The National Federation of Girls Islamic Organisation (NFGIO) has announced its newly elected Federal Committee. Adv. Sumaiya Roshan, from Tamil Nadu, has been re-elected as President, marking a continuation of her leadership in advancing the organisation’s mission.
The GIO has a legacy spanning four decades, focusing on the overall development of Muslim women and their education, leadership, and social contribution across the nation. The newly elected Federal Committee brings together a dynamic team of accomplished individuals from across the country, ensuring representation and inclusivity in its leadership.
The Vice President, Afeefa Tahniyath from Andhra Pradesh, and General Secretary, Anamtha Dildar Ahmed from Maharashtra South, will lead key efforts in expanding the organisation’s outreach. The Secretaries include Fehmeeda Ilyas Qureshi (Gujarat), Maseera Firdous (Telangana), Fathima Noureen (Kerala), Momina Affaf Taiyebati (UP East) and Safeeda Hussain (Kerala).
Adv. Sumaiya Roshan said, “The NFGIO was founded to recognise the potential of young Muslim women in India and to guide them toward excellence in all areas of life, empowering them to shape the future and drive meaningful societal progress.”
The election was conducted under the guidance of Syed Sadatullah Husaini, President Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, at JIH headquarters here.
source: http://www.radiancenews.com / Radiance News / Home> Latest News> Report / by Radiance News Bureau / December 10th, 2024
In 1936 he joined Indore Fine Art College where he trained under Devlalikar Sahab. Later he switched to Mumbai where he took admission in the JJ School of Art. The rest is history.
Husain made portrait of his family members and clicked a photograph. | The Zafar Ansari museum of achieves
Indore (Madhya Pradesh):
Maqbool Fida Husain is too well known to need an introduction, and most people are also aware of his connection with Indore. However, not very commonly known is the fact that his penchant for drawing horses started when he was a young lad in Indore.
While talking to Free Press, historian Zafar Ansari said, “Husain lived in Indore at a very young age in Chhawni area near Chhawni Bohra Mosque. When Husain was a teenager his Nana (maternal grandfather), who worked as a timekeeper in the Malwa Mill, wanted to make him a draftsman, but Husain was not interested. At one point he went to a Madrasa for becoming Alim but not much came of it.
His grandfather also bought him a camera and he got trained under the renowned photographer Ramchandra Rao and Pratap Rao but Husain did not show much interest in that art form. He started his painting career in Kagzipura area where he used to make Bada ghoda and Chhota ghoda.
His love for painting horses started here and it remained throughout his life as a professional painter.”
In 1936 he joined Indore Fine Art College where he trained under Devlalikar Sahab. Later he switched to Mumbai where he took admission in the JJ School of Art. The rest is history.
source: http://www.freepressjournal.in / The Free Press Journal / Home> Indore / by Staff Reporter / June 09th, 2023
The second day of Bahar-e-Urdu, celebrating fifty years of the Maharashtra Urdu Sahitya Academy, lit up the Dome SVP Stadium, Worli, with a grand tribute to Urdu’s eloquence, intellect, and emotion. The day began with an Open Mic Mushaira, where young poets Kayam Shah, Ahad Saeed, Payal Pandey, Zain Lakhimpuri, Riyaz Aasi, Shaukat Ali, Adnan Shaikh, Mayank Verma, Imran Ataai and Maqsood Aafaque filled the hall with youthful passion and heartfelt verse.
Two scholarly sessions followed. In “Maharashtra Mein Urdu Adab,” moderated by Dr. Tabassum Khan, papers were presented by Dr. Shaikh Ahrar Ahmad (Thane) and Dr. Quazi Naveed Siddiqui (Aurangabad), with insights from Dr. Abdullah Imteyaz Ahmad (Mumbai) and Prof. Shahid Naukhez (Hyderabad). The next, “Modern Technology and Urdu,” moderated by Mohammad Irfan Raza, featured Dr. Mohd. Tabish Khan (Bhiwandi), Dr. Liaqat Ali (Delhi), Dr. Parvez Ahmad, and Dr. Mahmood Mirza, highlighting Urdu’s growing digital presence.
