Category Archives: Martyrs of the Nation

How Jharkhandi Muslims fought for recognition throughout Jharkhand Andolon

JHARKHAND :

Mohd. Faizi with Shibu Soren in Iftar Party

Peter Gottschalk in his book Beyond Hindu and Muslim: Multiple identity in Narratives from Village India (2000) took a methodological leap to understand the multiple identities people carry in everyday lives. He carefully listened to the people talking about their local narratives regarding a fort; a temple dedicated to the ghost of a local Brahmin and a tomb that was probably associated with Bakhtiyar Khilji. While gathering the narratives of villagers of former Shahabad district of Western Bihar (during his fieldwork conducted in 1994-95) he tried to understand the significance of temporality and contextuality in assertion of identities.

Far beyond the monolithic religious binary of Hindus and Muslims, the identities get complicated with the presence of intertwined factors like class, caste, language, region, gender and nation. Not only that, the memory, context and existing narratives also shape the contemporary identities. For example, Gottschalk found lower caste Chamars claiming Hindu identity to establish their indigeneity against the Muslims, mostly considered as outsiders. But, similarly in the context of their exclusion from the upper caste village rituals, they assert their Chamar identity as opposed to both the religious groups.

Such assertion of identity becomes politically loaded through different means- mostly with the struggles for legitimate rights and in a few instances for establishing empathetic connection with the broader community. While working on Muslims’ presence in Jharkhand Andolon, what we encountered with is the assertion of a separate ‘Jharkhandi Muslim’ identity- sometimes it came as ‘Adivasi Muslim’, sometimes as ‘Moolvasi Muslims’. Whatever the lingual expressions be, the base of this identity assertion veers around their claims of being different from their North Indian coreligionists. Through the narratives and life sketch of different Andolonkaris, we learnt how this identity has shaped the presence of Muslims in Jharkhand Andolon. Jharkhandi Muslims in this context becomes both a constitutive and a derivative component of the broader statehood movement. To look into one without the other amounts to deliberate silencing of a politically effective assertion that had set forth the routes of the movement. This essay is thus an effort to find out the impact of this identity assertion in the Jharkhand statehood movement.

Muslims Kahan hai Jharkhand pe? – Story of A Composite Identity

Jharkhand Muslim Hotel, Simlia village, near Ranchi

Around 20 kms west from Ranchi, as we reached Simalia to meet Padmashree awardee folk singer and poet Madhu Mansoori Hasmukh, we found a place named, “Jharkhandi Muslim Hotel”. Though it didn’t come as a surprise as the complexities of Muslim identities in Jharkhand have been our companion throughout, what unfolded gradually made us literally silent. Barely we entered Madhu Mansoori’s house, we met Masi Zama, a social activist who use to come to his place for mundane cordial visits. On being asked what my research focuses on, I casually said, “It’s mostly on the Muslims in Ranchi, their silencing… participation…and…”. I was immediately stopped. His displeasure was though not reflected through his voice, the words he chose were enough to make us understand that we made a statement that we were ought not to. “Muslims? Muslims kahan hai Jharkhand pe? (Where are Muslims in Jharkhand?)”- for a moment I felt my whole research purpose, its objectives are dismantled to the core. “Ye aap logo ke tarah jo log hai uske liye yahan pe Muslims ka aaj ye haal hai (It is the people like you who are responsible for the conditions of Muslims in Jharkhand). When constituent assembly debates were going on why nobody spoke of giving Adivasi status to the Muslims of this region? Yahan pe Muslims nahi hai (There is no Muslim in this region) We are Jharkhandi Muslims, Adivasi Muslims… Moolvasi Muslims”, we were told.

Padmashree awardee Folk Singer Madhu Mansoori Hasmukh (Photo Courtesy: Ayan Tanweer)

Understanding the gravity of the mistake as we were about to apologize, Madhu Mansoori, in his mid-70s entered the room. Without any ‘Salam-dua’ (Islamic ways of greetings like Assalam Aleikum Wa Rahamatullahi Wa Berakatahu) what he welcomed us with was a humble ‘Namaskar’. Already ashamed enough of our misconceptions, we greeted him back with a ‘Namaste’ and our conversation started. Madhu Mansoori claims himself as an Oraon Muslim. His ancestors, as he says perhaps got converted generations back. But it is the Oraon culture that drives his everyday lives. Throughout the interview whenever he referred to Muslims, he spoke off how the Munda-Oraon culture is intact within them. Islam has no conflict and doesn’t contradict their existing way of lives- rather it is a spiritual addition to the everyday beliefs and faiths.

These fundamental similarities rather embeddedness of faiths and practices into one another were explained to us later by Dr. Eliyas Majid, a Professor of History in Maulana Azad College, Ranchi. Explaining the Jharkhandi culture, he told us, “We have a ritual namely Madeikki Byebastha. It means helping one another in different things.” While in a capitalist set up, hiring laborers for mundane works is the norm, in Jharkhandi culture, as Dr. Majid said people come together to do neighbors’ works – whatever the nature of the work may be.

Another significant concept that Jharkhandi culture entails is of ‘Sahiya’ (friendship between any being or thing). “Koi bhi kisika Sahiya ho sakta hai. Ye zaroori nahi ke usko Insaan hona hai. Bachpan se jo aam, jamun ke paer pe hum khelte the wo bhi humara sahiya ho sakta hai. Hum logo me bahut sara ladki paer ke niche ghanto beithe rehte hai aur pooche to bolte hai Sahiya pass thi. (Anybody can become friend in our culture. It needs not to be human being. The mango, Jamun trees that we played underneath in our childhood could be our Sahiya. In our culture, women sometimes are found sitting beneath the tree for hours and on being asked where they have been- they respond- I was with my Sahiya)”, Dr. Majid continued.

The third and most interesting cultural attribute that he told us is called Gotiya’ (means brotherhood). For being brother in Jharkhandi culture, people need not to have blood relations. Any Oraon, Munda, Santhal can be Gotiya of a Muslim. All these three ideas explained to us by Dr. Majid significantly goes with the fundamentals of Islam. Helping others whereas is considered as Sunnat (Prophet’s (SWAS) way of life), the idea of recognizing every living being is in consonance with the belief of Islam that each and every being is created by Allah (SWT) and humans must behave with them in compassionate and empathetic manner. The idea of universal brotherhood (Gotiya) is also part and parcel of Islamic scriptures and commands. This comparison though is not intended to portray the similarities between Jharkhandi culture and Islamic fundamentals, rather it is just to show how Islamic fundamentals got melted into the Jharkhandi culture and paved the way for the construction of the identity known as ‘Jharkhandi Muslims’.

The cultural assertion of Jharkhandi Muslim identity whereas is rooted into the cultures of the land, the political assertion got its shape and voice through Jharkhand Andolon. Our encounter with Mohd. Faizi, a readymade garment seller near Upper Baazar took us through the terrains of this identity formation. Faizi made us walk in the roads where ‘Jharkhandi Manasikata (Jharkhandi Mentality)’ of Muslim foot-soldiers had to cross the paths of external political efforts and influences that were gathered to dismantle the ‘ekta’ (unity) of Jharkhandi Muslims.

Asghar Ali Engineer in his 1991 EPW paper ‘Remaking Indian Muslim Identity’ pointed out how ‘the assertion of religious identity’ could be a method for the ‘deprived communities in a backward society to obtain a greater share of power, government jobs and economic resources’. Similarly, assertion of Jharkhandi Muslim identity in the context of Jharkhand Andolon became a path to achieve the desired goals of statehood, to secure the rights of Minorities in the newly formed state and to ensure that ‘pehchan’ (recognition) of Jharkhandi Muslims remain intact without the imposition of homogenizing laws and regulations.

Personal is Political- Jharkhandi Manashikata & Instilled Mijaj

Mohd. Faizi looking back through the pages of own Archives

Mohd. Faizi was born in March, 1966 at Rain Mohalla, Tewari Street near Ranchi Main Road. Since childhood besides poverty another constant feature of Faizi’s life has been instilled ‘Jharkhandi Manasikta’ (Jharkhandi Mentality). Faizi’s father had a small (5ft/10ft) ‘Kapde ka gumti’ (an apparel stall) at footpath near Urdu Library. His childhood was filled with the stories of Jharkhand Andolon. Shared by his uncles, these stories instilled the dreams of separate Jharkhand in little Faizi’s mind. One of the stories was of an old woman who used to stay behind the Gel church (Evangelical) during the British Raj. Every day, ignoring the scorching heat, unbearable rain and all other obstacles she marched through the main road alone with a flag raising the slogan of ‘Jai Jharkhand, Jharkhand Prant Alag Karo’. The flag was nothing but a stick wrapped in a green cloth that became the bearer of Jharkhandi identity. She marched up to the Commissioner’s office and spending some time used to come back. Though there was no crowd behind her, the visual of her intermittent desire to have a separate state got reverberated through all those like Faizi’s uncles who later joined the movement in numbers.As people mocked at her, Faizi’s grandfather told them- “Yaad rakho ye mang jayes hai, aur ye aaj akeli nazar aarahai hai lekin ek waqt ayega jab iske peeche jan sailab hoge” (Keep it in mind that her claims her legit. Today, she is alone but day will come when hundreds will join her for the demands). Faizi not only witnessed the ‘Jan Sailab’ (Public uprising), rather he led it from the front and embraced it as a ‘farz’ (duty, mostly used for religious obligations) against all the odds coming in between him and his pledge to the separate state.

