http://www.twocircles.net / TwoCircles.net / Home> Historical Facts> Indian Muslims> Lead Story / by Imran Inamdar, Twocirlces.net / September 22nd, 2019
Khadi flag was specially made in 1947 after it was clear that the British were leaving
Nurul Hussain had intended to display his father’s most prized possession — a khadi Tricolour of 1947 vintage — to mark India’s 75th Independence Day.
But friends and neighbours in Sivasagar district’s Demow town, about 380 km east of Guwahati, advised him not to wait that long. He agreed to unfurl the National Flag on Thursday.
“They have a point. I am 78 and the only survivor among Mohammed Hussain’s five sons,” he said.
Mohammed Hussain spent the later part of his life as a cleric. Locals, however, knew him more as Commander Sahib than a maulvi. “He had sown the seeds of revolt against the British in this part. People gradually began to call him Commander Sahib. The British were so angry with his rebellion that they confiscated 47 ‘bighas’ of land he owned,” Mr. Hussain told The Hindu from Demow.
After Commander Sahib died in 1971, his youngest son took over the responsibility of preserving what his father referred to as his treasure box.
More than a flag
“The box contains much more than the spotless khadi flag. There are records pertaining to his joining the freedom movement under Mahatma Gandhi, his joining the Indian National Congress and assorted items associated with many a great leader,” said Mr. Hussain, who was the founder-teacher of the Demow Town High School in 1970.
The flag was specially made in 1947 after it became clear that the British were leaving India. The records, Mr. Hussain said, trace the history of the movement in eastern Assam from 1938 to 1947, including the Quit India movement.
Many among the town’s 30,000 people will turn up at the courtyard of the Hussain house for the unfurling of the flag at 7 a.m.
“Everybody knows Commander Sahib’s house. Many of us will be there for the unfurling to see a 72-year-old National Flag, neatly preserved, being hoisted for the first time since 1947,” said Umesh Chetia, a local resident.
source: http://www.thehindu.com / The Hindu / Home> News> States> Other States / by Rahul Karmakar / Guwahati – August 15th, 2019