The evening’s Tamseeli Mushaira brought poetic icons to life, with Zahid Ali Sayyed, Manzoor Islam, Sajid A. Hameed, Raziya Baig, Noman Khan, Nuzhat Parveen Akil Kagzi, Talha Bi Saver Hashmi, Mohsin Husnuddin Shaikh, and Khan Shadab Mohammed portraying legendary poets including Mirza Ghalib, Tahir Faraz, Anjum Rehbar and Obaid Azam Azmi.
A mesmerizing Dastangoi by Fouzia Dastango and a soulful Sufi performance by Jhelum Singh — featuring “Nitt Khair Manga,” “Mere Dholna,” and “Dama Dam Mast Qalandar” — enchanted the audience.
The evening celebrated those who continue to serve Urdu through literature, education, and creativity. Awards were presented in the following categories: Award for Emerging Writers, Layout Designing Award, Award for Urdu Journalism, Special Award, Educational Service Award, University and Degree College Level Award, School Level Award and Best Book Award.
Each award was a reminder of the many different ways Urdu is being nurtured—on the page, in the classroom, and in the community.
The evening also honoured poets, writers, journalists, educators, and designers for their contributions to Urdu, culminating in a spellbinding Qawwali by the Sabri Brothers.
Bahar-e-Urdu’s second day was not merely an event; it was a living celebration of heritage, intellect, and artistry — a reminder that Urdu does not just belong to history books, but to every voice that dares to sing, speak, and dream in its melody. As the festival prepares for its final day, one truth resounds through every ghazal, every word, and every applause — Urdu lives on, radiant as ever, in the hearts of those who love it.
(Disclaimer: The above press release comes to you under an arrangement with NRDPL and PTI takes no editorial responsibility for the same.). PTI PWR
This is an auto-published feed from PTI with no editorial input from The Wire.
source: http://www.m.thewire.in / The Wire / Home> PTI PR NEWS / by PTI / October 08th, 2025
Curated by noted historians Rana Safvi and Swapna Liddle, DAG also launched a book, Delhi Durbar: Empire, Display and the Possession of History, co-authored by the duo.
The Imperial Durbar (1903) | Photo Credit: Special Arrangement
In an important contribution to a facet of Delhi’s rich history, DAG is hosting an exhibition drawn from its archives of the city’s resplendent durbars. Curated by noted historians Rana Safvi and Swapna Liddle, DAG also launched a book, Delhi Durbar: Empire, Display and the Possession of History, co-authored by the duo.
“The British Delhi Durbars have been the subject of much recent scholarly study and re-evaluation,” writes Ashish Anand, the CEO and managing director of DAG. “The objects in this exhibition bring them materially present, through works by some of the leading artists and photographers of the period.” The essays give readers an insight into the city that was. We also get rare visuals of Delhi, its monuments, and its three durbars — all of which were landmarks in British-ruled India.
Safvi speaks to Magazine about the project. Excerpts:
Companion of the Most Eminent Order of the Indian Empire | Photo Credit: Special Arrangement
Question: Can you shed some light on the DAG project?
Answer: This exhibition was conceived by Giles Tillotson, senior vice president – exhibitions at DAG. It is the first exhibition that has been drawn from the DAG archives.
Q: With all the attention on the Central Vista project and the new Parliament, how important is it to revisit Delhi’s history?
A: Every ruler negotiates his/ her idea of kingship. If we read the history of Delhi, kings starting with the Tomara dynasty built cities and citadels to perpetuate their memory. While the Mughal city of Shahjahanabad played a pivotal role in the three Delhi durbars, the last one saw King George announce the shifting of the British capital from Calcutta to Delhi. He also laid the foundation for a new city. This is known today as Lutyens’ Delhi.
Q: The book talks of three durbars. How different were each?
A: While all three durbars were unique, there was a thread of continuity. They were all held in the Coronation Park in Delhi and close to the Ridge where the British had fought the Indian forces in the Uprising of 1857. [They] appropriated some Mughal symbols in a bid for continuity and so that Indians could relate to them.