Mohd. Faizi with his uncle and undisputed Muslim leader of Jharkhand Andolon Tako Ansari (Sitting on the Chair)

In his early age only, Faizi saw his uncles Tako Ansari, Mohd. Farooq joining the statehood struggle through N E Horo’s Jharkhand Party. In Faizi’s words, ‘Mijaj to thaa hi (Mood was always there). Along with that the devotion of family members to the cause of Jharkhand made these aspirations grow”.

Faizi had few friends like Shamim and Saajid with whom he started attending the meetings of Sadan Vikas Parishad (SVP). At that time, Prof. Shahid Hasan was the general secretary of SVP. It was very early stage of his engagement into the movement. However, two specific incidents changed the way he looked into the world thereafter. Due to his father’s deteriorating health condition he had to leave his education at an early stage. Still, in 1985, he appeared for the board exam. Though he scored good numbers in subjects like English, Arabi and Farsi, his marks in science and mathematics didn’t let him qualify the boards. He got only 2 marks less than required to pass the exams. There were other students as well with whom similar things happened and they decided to go to Patna Examination Board office.

The reality of blatant discrimination had hit him in an inexplicable way. While he and his ‘Jharkhandi saathis’ (friends from Jharkhand) were told that nothing could be done and they started preparing for the next year, students from Bihar started filling the forms of colleges. Faizi then got to know that his ‘Bihari Saathis’ (Friends from Bihar) were told by the officials to apply for reviewing their copies and got the required grace marks whereas they were told, “Yahan pe kuch nahi ho sakta (Nothing can be done here)’. This instance not only made huge impact on Faizi’s mind rather it made him further believe that ‘Ye maang Jaees hai, aur inse in Bihario se chutkara milna chahiye’ (The claims of statehood are legitimate and we must get rid of Bihari officials).

While referring to the second incident Faizi was red in rage. Sipping a bit of water from the glass that was kept near his bed, he continued- “It was 1987. For the first time, anti-encroachment drive was going on in Ranchi. Police forces and officers came to our small Gumti and asked us to immediately vacate it. They threatened us that if we don’t move, they would trample it on and would even charge fine. We didn’t have money- so we started dismantling out only source of earning. And as I was putting down the asbestos, a small piece of brick fell near an Officer’s feet. It didn’t touch him at all but he started abusing me with ‘Maa ki gaali’ (Slangs referring to mother). I felt like immediately hitting them. But no, I couldn’t. My ailing father was standing there along with my little brothers. I silently listened to them but pledged that I would take revenge. If not from them at least from their viradari (their kind). It was our time to get rid of all these brutal Bihari officers and polices- We had to achieve statehood- We must- for the sake of our existence- for the sake of having a dignified life”- Faizi was trembling- silence clouded the moment- tears were visible with the determination that led him to become one of the most committed soldiers of Jharkhand Andolon.

During this phase, he led a group of 10-15 youths who participated in different social works. Meanwhile All Jharkhand Students’ Union (AJSU) had already been formed and movement got its required momentum. One day, when they were sitting near Urdu library, Ranchi Main Road, Zubair Ahmed (then the Ranchi town secretary of AJSU) came and asked them to join AJSU. Zubair even brought the founder president Prabhakar Tirkey and arranged a meeting with Faizi and his friends.

Within days, for his oratory skills and determination, he became very close to Tirkey and other CC members of the party. “Kyun ki itne sare adviasio me ek Muslim chehra, upar se accha bakta (Among so many Adivasis, a Muslim figure with good oratory skills)” made people like him and Zubair stand apart. Along with Zubair and other Muslim leaders/members they started gathering Muslim support for the movement. Though Muslims’ presence had always been there since the very early days of Jharkhand Andolon, its further expansion and visibility became their objective.

Political Assertion of Identity- Jharkhandi Muslims and Foundation of JMC

Since then, what drive Faizi throughout was his desire to achieve statehood and the recognition of ‘Jharkhandi Muslim’ identity. The assertion of this ‘Jharkhandi Muslim Identity’ led people like Faizi or Zubair to invest their lives for the cause of separate statehood where they would be considered in same manner as their ‘Adivasi saathis’, instead of their religious brethren of the other states.

The JMM Visiting card of Faizi and News Cutout of Faizi inducted as Town Secretary, JMM

As soon as Faizi joined Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) in 1992 after a meeting with Prabhakar Tirkey and other leaders of AJSU (Tirkey faction) at Suleiman hotel, Lake Road, Ranchi, he got the chance to further work both for the statehood movement and the cause of separate Jharkhandi Muslim identity. The very next year in 1993, with the objectives of working for the social causes he founded Muslim Youth Forum. The organization though was not politically active, it could be called a social reform wing of the broader struggles for the Muslims in the state.Already Jharkhand Minority Front of Jharkhand Party was formed in 1988 and consequently in the next year Jharkhand Quami Tehrique (JQT) was founded. The founder president of All Jharkhand Students’ Union Prabhakar Tirkey in one of his articles in Prabhat Khabar titled ‘Jharkhandi Pehchan KeL iye Sanjida Rahe Musalman’ talked about the enormous participations of Muslims in the statehood struggle. His article even reflects what Mohd. Faizi has to say- “Jaise aapko pata hai Musalman bahut pehle se ye andolon me hai. lekin Musalman jo jude, kisi na kisi party se jude, aapna identity le kar ken ahi aye…Ab musalman ye tahriue ko aapne haat me bhi lenge aur tehrique chalayenge. (As you know Muslims have been part of this movement since very initial days. However, Muslims joined different parties and never came with their own identity. Now, it was the time for Muslims to lead the movement, to play the role of leaders not only the participants).On being questioned that why the Muslim identity became important at that stage, Faizi was more clear and vocal- “We have seen what has been the role of Muslims in Indian Independence. Even after that today Muslims are called ‘Gaddar’. Our histories have been deliberately eliminated. If we don’t create our own identity in this statehood struggle, people in coming days would definitely say that we had no role in the movement. We apprehended that in very early stage”. This was the reason why they not only fought rather as Faizi said, “We kept the documents as the evidence to prove that Muslims were no less in this movement and we made ‘barabar ki qurbani’ (equivalent sacrifices) like other communities”. Referring to ‘shahadat’ (martyrdom) of several Muslim leaders who died for the movement including Abdul Wahab Ansari, Qutubuddin Ansari, Murtuza Ansari, Mohd Zubair, Mohd Sayeed and Ashraf Khan, he implied, “Ye cheese Tarikh me jaana chahiye. Logo ko pata hona chahiye ki Musalman ye alag rajya ke liye kya kiye hai (It must be written in pages of histories. People must know what Muslims have done for the separate state).A Dr. Eliyas Majid had even mentioned in his book “Jharkhand Andolon aur Jharkhand Gomke Horo Saheb” that Muslims in the late 80’s needed their identities to be reflected on the grounds of the movements. On May 25, 1988 while presenting the working paper in the foundational Conference of Jharkhand Muslim Front (JMF), Dr. Majid said despite their participation and martyrdom, “Muslims utna hi cchipa hua hai, jitna Jharkhand Andolon ubhra hua hai” (Muslims are as much silenced as much the movement is vocal). His address majorly focused on two parts- firstly, the individual identity of Muslims and the political indifference toward their demands and secondly, the separate identity of Jharkhandi Muslims that share more cultural values with the Adivasi ‘saathis’ than their North Indian coreligionists. In words of Dr. Majid, “Jharkhand humara andolon hai, Jharkhand humare wajood se jura sawala hai” (Jharkhand is our movement, it is connected to our Entirety- our Entity).Even after this eternal connection with the movement, as Faizi says that Muslims were denied proper position in the histories of the struggle. “While writing the history of AJSU, people would talk about Suraj Singh Besra, Prabhakar Tirkey, Lalit Mahato, Mangal Singh Bobonga but nobody would mention Nazm Ansari, Farooq Azam, Zubair Ahmed or Mohd. Faizi. When JMM’s history would be drafted people would remember Shibu Soren, Suraj Mandal and Sailander Mahato but Prof. Abu Talib Ansari or Hazi Hussain Ansari would not be named”. His concerns later proved to be right as most of the accounts of Jharkhand movement hardly spoke of Muslim participation. They understood the fact that if only they would come up with separate organizations for Jharkhandi Muslims, it would be recorded in the pages of history.It was in early 1995 that the decision regarding the formation of Jharkhand Area Autonomous Council (JAAC) was taken. On the eve of it, Muslims of different Jharkhand ‘naamdhari’ (Jharkhand-named) parties came together to plan the formation of a specifically Jharkhandi Muslim platform that would talk about the condition of Muslims- that would ensure the constitutional rights of the community in the newly proposed state. During this period Qazi Mujahidul Islam of Imrat-e-Shariya was about to come to Ranchi. Hussain Qasim Kacchi, who used to be a keen patron of the movement asked Mohd. Faizi and his friends to meet Mujahidul Sahab. They planned a seminar on June 11, 1995 at Anjuman Plaza Hall, Ranchi Main Road to welcome Qazi Sahab. As there was no properly functioning Muslim front, they decided to use the banner of Qazi Sahab’s organization All India Milli Council.In Faizi’s words, “Banner didn’t matter to us, we had to do something to bring Jharkhandi Muslims together”. The title of the seminar was ‘Jharkhand Andolon aur Musalman’ (Jharkhand Movement and Muslims). Qazi Sahab while was the chief guest of the seminar, Prof. Abu Talib Ansari had presided over it. It was for the first time in the history of Jharkhand andolon that discussions happened in a public forum on participation of Muslims. Qazi Mujahidul Islam referred to the anti-racial movement in South Africa where Muslims stood by the colored people. This anecdote further worked as a spark as it not only echoes the ideals of Jharkhandi Muslims, rather it speaks directly to the fundamental tenets of Islam that commands its followers to join hands with the oppressed people of the world. He also called for an ‘umbrella’ organization that would accommodate all Jharkhandi Muslims.