The first durbar, held just 20 years after the Uprising, was called the Imperial Assemblage and was meant to announce the assumption of the title of Kaiser-e-Hind by Queen Victoria with pomp and splendour. It was also meant to legitimise and popularise British rule, using many of the idioms of the Mughal empire, including the word ‘durbar’, which Indians were familiar with.
The second, held in 1903, was to celebrate the coronation of King Edward VII. This durbar envisaged by the viceroy Lord Curzon was a grandiose event with the viceroy and 48 Indian princes riding on elephants through the city in a ceremonial procession. An art exhibition was conceived by Lord Curzon, in his own words, to ‘show that India can still imagine and create, and do’.
The third durbar of 1911 was the first in which the British monarch himself was present with his consort Queen Mary. It announced the reversal of the highly unpopular partition of Bengal and was also used to announce the shifting of the imperial capital in India from Calcutta to Delhi.
Historian Rana Safvi | Photo Credit: Special Arrangement
Q: The historic Jama Masjid was under British occupation for almost five years after the Uprising of 1857. Why and how did it become a vantage point for the durbar in 1903?
A: After the fall of Delhi, Jama Masjid was confiscated by the British; it was used as a mess and horses were tied along its corridors. In 1862, it was returned to Muslims for worship. The Jama Masjid has always been a symbol of Mughal magnificence and of Muslim togetherness.
Q: Can you elaborate on the demolition of Masjid Akbarabadi during the Uprising? It doesn’t always find a place in our textbooks…
A: When the city of Shahjahanabadwas being built, members of royalty as well as nobility were encouraged to build and add to it. Three mosques were built by three wives of Mughal emperor Shah Jahan. Fatehpuri Begum built the Fatehpuri mosque, Sirhindi Begum the Sirhindi mosque and Akbarabadi Begum the Akbarabadi mosque.
After the fall of Delhi, when the British army was victorious, the city and its people were punished for their ‘rebellion’. While many notables of Shahjahanabadwere killed or driven out of the city, the monuments and buildings were taken over. Fatehpuri mosque’s compound and galleries were auctioned and bought by Lala Chunnamal Ki Haveli and Akbarabadi Masjid was demolished. There is a beautiful description of Akbarabadi mosque in Syed Ahmed Khan’s Asar-us-Sanadid.
Delhi Durbar: Empire, Display and the Possession of History | Photo Credit: Special Arrangement
Q: Does the Coronation Durbar of 1911 mean the British had accepted the primary place of Delhi in India’s history?
A: Delhi’s importance can be seen from the fact that all three durbars were held here. Delhi was associated with Indraprastha, the legendary capital of the Pandavas, and was the city from where the Tomaras, Delhi Sultans and the Mughals ruled. Delhi’s grand history and traditions were used in the durbars. In the 1911 durbar, King-Emperor George V and Queen Mary even gave a jharokha darshan from the Red Fort’s Musamman Burj to Indians in the Mughal tradition.
ziya.salam@thehindu.co.in
source: http://www.thehindu.com / The Hindu / Home> Entertainment> Art / by Zia Us Salam / September 29th, 2023
On a quiet October morning in Delhi, when most people begin their day scrolling through screens, Dr. Istikhar Ali adjusted his helmet, whispered a small prayer, and kick-started a motorcycle that would soon become a moving classroom, a counselling room, a travelling research lab – and sometimes, a silent companion.
His destination? Unknown.
His purpose? Crystal clear.
He wanted to take the conversation about mental health to places where such conversations were never held before.
This is the story of a young public-health scholar who turned India’s highways into corridors of compassion, its villages into forums of reflection, and its communities into partners in healing.
A Beginning Rooted in Delhi, Inspired by JNU
My first conversation with him began on a nostalgic note – about Delhi.
“I stayed four years in Delhi and visited JNU several times,” I told him.
He smiled and replied, “Strange… you came so close, but destiny didn’t let us meet. Maybe it waited for this moment.”
From there, he unfolded his journey – from his early education, his family’s values, to the rigorous intellectual environment of Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), where his academic foundation in public health took shape. JNU not only gave him knowledge; it gave him a lens to look at human suffering not as isolated incidents, but as products of social, economic, and political realities. His research, activism, and writing reflect this lens deeply.