Seminar at Anjuman Hall Plaza on Jharkhand Andolon aur Musalman

Following Qazi Sahab’s advice Muslim leaders of different Jharkhandi Parties called for a meeting on June 27, 1995 at Mohd. Faizi’s place. Around 252 representatives of different panchayats, social organizations and political parties attended the meeting and formed the Jharkhand Milli Council (JMC). As per the reports of Prabhat Khabar June 28, 1995, most of the leaders agreed to the contention that despite huge presence of Muslims in different Jharkhandi parties, they were not given due importance in decision making amounting to political silencing of Jharkhandi Muslims. So, the major objectives of JMC were to gain the recognition of Jharkhandi Muslim Identity (Moolvasi Muslim) along with claiming the legitimate political, economic, social and educational rights. To avoid the risk of catapulting another cult figure that the Jharkhandi parties had been the overwhelmed with, JMC decided to form a presidential council. Prof. Abu Talib Ansari whereas was declared the chief of the council, Farooq Alam, Mumtaz Khan, Prof. Khalik Ahmed and Salik Ahmed were the elected members. Nazm Ansari was projected as the Chief Secretary of the party and Mohd. Faizi, Sarfaraz Ahmed, Rafat Hussain, Abdul Moin Rizvi, Jameel Khan, Samnur Ansari, Mustaq Alam and Prof. Amin Ahmed became members of the secretariat. JMC pledged to not have any relation with the All India Milli Council, rather it decided to become a frontal organization for the Jharkhandi Muslims. Formation of JAAC- ‘Yahan Pe Muslim naam ka janwaar ka koi zikr nahi hai’Meanwhile, on July 30, 1995, Jharkhand Area Autonomous Council (JAAC) was formed and Shibu Soren became the chairman of the council. As anticipated earlier, almost negligible representations of Muslims in JAAC clearly made the fears of elimination legitimate. Protesting against the deliberate omissions of both Muslims and their causes Prof. Abu Talib Ansari wrote a press release on August 9, 1995. The release, however, could not see the light of the publication as Mohd. Faizi and other comrades restrained him from sending it to the press. As per Faizi, this declaration would have been considered as resignation of Prof. Ansari from JAAC leaving not even a single member in the council to voice the concerns of the Muslims. In the press release (collected from Mohd. Faizi) what we found was acute disgruntlement of Jharkhandi Muslims regarding the formation of JAAC. Prof. Ansari (then the Central Committee Secretary, JMM & Chief of Presidential Council, JMC) in the release said, “JAAC has played with the emotions of Jharkhandi Muslims by not giving them proportionate representations. There are few people in the council who didn’t even hold the party flag ever”.

Unpublished Press release of Prof. Abu Talib Ansari after the formation of JAAC in 1995

Mentioning that the Muslim leaders of JMM are not ‘kisi ka bandhua mazdoor’ (bonded laborers), he continued, “Jharkhand is nobody’s paternal property. There are leaders in JMM who have used the slogans of secularism to undermine the cause of Muslims. JAAC is the by-products of martyrdoms of leaders like Ashraf Khan, Wahab Ansari, Zubair Ahmed, Mohd. Sayeed and Qutubuddin. These ‘shahadat’ should not be forgotten if an inclusive Jharkhand state is to be imagined.

Though there were references to Silk, Animal Husbandry and other departments in the JAAC bill, there was no mention of Muslims (Yahan pe Muslim naam ka janwaar ka koi zikr nahi hai). Prof. Ansari categorically warned that if Minority Welfare & Development Council, Minority Commission, Waqf Board, Haj Committee, Madrassa Board, Urdu Academy and implementation of 15 points program are not considered in the council, there would be parallel movement of Jharkhandi Muslims across the territories of JAAC.

Claiming Adivasi Status- Kohl Jolha Bhai Bhai

While JMC’s movements, processions and meetings across the territory of the proposed state continued with vigor, the major step of claiming their separate identity of Jharkhandi Muslims came on October 24, 1998 when the party leaders reached Delhi to submit petition to the then Prime Minister Atal Vihari Bajpayee. At Tal Katora stadium, New Delhi, JMC gave a protest call and was presided by Prof. Abu Talib Ansari. After the demonstrations, they submitted the petition containing the following key points-

First Draft of JMC Petition submitted to then the Prime Minister Atal Behari Bajpayee in 1998

1. The Moolvasi Muslims of Jharkhand must be given the Adivasi status and rights as available in Lakshadweep (As per Article 342 of Indian Constitution)

2. Like the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes, Pasmanda Jharkhandi Muslims must be given Economic and Political Rights

3. Jharkhandi/ Moolvasi Muslims and specifically those who have been part of Jharkhand Andolon must be given priorities in Gram Sabha, Gram Panchayats and any other developmental commissions and boards

4. Urdu must be retained as the second language and all of the educational institutions must have Urdu in its curriculum

5. In villages and towns Urdu schools must be opened for the development and retention of the language

6. Minority Welfare Commission, Waqf Board, Madrassa board, Haj committee, Urdu Academy need to be formed and Andolonkaris should be prioritized in these committees

7. Jharkhand should be free from the coercion of Non-Jharkhandis

8. A University under the name of revolutionary Sheikh Bhikhari must be founded in Ranchi. Jharkhand Legislative assembly also must have memorials of Bhikhari

9. In school curriculum, the lives and sacrifices of Jharkhand Andolonaris must be included

10. The trials of Muslim youths in the name of terrorism must be stopped

11. Places where the Muslim families had to resettle due to communal disturbances and riots must be given residential legitimacy

12. All the Government offices must recruit Urdu translators

13. Jharkhandi Muslims must be recruited in Security and Police forces without any discrimination

14. All the poor Jharkhandi Muslims should be given residential facilities through Indira Awas Yojana.

These claims clearly indicate the significance of ‘Moolvasi Muslim identity’. On one hand, it claims the status of Adivasis, on the other it demands to secure the rights of Minorities enshrined in the constitution. During our conversation, several times we found Faizi referring to incidents that show how Jharkhandi Muslims had been treated by Muslims of the other states. While being asked what was the positions of Muslims of other states (Northern India) vis-à-vis their struggles, Faizi lamented, “Koi samarthan nahi- birodh, birodh. Ye log nafrat kiya karte thee. Ye log yehi bat failaya karte the ki sara jo ye log Kohl ho geya hai. Ye log bolte the ki ye julus jalsa karke hariya daru kha ke so jaya karte hai. In logo ka hukumat karne ka mijaj ban gaya thaa. Aaj bhi ye log Jahan pe basenge chahenge ki wahan ki hakim hum ban jaye. (They never supported us. They told us that we have become Kohls. They have the perception that after Processions and meetings, we take hariya [a specific form of alcoholic drink made out of rice] and sleep. They got used to rule over us. Even now wherever they settle in, they want to become the owner of the place)”.

‘Arab ke sarjameen pe jaye toh hum jaye humari Jharkhandi Pehchan se’

Such emotion was reflected in actions of JMC even after the state of Jharkhand was formed. The demand of separate Haj Committee as mentioned earlier though was there since the formation of different Muslim Forums during Jharkhand Andolon, several Ulemas from Bihar said that for the first year (i.e. 2001) let the Jharkhandis be sent through Bihar Haj committee. Faizi and his comrades were not ready under any circumstances to have some compromises. “Itne jaddo-jehad ke baad jab alag rajya mila tabhi bhi hum jaye Haj karne Bihari pehchan se? Nahi! Hum chahte hai ki hum jab Arab ke sarjameen pe jaye toh hum jaye humara Jharkhandi Pehchan se (After so many struggles and fights we have got the separate state and still are we expected to go for Haj with Bihari identity? No! Never! We want when we will touch the land of Arab, we will have our Jharkhandi identity)”, Faizi’s words were reverberating in the room- the only thing that we could hear was the aspiration for separate Jharkhandi Muslim identity- even in the holy land of Islam where all other identities are subsumed by the broader identity of ‘ummat’.

On April 28, 2001, JMC submitted memorandum to then Minority Welfare Minister of Jharkhand Arjun Munda and asked him to form separate Haj Committee immediately. Under pressure the newly formed Jharkhand Government on July 2 declared the formation of separate Haj Committee in Jharkhand and Arjun Munda was made the president of 14 members’ council.