In his widely-read Scroll article, “Weary, Wary and Alone: From Delhi to Kerala, the Mental Distress Indians Struggle With” he documents the harsh truths he encountered during earlier travels: loneliness, anxiety, financial uncertainty, and the silent emotional burdens people carry across India.
In 26 days, he spoke to hundreds – students, farmers, teachers, journalists – each revealing how deeply mental suffering is woven into everyday life.
India, after all, is a country where, one in every seven Indians suffers from a mental health condition, over 200 million people face mental-health related distress, and close to 90% receive no treatment or support (NIMHANS & WHO reports).
Against this backdrop, one young man decided to ride, literally, into the heart of the problem.
The Ride Begins (Delhi to Kerala — 3,500 km of Listening, Healing, and Hope)
On 10 October 2025 – World Mental Health Day, Dr. Istikhar Ali began a 3,500 km solo motorcycle journey titled, “Ride for Mental Health: Beyond the Stigma.”
Supported by Snehi India and fuelled by nothing but conviction, he had no fixed plan – only a direction, and a determination to reach people who do not visit clinics, do not read scholarly journals, but silently battle overwhelming emotional storms.
Every village, every town, every stop became a lesson in lived experience. Where formal institutions build walls, he created bridges – conducting, 10+ public sessions, 30+ group discussions, hundreds of one-to-one conversations, workshops in universities and NGOs, corner meetings in markets, talks in madrasas, community centres and mosques and media interviews across states.
What makes his journey unique is that it wasn’t a mental-health “campaign”. It was a human campaign. He listened more than he spoke. He observed before he intervened. He met people where they were, not where textbooks expect them to be. And sometimes, the roads listened to him too.
A Day with Him: My Encounter in South Goa
When I met him in South Goa, he had just completed a long stretch from Ratnagiri. Dusty, exhausted, carrying nothing but essentials on his bike, he still greeted me with an unmistakable warmth. We spent hours discussing his work, his fears, his determination.
At one point he said: “Azhar Bhai, I started this journey without any detailed plan. But at every turn, God opened a door. And today, He brought me to you before I move from Madgaon towards Udupi.”
His humility was striking. At a time when the world is becoming increasingly self-obsessed and digitally distracted, here was a man riding across states not for adventure but for others.
His mission is a reminder that:
Mental health is not an individual struggle.
It is shaped by society, economy, politics, faith, family, and culture.
Healing requires communities, not just clinics.
If he can bring even 1% improvement in awareness among the millions struggling silently, it will be a monumental contribution. Great reformers and thinkers across history started with small circles that eventually created waves. His work stands in that lineage – contemporary, deeply relevant, and urgently needed.
Stories from the Road – Where Pain Meets Courage
Across his ride, he encountered:
A college student in Udaipur hiding panic attacks from his family,
A migrant worker in Ankleshwar battling depression after job loss,
A young girl in Goa openly speaking about anxiety for the first time,
A madrasa student in Malappuram sharing the emotional pressure of expectations, and
A group of activists in Kerala discussing burnout and resilience.
Each conversation re-affirmed what he often says: “Mental health is not a private burden; it’s a public responsibility.”
Ending Where Faith and Learning Meet
Dr. Istikhar chose Wadihuda Institute of Research and Advanced Studies in Kannur as his final stop – not for symbolism, but for a deeper message. Malappuram is a place where faith meets social service, education meets responsibility, and spirituality meets community welfare. He believes mental-health awareness must be integrated with ta’leem (education), tarbiyya (character development) and dawah (community engagement).
His concluding session, “Mental Health Beyond Silence and Survival: Faith, Education and Community Resilience,” aims to bring together students, scholars, educators and community leaders to build a culture of emotional support and resilience.
A Scholar, A Listener, A Traveller – But Above All, A Servant of Humanity
Dr. Istikhar Ali is a rare combination:
A public health scholar trained at JNU,
A DAAD Fellow with international exposure,
A grassroots listener who sits with people on sidewalks,
A writer whose words reflect lived struggle, and
A traveller who rides not for thrill but for purpose.