Faizi referred to another meeting of Momin Conference in late 90s in Irba where he further understood how Muslims of other states looked down upon them. The chief guest was from Bihar who not only continued comparing Jharkhandi Muslims with Kohl tribes rather he continued saying that Muslims in this state didn’t have manners of clothing and speaking. Only after the ‘Yalgar’ (attack) from the people of Bihar that they started learning the Islamic ethos. This savior complex of North Indian Muslims is what the Jharkhandi Muslims fought against.

Their opposition to the Ulemas from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh got reflected in the meeting of JMC on October 11, 2001. Under the chairmanship of Haji Akhtar Ansari, district president, JMC, this meeting unanimously took the decision of not letting the Muslim leaders of North to divide the unified Jharkhandi Muslim community. Such idea of united Jharkhandi Muslim identity though stands in contrast to the caste panchayats working at the mohalla level, it came several times in the words of Mohd. Faizi, Zubair Ahmed and other leaders as well that without the external interventions such ‘firqahs (sects and divisions)’ wouldn’t have much fodder to grow.

JMC continued its struggle for the rights of Jharkhandi Muslims and emphasized on the proper upholding of Article 29 & 30 of the Indian constitution. On one hand, the fight was against any sort of discrimination, on the other it was for gaining the recognition of a separate identity. Considering the backwardness of Muslims in terms of economic and educational qualifications, JMC submitted its petition to Arjun Munda, then the Minority Welfare Commission, on June 5, 2001 to provide the Jharkhandi Muslims with 20% reservation. JMC used the analogy of Karnataka’s Muslims as in late 90s they used to have 6% reservation within the cap of OBCs. However, the reservation of Muslims in Karnataka has different historical trajectories. Qazi Arshad Ali in his book ‘Karnataka Muslims & Electoral Politics’ mentioned that Muslims were given reservation as backward class back in 1921, according to the recommendations of Justice Miller committee that was appointed by Maharaja of Mysore. The context of Jharkhand was though totally different, the analogy of Karnataka was a point for them to show the possibility of using Other Backward Classes quota for overall development of Jharkhandi Muslims.

Against the Grains of Homogeneity

Till the date, though in an overwhelmingly communally polarizing situation, JMC is still working for the rights of the Jharkhandi Muslims. The lynching of Tabrez Ansari was the latest that made them sit together further to contemplate for what actually they devoted their lives- Is it the Jharkhand they hoped for? While we were about to wrap up the interview, Faizi asked his daughters to meet us. At a glance, we recognized Shireen Faizi who was one of the leading women faces during Anti-CAA movement in Ranchi. Faizi smiled at us- “Humara pura khandan hi Andolon se juda hua hai… Abhi bhi Jharkhandi Muslims ka koi bhi issue me pehla insaan jo raste pe ayega wo mere ghar se hi niklega…(My whole family is connected to movements. Still now, whenever Jharkhandi Muslims will fight for anything, the first person to come out of the house will be from our place)”- there was reflection of just pride that still helps him to sustain the struggles for existence.

At a time when Hinduization of Adivasis has become one of the major propagandas of the ruling Hindu rights, the nuanced ‘Adivasi Muslim’ identity must be further interrogated. Against the grain of religious homogenization where Muslims and Hindus, Muslims and Adivasis, Muslims and Dalits are pitted against each other as singular blocks, the assertion of ‘Jharkhandi Muslim’ identity becomes imperative at least to reclaim the Adivasi-Muslim unity in Jharkhand. For the survival of Indian democracy perhaps what we need the most is the recognition of heterogenous identities that have not been products of some decade-old propagated conflicts, rather have history of century old collaborations and bonhomie.

Authors:

Abhik Bhattacharya is a Doctoral Research Fellow, School of Liberal Studies, Ambedkar University, Delhi. He works on Silencing and Spatial segregation of Muslims in Ranchi

Arshad Raza Khan is the admin of Facebook page Muslims of Ranchi. He is also currently pursuing his M. Tech from Central University of Jharkhand

Ayan Tanweer is a Freelance photographer based in Ranchi. He is pursuing his M.B.A from ISB&M, Pune

source: http://www.muslimmirror.com / Muslim Mirror / Home> Must Read / by Abhik Bhattacharya, Arshad Raza Khan & Ayan Tasveer / October 28th, 2021

Centenary of Malabar rebellion brings secret language into focus

KERALA :

While the origin of Mygurudu is unknown, it is believed that the word originated from ‘Mozhi Kurudu’, which means misleading with words.

The 1921 revolt grew as an agitation against the feudal lords who aided the British. (Photo | Special Arrangement)

Kozhikode : 

The centenary observations of the Malabar rebellion of 1921 are also becoming an occasion to retrieve many forgotten things part of local history. Mygurudu, the secret language that was prevalent in some parts of Malabar, is among them. For the coded language was used widely by the rebels to hoodwink the British during the rebellion.

While the origin of Mygurudu is unknown, it is believed that the word originated from ‘Mozhi Kurudu’, which means misleading with words. The language was developed by swapping Malayalam alphabets. For example, Malayalam alphabet ‘Aa’ is replaced by ‘Sa’ and ‘Eee’ by ‘See’. 

In his book ‘Anglo-Mappila War 1921’, historian A K Kodoor recorded that the rebel leaders had instructed that all messages should be communicated through Mygurudu. He added that rebels’ meeting at Vellinezhi had decided to teach all group members the language, and that the Mappilas of Malabar used the secret language from 15th century AD when they were battling the Portuguese.

The Students Islamic Organisation (SIO) recently organised an exhibition ‘Al Jamia Mygurudu’ at the Al Jamia Al Islamia at Santhapuram near here. “The exhibition was part of a protest against the move from the Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR) to delete the name of those who participated in the 1921 rebellion from the list of freedom fighters,” said Ayman M A, convener of the exhibition.

Dr Pramod Irumbuzhi, who has done extensive research on the language, said he first came to know about it when he was studying at the Calicut University. “I realised that some people can still speak the language. There will be around 500 people who can fluently speak Mygurudu in the seven districts of Malabar,” said Pramod, whose book on the subject has run into the fourth edition.

source: http://www.newindianexpress.com / The New Indian Express / Home> States> Kerala / by Express News Service / October 24th, 2021

Peer Ali Khan, The Bookseller Who Led The 1857 Uprising In Patna : Kanupriya

Patna, BIHAR :

#जिन्होंनेमाफ़ीनहींमांगी 

The revolt of 1857-58 is largely considered and is widely seen as a ‘Popular Uprising’. The uprising had centres spread across North India as well as Central and Western India. The uprising in different centres had its own leaders. The most important names associated with the uprising that comes in one’s mind are those of the Indian soldier Mangal Pandey at Barrackpore, Rani Laxmibai at Jhansi, Veer Kunwar Singh at Arrah, Maulvi Ahmad Shah at Faizabad, Tantia Tope at Kanpur, Begum Hazrat Mahal at Lucknow.

Peer Ali Khan

At the same time, there are many heroes who are largely unheard of or are often forgotten. One such name is that of Peer Ali Khan, a bookseller who led the uprising in Patna. Peer Ali Khan has been described as the “Chief Rebel of the city”[1] by William Tayler who was the Commissioner of Patna between 1855 and 1859.

Peer Ali Khan was born in Muhammadpur in Azamgarh district of Uttar Pradesh. Around the age of seven he ran away and arrived in Patna. In Patna he was provided shelter and refuge by a zamindar who brought him up along with his son and educated him.[2]Peer Ali Khan owned a bookshop in Patna. The bookshop became the meeting point for rebels and also a contact point for rebels and the disenchanted Indian soldiers in the British Army.

According to William Tayler:

“Peer Ali was a native of Lucknow, but had resided for many years at Patna; he was by trade, a Book-seller, and I strongly suspect that he may have originally established himself here, for the express purpose of carrying on the intrigues which issued in this abortive out-break.”[3]

Peer Ali secretly distributed important leaflets, pamphlets and coded messages to the rebels.

He regularly organised campaigns against the British, and became the leader of the July 1857 upsurge in Patna.

William Tayler in his narration of the events of 1857 in Patna says:

“Two days before the emeute at Patna, which will be described in a subsequent chapter, Ahmed Oollah’s father, Illahee Buksh, the blind man, whom I have above mentioned, sent a message to apprise me, that the leader of the Rebels, Peer Ali Khan, was collecting arms and men”.[4]

Uprising in Patna

The uprising in Patna took place on the 3rd of July 1857 and it was carried out by Peer Ali and the other rebels.

The rebels led by Peer Ali first attacked the house of a Roman Catholic priest in the heart of the city but the priest escaped. They then shot and killed Dr Lyell who was the principal assistant to an opium agent. When a reinforcement of British soldiers was sent to the scene of attack some of the rebels were shot and killed whereas others fled.

The History of the Indian Revolt, and the Expeditions to Persia, China, and Japan,1856-7-8 published by W.U.R. Chambers in 1859 describes the 3rd July, 1857 uprising as follows:

“The most serious affair at Patna, however, occurred about the close of the period to which this chapter more particularly relates. At about eight o’clock in the evening of the 3d of July, a body of Mohammedans, variously estimated from eighty to two hundred, assembled at the house of one of their number, one Peer Ali Khan, a book-seller, and proceeded thence to the Roman Catholic Church and mission-house in Patna, with two large green flags, a drum beating, and cries of ‘Ali! Ali!’ The priest, whom they probably intended to murder, fortunately escaped. They emerged into the street, reiterated their cries, and called on the populace to join them. Dr Lyell, principal assistant to the opium agent, immediately went to the spot, accompanied by nine Sikhs. He rode ahead of his support, was shot down by the rioters, and his body mangled and mutilated before the Sikhs could come up. A force of Sikhs and nujeebs speedily recovered the unfortunate gentleman’s body, killed some of the insurgents, and put the rest to flight.”[5]

In the aftermath of the attack, Peer Ali’s house was searched by the British, where they found and seized arms and a number of letters. He was designated as the leader of the upsurge by William Tayler.

William Tayler describes it as follows:

“Somewhat later in the day, the deputy Magistrate, Moula Buksh to whom the Magistrate had entrusted the investigation of the case, came to me in great triumph with some murderous looking arms and implements (among which was an English fencing mask) and a large packet of letters, all of which had been found in the house of Peer Ali Khan, the leader of the outbreak and Captain of the rebels;”[6]

“The letters discovered in his house serve to show, that, for several years past, he had been in correspondence with different parties, principally with one “Musee” ool “zuman”, a Lucknow man, who followed the same trade, and that he had, in communication with these parties, deliberately discussed and matured seditious plans against the British Government.”[7]

Thereafter, Peer Ali Khan and the other rebels were arrested and tried. Most of the rebels were hanged within hours of sentencing. Peer Ali who was believed to be the murderer of Dr Lyell was also handed death sentence for his overall role as the leader in the uprising of 3rd July 1857.

According to William Tayler:

“….. numerous accomplices were seized during the next few days, and among them, after a short resistance, in which he was wounded, Peer Ali himself; ample evidence was, by the exertions of Moula Buksh, obtained, convicting these men of active participation in the outrage, 21 were hanged, 23 imprisoned.”[8]

He refused amnesty

After being sentenced to death, Peer Ali was offered amnesty in lieu of providing more evidence and information regarding the nature of the uprising, but nothing could break him. History therefore stands witness to the fact that this ordinary bookseller did not concede to the demands of the British and refused the amnesty. He accepted the gallows rather than a life of disgrace.

William Tayler goes on to note:

“After capital punishment had been pronounced upon him, I sent for him (as I generally did with such criminals) and questioned him in my private room, in hopes of eliciting some further information regarding the plot.

Heavily fettered, his soiled garments stained deeply with blood from a wound in his side, confronted with myself and several other English gentlemen, the last hope of life departed, not for a moment did he betray agitation, despondency, or fear.”[9]

Declining the pardon being offered, Peer Ali proclaimed:

“On being asked whether he could do anything to make it worth while to spare his life, he answered with supreme coolness and some contempt: “There are some cases in which it is good to save life, others in which it is better to lose it”. He then taunted me with the oppression I had exercised, and concluded his speech by saying, “You may hang me, or such as me, every day, but thousand will rise in my place, and your object will never be gained.””[10]

William Tayler seems to be in awe of Peer Ali and says:

“….. men, whose unconquerable fanaticism renders them dangerous enemies, and whose stern resolution entitles them, in some measure, to admiration and respect”.[11]

The Hanging

On 7th July 1857, Peer Ali was hanged in full public view in Patna. In present day Patna a children’s park opposite the DM’s office near Gandhi Maidan has been named the Shaheed Peer Ali Khan Park by the Govt. of Bihar to commemorate the sacrifice of this ordinary bookseller whose deeds made him extraordinary and memorable. The park is considered to be the place where Peer Ali was hanged in 1857.

Naming a park after a forgotten hero of the 1857 uprising goes a long way in making him and his contribution known to the people. Moreover, reading and writing about Peer Ali khan made me realize once again and ever more that our freedom is very hard earned. We cannot take it for granted. I and we all need to cherish it, nourish it and strengthen it.


Sources

  1. William Tayler – Our Crisis Or Three Months at Patna during the Insurrection of 1857, Khuda Bakhsh Oriental Public Library, Patna, 2007 Reprint.
  2. The History of the Indian Revolt, and of the Expeditions to Persia, China, and Japan, 1856-7-8, W.U.R. Chambers, 1859 (Google Ebook).
  3. The Story of the Indian Mutiny (1857-58), W.P. Nimmo, Hay & Mitchell, 1885 (Google Ebook).
  4. Unsung heroes of freedom struggle, The Hindu, 10 August 2017.

References

  • [1] William Tayler, Our Crisis Or Three Months at Patna during the Insurrection of 1857, (2007 Reprint), Khuda Bakhsh Oriental Public Library, Patna, p.4
  • [2] https://www.thehindu.com/children/unsung-heroes/article19464112.ece, 10 August 2017
  • [3] William Tayler, Our Crisis Or Three Months at Patna during the Insurrection of 1857, (2007Reprint), Khuda Bakhsh Oriental Public Library, Patna, p.45
  • [4] William Tayler, Our Crisis Or Three Months at Patna during the Insurrection of 1857, (2007 Reprint), Khuda Bakhsh Oriental Public Library, Patna, p.30
  • [5]The History of the Indian Revolt, and of the Expeditions to Persia, China, and Japan, 1856-7-8, W.U.R. Chambers, 1859, p.153,  https://books.google.co.in/books?id=P-hCAAAAcAAJ&q=Peer+Ali+Khan&pg=PA153&redir_esc=y#v=snippet&q=Peer%20Ali%20Khan&f=false
  • [6]William Tayler, Our Crisis Or Three Months at Patna during the Insurrection of 1857, (2007 Reprint), Khuda Bakhsh Oriental Public Library, Patna, p.44
  • 7William Tayler, Our Crisis Or Three Months at Patna during the Insurrection of 1857, (2007 Reprint), Khuda Bakhsh Oriental Public Library, Patna, p.45-46
  • 8William Tayler, Our Crisis Or Three Months at Patna during the Insurrection of 1857, (2007 Reprint), Khuda Bakhsh Oriental Public Library, Patna, p.44
  • [9] William Tayler, Our Crisis Or Three Months at Patna during the Insurrection of 1857, (2007 Reprint), Khuda Bakhsh Oriental Public Library, Patna, p. 44
  • [10] William Tayler, Our Crisis Or Three Months at Patna during the Insurrection of 1857, (2007 Reprint), Khuda Bakhsh Oriental Public Library, Patna, p.44-45
  • [11] William Tayler, Our Crisis Or Three Months at Patna during the Insurrection of 1857, (2007 Reprint), Khuda Bakhsh Oriental Public Library, Patna, p. 45

source: http://www.thecrediblehistory.com / Credible History / Home> English> Freedom Movement> Others / by Kanupriya Gautam / October 20th, 2021

__________________

Kanupriya Gautam :
Kanupriya has done her Master’s in Modern Indian History from University of Delhi and has deep Interest in History, Politics and Literature.

source: http://www.thecrediblehistory.com / Credible History / Home> English> Freedom Movement / by Kanupriya Gautam / October 20th, 2021

Shams Tabrez Qasmi is Felicitated with Amar Shaheed Molvi Baqar Award 2021

NEW DELHI :

Shams Tabrez Qasmi, the CEO and the chief editor of Millattimes, has been honoured with “Amar Shaheed Molvi Baqar Award 2021”.

The award is in the memory of the martyr and celebrated Urdu journalist Molvi Muhammad Baqar (1780-1857). The award was conferred upon him on 16th September 2021 in a programme held at the premises of the Press Club of India (PCI), 1 Raisina Road, Near Kirshi Bhawan, New Delhi-1 in the presence of the office bearers of the PCI and a good number of the journalists.

The award was presented to Mr. Qasmi in the recognition and appreciation of his commitment, dedication and continuous efforts in the field of journalism.

Millattimes, from its day one, had been covering the issues ignored by the mainstream media, specially the issues of the minority communities and the other weaker sections of the society.

The Award was sponsored by Media 24×7 and Abdul Sattar Memorial Educational Society.

The programme, wherein the award was presented, was held from the Press Club of India (PCI) to commemorate the 164th death anniversary of the Martyr of the first War of Independence 1857 and the famous Urdu journalist Maulvi Muhammad Baqar.

It was addressed by a galaxy of journalists like Mr. Jai Shankar Gupta, Member of Press Club of India, Satish Jacob, former BBC journalist, Meem Afzal, ex-MP, Ismail Zafar Khan, SK Pande, Arvind Kumar Singh, Qurban Ali, Maroof Raza, Masoom Moradabadi and others, besides chief guest Prof. Azra Mosavi, a direct descendant of Maulvi Muhammad Baqar’s grand family from AMU, Aligarh.

The Press Club of India resolved in its meeting held on 6th September 2021, in the presence of its President, Mr. Umakant Lakhera, Secretary General Mr. Vinay Kumar and other members, like Mr. A. U. Asif, Press Club of India’s executive member, to commemorate the death anniversary of the Martyr of the first War of Independence 1857 and the famous Urdu journalist Maulvi Muhammad Baqar.

It was also decided that an award after his name will be presented to two journalists every year along with an amount of 21,000-00 Indian Rupees.

According to the resolution, this programme was held on 16th September 2021 and two dynamic, youth, budding and promising journalists: Maulvi Shams Tabrez Qasmi, a Darul Uloom Deoband Alumnus and the Chief Editor of Millattimes and Swati Mathur, a JNU Alumnus and a reporter with The Times of India were felicitated with the award named after him.

The Press Club of India (PCI), as stated at its website, is basically a meeting point for the journalists. The idea to set up the Press Club of India was first conceived by eminent journalist and editor Mr Durga Das in the early 1930s. When he had visited London as the editor of the Associated Press of India, he had chance to visit the London Press Club as well. It became a motivator for him to replicate the model in Delhi.

Eventually the Press Club of India was founded on December 20, 1957 and incorporated as a company on March 10, 1958. Mr Durga  Dass, the then Editor of The Hindustan Times was elected its first president and Mr D R Mankekar, a veteran journalist, became the first secretary general of the Club.

Now, it is an important and oldest body of the Indian journalists which is run by the elected President, Secretary general and members.

Moulvi Muhammad Baqar, a scholar, a journalist and an Indian independence activist, was born in 1780 in Delhi. He received his basic education from his father. For further studies, he got admission in Delhi College. Following his graduation, he was appointed as a teacher in Delhi College in 1828. He served as a teacher for six years.

Along with being one of the best editors, he was a successful reporter as well.

He launched a weekly newspaper namely “Dehli Urdu Akhbar” in 1835. It survived for almost 21 years and proved to be a milestone in the field of the Urdu Journalism. With the help of this weekly, he played a significant role in social issues. The weekly brought political awakening in masses and united them against the tyrant British rulers.

It is a fact that Maulavi Muhammad Baqar always advocated for the unity among the Muslims and Hindus as he thought that it is necessary to get rid of British rule.

He was arrested on 14th September 1857 for revolt. On 16th September 1857, he was tied to the mouth of a cannon. Then he was fired mercilessly by Major William SR Hudson.

Thus he became the first journalist to be executed following rebellion in 1857 by the then tyrant British government ruling over India.

Mr. Qasmi, who was felicitated with Amar Shaheed Molvi Baqar Award, is fond of learning, reading and writing from his early age. He has penned more than one thousand articles and essays on religious, social and political issues. He is one amongst the few journalist of the new generation taken seriously in India. He is known as a courageous, bold and fearless journalist.

Being a student in the DUD, he wrote columns for Weekly “Aalmi Sahara” and Daily “Azizul Hind”. It was an honour for him that on 6th December 2014, Dr. Aziz Burney published his article on Babri Masjid in his daily newspaper Azizul Hind as editorial.

When he reached capital city Delhi, he started his career as the editor of known New Agency: “INS”. In 2015, he was offered to write a column for the daily newspaper “Khabren”, New Delhi.

Mr. Qasmi launched a News Portal namely “Millattimes.com” in January 2016.

Officially it was inaugurated by Maulana Sayyid Muhammad Rabey Hasani Nadavi, President: All India Muslim Personal Law Board in Mumbai. Currently it is most read and visited Urdu news portal from India. Along with Urdu language, Millat Times is also providing its services in English and Hindi languages. Its YouTube Channel is also available, where the ignored issues by mainstream media are discussed.

He has interviewed several towering personalities like Mr. Iqbal Ahmad Ansari, ex-Chief Justice of Patna High Court and General Zamiruddin Shah, ex-VC of Aligarh Muslim University to let the viewers know their lives, services and views on several topics.

The area of his main interest is issues of Indian Muslims, current affairs of the Muslim World and the Middle East.

On this auspicious occasion, I congratulate Mr. Qasmi from the bottom of my heart! Congratulations! I hope Millattimes, as a media house, will continue offering its services and covering the issues, under Mr. Qasmi’s able leadership, which are commonly ignored by the mainstream media houses. ****

Email: qasmikhursheed@yahoo.co.in

source: http://www.millattimes.com / Millat Times / Home> Opinion / by Khursheed Alam Dawood Qasmi / Millat Times Staff / September 19th, 2021

New Book on Freedom Movement Educates Young Generation About Muslims’ Sacrifices

NEW DELHI :

‘Biographical Encyclopedia of Indian Muslim Freedom Fighters’ is an exhaustive work that brings to the fore many unknown facets of the freedom movement beginning with Faraizi Movement to 1857 Mutiny and to later part of the freedom movement.

BE it 1857 Mutiny or the later freedom movements, Muslims have played leading role in all such efforts. British officials and historians have accused Muslims for the 1857 Ghadar. To be true, both British historians and officials have named Muslims as the most important rebels and termed the Mutiny as a sinister plot by Muslim ulema and mujahideen to reclaim their lost powerhouse in India.

Here are excerpts from a chapter on Imam Baksh Sahbai, a great scholar of his time:

Imam Bakhsh Sahbai was one of the most renowned scholars of the 19th century Mughal India. He was among the best scholars of the Persian language and had earned respect as poet and litterateur of the Persian language. At a time when Urdu had almost replaced Persian as lingua franca in much of north India, he was still one of the greatest supporters of the Persian language and spent all his resources in its propagation.

He authored more than thirty books on Persian and Urdu literature that includes three books that were part of the curriculum in the famed Delhi College. He was reportedly appointed a professor of the Persian language there. However, he had a tragic end when after the 1857 Mutiny he and his entire family, including his two sons, who were also renowned scholars in their respective fields, were hauled, taken to Yamuna and shot dead from point blank range. At least 21 members of his family were slaughtered in this most horrendous fashion.

Imam Bakhsh Sahbai was among the most respected scholars of the time and, therefore, every prince wanted to study under him. He was very close to Ghalib, Zauq, Mufti Sadruddin Azurdah, Fazle Haq Khairabadi and even the last Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar. Many top scholars of the time were taught by him not just at Delhi College but also at his home. However, the slaughter of his family members including his two sons, and digging of his home by the British thugs had shocked the people of Delhi even during the worst phase of brutality. This digging of his house and the complete destruction of his library also destroyed much of his work. The destruction of his massive library that he had built over a period of decades must have been a huge loss for academia and scholarship.
This is the reason that not much has survived on him.

Some twenty years after his macabre killing, when a Hindu disciple of Sahbai, Munshi Deen Dayal thought of collection and publication of his he couldn’t lay his hands on anything substantial. There was not much available on his life or work. Whatever he could gather, he published it in three volumes as Kulliyat-e-Sehbai.

Sahbai was born in the year 1805 in a respected family of Delhi. His father, Maulana Muhammad Bakhsh settled in Delhi from Thanesar, Punjab. Sahbai’s elder brother Hakim Peer Bakshi was a famed physician of his time. His early education was under Maulvi Abdullah Khan. Sehbai had two sons, Muhammad Abdul Aziz and Molwi Abdul Karim Soz. Both were accomplished scholars and well-known poets. Both were killed along with their father and other relatives after 1857 Mutiny.

While in the mid-19th century the power of Mughal Empire had diminished and its influence confined to the Old Delhi quarters, the capital of the Mughal empire still boasted a huge galaxy of scholars, poets and artists of all sorts. There is no denying the fact that the biggest draw of all were the poets and intellectuals. Altaf Husain Hali said that Ghalib, Zauq, Sahbai and Azurda made the capital one of the best places for the scholars and academics. “There gathered at this time in the capital, Delhi, a band of men so talented that their meetings and assemblies recalled the days of Akbar and Shah Jahan”, wrote Hali.

Hali, who had merely heard the stories of high standards of scholarship in Delhi, its great scholars and poets and great madrasas dotting the town, escaped Panipat and came on foot to Delhi. He eventually got admitted to one of the best madrasas of the town and started frequenting the classes of great scholars of his time before his family tracked him down eventually. However, much before that happened, he had got admission in ‘very spacious and beautiful’ madrasa of Husain Bakhsh and had begun his studies there. He says that he was witness to ‘this last brilliant glow of learning in Delhi, the thought of which now makes my heart crack with regret’.

William Dalrymple while describing the destruction and killing in Delhi in the aftermath of Mutiny says:

Worse still was the slaughter in Kucha Chelan, where an estimated 1,400 Delhiwallahs were cut down. Here Nawab Muhammad Ali Khan had attempted to resist the plundering and had shot dead three British soldiers who had climbed over his haveli wall and entered his zenana. Their companions went back to get the rest of their regiment, and returned with a field gun with which they blew the haveli apart.

Sahbai was respected by fellow scholars including Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar, who himself was a top of the line poet and whose respect for scholars and poets was legendary. While Sahbai is not known to have directly fought in the 1857 Mutiny, however, what is known is that he was with Bahadur Shah Zafar and supported his revolt. This was the reason that the rampaging British forces, full of feeling of retribution and revenge were led to his home and the homes of other supporters of Mutiny. These spies were paid Rs 2 for every such input.

When after relentless killing and rapine the British and their allies got tired of killing and bayoneting the inhabitants, they marched forty survivors out to the river Yamuna, lined them up below the walls of the Fort, and shot them. Among the dead were some of top of the line scholars who would have been the pride of the place for any world class capital. While writing about this ghastly massacre Mirza Zahir Dehlavi says, “They were well-known and well-off people, men who were the pride of Delhi…They had had no parallels in their own day, nor will we ever see their like again.’

Mirza Zahir Dehlavi in his Dastan-e-Ghadar writes:

“For example, there was Miyan Amir Panja-kash, the great calligrapher, who had no one comparable to him on this earth. Then there was one of our greatest poets, Maulvi Imam Bakhsh Sahbai and his two sons, and Mir Niyaz Ali, the celebrated story teller of Kucha Chelan. About fourteen hundred people of that Muhalla were killed. Some were arrested and taken through the Rajghat gate to the river side and there they were shot. The bodies were all thrown into the river. Meanwhile, many of their women were so disturbed by what they saw that they left their homes with their children and jumped into the wells. For months afterwards, all the wells of Kucha Chelan were stacked with dead bodies. My pen refuses to describe this further.

“One of the survivors of Sahbai’s family was his nephew Qadir Ali who apparently lived with him in Delhi. He is reported to have told his escape to the Delhi historian Rashid ul-Khairi. “Delhi resembled a place of Judgment. A huge number of prisoners were being shot as hanging them was ‘tiresome’ for their killers.

As the soldiers readied their guns a Muslim officer came forward and told us that ‘your death is imminent. You will be shot to death immediately, so those people who know swimming should immediately jump in the river to survive.’ I knew swimming and was good at it, but Mamun Sahib [Sahbai] and his son, Maulana Soz, didn’t know how to swim. I was not ready to abandon Mamun Sahib and my cousins but he forced me to do so. Ultimately, I jumped in the river and swam away. I kept looking back, and after I had gone fifty or sixty yards, I heard the gunshots and saw the line of people falling dead”.

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Excerpted from: Biographical Encyclopedia of Indian Muslim Freedom Fighters by Syed Ubaidur Rahman; ISBN: 81-88869-51-1, PP 626 (Hard Bound), Price Rs 1195, Publisher: Global Media Publications, Tel: 9818327757

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source: http://www.clarionindia.net / Clarion India / Home> Books / by Syed Ubaidur Rahman / December 13th, 2021

J&K constable shot dead by militants in Srinagar

Srinagar, JAMMU & KASHMIR :

“Today at about 2015hrs Srinagar Police received information about a terror crime incident at S.D Colony Batamaloo area of Srinagar. Senior police officers reached the terror crime spot,” police said in a statement.

A Jammu and Kashmir Police constable was shot dead by suspected militants in Srinagar on Sunday night – the latest in a string of terror-related killings in the Valley despite high security alert.

Police said militants fired at 29-year-old Tawseef Ahmad Wani at SD Colony in Batamaloo neighbourhood of Srinagar. He was immediately taken to the nearby SMHS hospital, where he succumbed to his injuries.

“Preliminary investigation has revealed that terrorists fired upon one police personnel… In this terror incident, he (Wani) had sustained grievous bullet injuries and was shifted to nearby hospital for the treatment, where he succumbed to his injuries and attained martyrdom.”

The National Conference the attack. “Unequivocally condemn the cowardly & dastardly attack on 29-year-old policeman in Batmaloo, Srinagar in which he lost his life… Our hearts go out to his family and friends at this time of grief,” the party tweeted.

The incident comes close on the heels of a series of attacks against civilians in the Valley. In October, at least 12 civilians, mostly migrant workers and those from the minority community, were killed in multiple militant attacks in Kashmir.

source: http://www.indianexpress.com / The Indian Express / Home> India / by Express News Service, Srinagar / November 08th, 2021

A Begum & A Rani: Hazrat Mahal and Lakshmibai in 1857’ review: Giving an obscure figure of the 1857 revolt her rightful place

Awadh, UTTAR PRADESH:

Juxtaposing the life of Begum Hazrat Mahal, who worked behind the scenes, with one of the most well-known heroes of the time, Rani Lakshmibai

The villain in Rudrangshu Mukherjee’s A Begum & A Rani: Hazrat Mahal and Lakshmibai in 1857 is certainly the British, but it is also time and memory. Mukherjee places Begum Hazrat Mahal, an obscure figure who was integral to the mobilisation of the 1857 revolt — taught to students as “India’s first war of independence” — alongside Rani Lakshmibai, whose life has spurred not just biographies but hagiographies, calcified by myth and movies, the 2019 Kangana Ranaut shriek-historical, Manikarnika: The Queen of Jhansi, notwithstanding.

The book, divided into four parts — Origins, Rebellion, Leadership, Afterlife — is attempting two important correctives.

The first is to give Begum Hazrat Mahal of Awadh her rightful place in history. Daughter of an African slave, she was briefly married to Awadh’s king Wajid Ali Shah, then divorced and left behind in Awadh, as Shah moved to Calcutta after the British annexed Awadh in 1856. She helped mobilise the military and administration of Awadh, which became the war theatre’s centrepiece after Delhi was vanquished by the British. This story is also important to counter the narrative that the 1857 revolt was a pastiche of mindless and uncoordinated violence, because it was meticulously planned. Mukherjee quotes generously, indulgently, with page-long historical anecdotes which could have been paraphrased or woven into the narrative. There are too many anecdotal jolts for a seamless read.

Eventual move

The second objective is to inject some history into the hagiography of Rani Lakshmibai. Mukherjee notes how she wasn’t the ready rebel we think of today. That she even wrote to British officials asking for help, declaring her support to their regime, and it was only when she was pushed against circumstances that she eventually took to the battlefield with vigour, dying in it, memorialised by it.

This is a clever framing here that Mukherjee employs, because there isn’t enough information on Hazrat Mahal to carry an entire book by itself. There isn’t even an available description of how she looked. Her role in the rebellion is behind-the-scenes, and her obscurity is thus, double.

To resurrect her, by pairing her with the most coveted figure of the rebellion — Rani Lakshmibai — is thus necessary, because Mukherjee gets to not just tell their stories, demystified or dusted, but to speak to the larger villainy of historic memory — who gets written about and why?

Putting it in context

Mukherjee is a master of context, providing a sense of the time, even as he is hazy on the details of main events, recounting them as historical facts and not narrations, preferring a depth of detailing around the event over the grip of a historical plot. That said, a map would have been helpful to make sense of the geographic dump of names.

It must be noted, though, that Lakshmibai and Hazrat Mahal never met, and in the 140-page book, their paths, and the paths of their rebellion also don’t cross, as if they were happening in different times, different places.

Sometimes, as a result, the book feels disjointed — that the only reason for having these two stories together is not that they will tangle, but that through comparison, each one’s story deepens, darkens.

Placing these figures side by side, the urge to compare them comes but naturally. Mukherjee’s insistence on Hazrat Mahal’s oblivion comes short of calling her more important and interesting than Rani Lakshmibai. That Rani Lakshmibai fought on the battlefield while Hazrat Mahal fled to Nepal is enough to deify the former, and forget the latter, he finds unfair. That Lakshmibai and her son were receiving pensions from the British government, while Hazrat Mahal who died in obscurity and her son, both refused it, he finds telling. That history is besotted with blood, he finds tragic. That historians can puncture history’s myopia, he finds hopeful. Thus, this book.

A Begum & A Rani: Hazrat Mahal and Lakshmibai in 1857; Rudrangshu Mukherjee, Penguin Random House India, ₹699.

The writer is a critic with a weekly online newsletter titled prathyush.substack.com

source: http://www.thehindu.com / The Hindu / Home> Books> History> Reviews / by Prathyush Parsuraman / October 02nd, 2021

SIO Releases ‘Dictionary Of Mappila Martyrs’, After ICHR’s Removal Of Names

KERALA :

The 221 pages book released by SIO briefly introduces all the 387 Mappula leaders who fought British and Hindu feudal lords.

Following the Indian Council of Historical Research’s (ICHR) decision to remove the names of Mappila or Moplah leaders from the ‘Dictionary of Martyrs: India’s Freedom Struggle 1857-1947‘, the Students Islamic Organisation of India (SIO) Kerala unit released the ‘Dictionary Of Mappila Martyrs’ compiling the names of all the 387 martyrs.

The book “Dictionary of Mappila Martyrs” was handed over by Amjad Ali E M, State President of SIO Kerala to Alavi Kakkadan, a prominent historian and chairman of Variyamkunnath Kunjahammad Haji Foundation of India. Abdul Hakeem Nadwi, State secretary of Jama’athe Islami Kerala, Rashad V P, State secretary of SIO Kerala, and Sahel Bas Joint Secretary of SIO Malappuram were present at the launch of the event at Press Club Malappuram on Monday.

Amjad Ali EM said that the Malabar Uprising of 1921, which is described by historians as the first mass-scale uprising against the British in southern India, discomforts Hindutva politics and therefore the dictionary released by the governing Sangh Parivar can’t include Malabar martyrs.

A three-member panel, which reviewed the entries in the fifth volume of the Dictionary of Martyrs: India’s Freedom Struggle 1857-1947, brought out by the ICHR, recommended the deletion of the names of Mappila martyrs, saying that the 1921 uprising against the British was never part of the independence struggle but a fundamentalist movement focused on religious conversion.

This came close on the heels after former BJP national general secretary Ram Madhav said the Moplah uprising was one of the “first manifestations of the Taliban mindset in India“.

“The greatness of Variyan Kunnathu and Ali Musliyar lies in not getting into the good list of Sangh Parivar. And history will remember them for getting omitted from Sangh distorted history, therefore, to mention the names of the Mappila martyrs who were cut off by the ICHR is to express a strong stand against the Hindutva regime,” Amjad Ali said. Alavi Kakkadan, Abdul Hakeem Nadwi, Rashad V P, and Sahel Bas also expressed their opinions in the meet.

The 221 pages book released by SIO briefly introduces all the 387 Mappula leaders who fought British and Hindu feudal lords.

Was The Moplah Uprising Part Of Indian Freedom Struggle And Was It Anti-Hindu? / video source: thecognate.com

source: http://www.thecognate.com / The Cognate / Home> News / by The Cognate News Desk / September 14th, 2021

Press Club of India Remembers Maulvi Baqar — India’s ‘First Martyr Journalist’

DELHI :

Masoom Muradabadi’s book was launched at the Press Club on Thursday by eminent journalists

The event was organised to launch the Hindi translation of journalist Masoom Muradabadi’s book on Maulvi Baqar.

New Delhi :

The Press Club of India on Thursday held a seminar to commemorate the death anniversary of Maulvi Mohammad Baqar, the first journalist who was executed by the British following the rebellion of 1857.

A Hindi translation of the book titled ‘1857 Ki Kranti Aur Urdu Patrkarita’ (The Revolution of 1957 and Urdu Journalism) authored by journalist Masoom Muradabadi was released at the seminar.

It chronicles the life of Baqar as a journalist and freedom fighter. Moreover, two journalists — Swati Mathur, a reporter with The Times of India, and Shams Tabrez Qasmi, the editor of popular news portal Millat Times — were also felicitated with an award named after Baqar.

A number of veteran journalists and writers spoke on the occasion paying tributes to the ‘first martyr journalist’. They described Baqar as an icon of Hindu-Muslim unity whose ideals are increasingly relevant in the present times.”

“Maulvi Muhammad Baqir was one of the great journalists who preferred martyrdom to collaboration with Britishers.” A U Asif, a senior journalist and member of Press Club’s managing committee, said. “He is the ideal and role model for the new generation of journalists.

Satish Jacob, a BBC veteran, said Baqar was a journalist who sacrificed his life for the sake of the nation. He described him a proponent of Hindu-Muslim unity.

Jacob said he is proud of the fact that he hails from old Delhi which gave birth to a person like Baqar. He said that Baqar had started an Imam Barah in the Kashmere gate area which is still functioning. The Imam Barah was built with the expressed goal of communal harmony, he added.

Noted journalist Meem Afzal, who has been a member of Parliament and India’s ambassador in four countries, lashed out at the current government for communal divide and accused it of obliterating the contributions of people like Baqar. He said that Baqar used his pen to fight for the idea of India.

Maroof Raza, another journalist, appealed for steps to find the original source and preserve the archives of ‘Delhi Urdu Akhbar’, the newspaper Baqar used to publish.

Jai Shanakar Gupta, senior journalist and a member of the Press Council of India, urged the government to get copies of the newspaper that Baqar edited from Britain where they are lying in a museum.

SQR Ilyas, journalist and president of the Welfare Party of India, said that the sacrifice of Baqar should inspire the present-day journalists to speak truth to power. He lauded the Press Club for commemorating Baqar.

Similar sentiments were echoed by Syed Aijaz Aslam, editor of Radiance Viewsweekly.

Mathur and Qasmi expressed their gratitude to the Press Club for felicitating them with the award. “This recognition in the form of an award in Maulvi Baqar’s name is a big thing for me, ” said Mathur.

Qasmi credited his whole team of Millat Times for the work that earned him the award.

source: http://www.clarionindia.net / Clarion / Home> Editor’ Pick / by Zafar Aafaq, Clarion India / September 16th, 2021

Book of true historical value documenting Bhopal State’s military history released

Bhopal, MADHYA PRADESH :

A book entitled “Nizaam-I-Bhopal”, highlighting the forgotten facets of Bhopal’s military history, penned by Lt. Gen. (Retd.) Milan Lalit Kumar Naidu, PVSM, AVSM YSM, the former Vice-Chief of Army Staff, was recently released.

The book was released by current Vice-Chief of Army Staff Lt. Gen. C. P. Mohanty at Dronachal, the headquarters of Sudarshan Chakra Corps, in Bhopal.

Lt. Gen. Naidu’s untiring efforts gave shape to his book “Nizaam-I-Bhopal”. It took five years of research, poring through Farsi (Persian) and Urdu records that led to the book.

It is only befitting that this wistful narrative is brought out by Bhopal’s very own son, Milan Naidu, who personifies that gentility, sophistication and aesthetic refinement to do justice to any literature to do with Bhopal. As a thoroughbred officer-and-a-gentleman with the highest military credentials and an illustrious career behind him only could have produced such an exquisite and masterful body of work “Nizaam-I-Bhopal”. The unforgiving ravages of time, circumstances and dominant instincts that governed its leadership from time-to-time, have been minutely analysed, explained and postulated for posterity. The rich, unsung and often unknown facets and tapestry of Bhopal’s military traditions, legacy and its continuing imprints are generously captured, documented and brought alive in this book.

In the book “Nizaam-I-Bhopal” Lt. Gen. Milan Naidu (Retd.) has charted the transformation story of rag-tag forces of the Indian princely states, from the 18th century to that modern Army. He has lucidly described the socio-economic-politico environment which existed in those times and analysed the evolution, rules, service conditions, ceremonials and battles fought by state forces, with special reference to Bhopal State.

The Book is a historical analysis of the Militaries of the Bhopal Princely State. Bhopal had the singular position in the comity of Princely States in British India, with a 175 years’ continuous line of Begums rulers. They were visionaries, educated and erudite. They displayed tremendous administrative ability, leadership qualities and diplomatic acumen, coupled with comparable skill at horse riding and arms. These Rulers set the tone of the Militaries and its motivation. The Bhopal Battalion, as part of the Indian Expeditionary Force, was the first non-Europeans to have disembarked at Marseilles in France to fight the War on foreign shores battling the weather and enemy alike.

A Bhopal battalion was even awarded one of only nine Victoria Crosses given out to Indian soldiers in Mesopotamia in the Great War. That same unit is part of Pakistan now. In the 1965 India-Pak war this battalion was awarded “Nishan-e-Haider”. The icing on the cake was that its Militaries were demobilized in a peaceful and a placid manner, to be absorbed by the Civvy Street in a symbiotic equation.

With such historical genesis and background of the State Forces, Lt. Gen. Naidu (Retd.) helps us to understand how much of our present Army developed its traditions, values and ethos; the singular character which it win the Kargil war despite the severe adversities.

This book is of true historical value, especially of the painstaking research, much from many primary sources, obtaining information from abroad (including Pakistan), interviewing progeny of the soldiers, and finally putting all of it in order.

The author’s observations on the governance and policies of the rulers help us to trace the developmental process of the state. How these issues impinged at various times on the States Forces is reflected subtly. Some of the anecdotes narrated in the book are hilarious and some quite poignant.

Kalim Akhtar, a historian and researcher says: “It is interesting to read how the Bhopal army collaborated with the British and fought the World Wars as well. It presents a true picture of history after years of research of Farsi (Persian) and Urdu records maintained in libraries, as far as the UK. It will be of great interest to lovers of history and especially those who love Bhopal.”

While Iram Khan, a housewife, in her comments about the book says: “It is well researched and attention grasping and would recommend it to anyone who has even a slight curiosity about the old world charm that the city of Bhopal still exudes”.

Meanwhile, the author of the book, Milan Naidu joined the National Defence Academy and was commissioned into the famed Rajput Regiment in 1967. He served for 41 years, holding several key positions – including worked as Military Attaché in Germany; Commanded 5th Battalion the Rajput Regiment in Sri Lanka; Commander of the Corps in Ladakh and GOC-in-C Army Training and Doctrine Command at Shimla before being made the Army Vice-Chief. He attended Canadian Forces Command and Staff College Course in Toronto. After retirement, he was appointed a member of the Armed Forces Tribunal at New Delhi.

His other assignments include: Working Chairperson of the Organising Committee for the Military World Games 2007; Member of the Executive Council of the Indian Golf Union; Chairperson of the Centre for Land Warfare Studies; Member of the Executive Council of the United Service Institution of India.

Lt. Gen. Naidu (Retd.) was born and brought up in Bhopal, the state capital of Madhya Pradesh. He did his schooling from Bhopal passing out X Class (Matric) from St Josephs Higher Secondary School, Bhopal in 1963. I may mention here that he was seven years senior to me in the school where I too studied in the sixties.

He did his M.Sc. in Defence Studies from Madras University in1984-85. Later on he did M. Phil in Defence Management in 1989-90. He completed Post Graduate Diploma in Environment and Ecology, Barkatullah University, Bhopal in 1996-97.

He won the Junior Small Bore in the National Shooting Championship in 1963. He was awarded ‘Shooting Blue’ in NDA.

source: http://www.maeeshat.in / maeeshat.in / Home> Books> Business / by Pervez Bari / August 02nd, 2021