He is not simply creating awareness; he is creating a movement. In an era of self-promotion, he chooses selfless service. In a time of noise, he chooses conversations that matter. In a society crushed by unspoken mental suffering, he chooses courage – both his and others’. His journey teaches us that healing is not always found in hospitals. Sometimes, it begins on dusty roads, under bus shelters, in chai shops, in classrooms, in mosques, in marketplaces, and in the hearts of people who finally feel heard.
The Road Ahead
When he concluded his ride in Kerala, his mission didn’t end; it expanded. He plans to compile a publication and visual report from the stories collected, build alliances with educational institutions, create youth-led support networks, train community volunteers, continue travelling across new states and to develop research documenting the social roots of mental distress.
Every revolution starts with a single step. He started with a motorcycle engine roaring in Delhi. Dr. Istikhar Ali is not merely riding a bike across India. He is riding across stigma, across silence, across fear – to build a more compassionate society.
His journey is a reminder that the greatest service to God is service to His people, and that mental health is not a luxury; it’s an essential human right.
source: http://www.radiancenews.com / Radiance News / Home> Features> Focus / by Syed Azharuddin / Radiance News Bureau / November 17th, 2025
Archeological Survey of India says the monument, which residents claim is the Akbarabadi Mosque demolished by the British in 1857, is definitely a ‘contemporary’ of the 17th century Red Fort.
Archaeologist D.N. Dimri(l) shows the artefacts unearthed from the site at Matia Mahal, Old Delhi.
Remains of a historical monument, unearthed a few steps from Jama Masjid, belong to the golden age of Mughal Empire.
Archeological Survey of India said the monument, which residents claim is the Akbarabadi Mosque demolished by the British in 1857, is definitely a “contemporary” of the 17th century Red Fort, though whether it was a mosque or not will be known only after a detailed survey of the area.
The site in Matia Mahal, near Daryaganj, has been drawing visitors in hordes since the past three weeks after the first proofs of the historical structure – pottery and carved stones – were discovered in the area.
On Wednesday, a 10 metre wide wall was discovered a few feet under the ground. Residents claimed the wall was a part of the boundary of the main prayer enclosure, supposed to be about 85 metre wide.
A sketch of the lost Akbarabadi Mosque. ASI officials said the discovery of the site is “indeed remarkable”.
“What we have here is a structure definitely of the time of the Red Fort. It is important due to its proximity both to the Jama Masjid and the Red Fort. The articles discovered from the site – Chinese porcelain, glaze pottery – belong to the period of the Mughals. What the structure exactly is will be known only after detailed survey,” superintending archaeologist Dr D.N. Dimri said.
But residents are confident that evidence of the structure being a mosque is present in the archives.
“We have maps clearly showing the structure of the Akbarabadi mosque in a book authored by the great scholar Sir Syed Ahmad Khan. There are illustrations of the mosque in the development plan of this area, issued by the Delhi government,” Matia Mahal MLA Shoaib Iqbal said.
source: http://www.indiatoday.in / India Today / Home> News> India> North / by Mail Today Bureau / published by AtMigration / July 07th, 2012
The 19th Memorial lecture commemorating the esteemed Urdu journalist Mahfoozur Rahman was held at the Ghalib Academy in Nizamuddin, Delhi. Mahfoozur Rahman, a distinguished journalist from India, was among the eminent Muslim journalists who passed away on February 6, 2010. Every year, one or two such memorial lectures are organized to honour his invaluable contributions.
This year’s lecture centred on the theme: “Syed Shahabuddin’s National and Milli Services.” Urdu journalist Wafa Azmi of Rashtriya Sahara newspaper, Delhi, delivered a meticulously prepared discourse on this subject. He emphasized that amidst those dedicated to religion, politics, culture, journalism, and social service, the late Syed Shahabuddin remains a prominent ambassador and distinguished IFS officer. Azmi underscored that omitting his name from discussions would be a disservice not only to him but also to society at large.
Wafa Azmi shared that Shahabuddin was born on November 4, 1935, near Gaya in Bihar—though some accounts suggest Ranchi as his birthplace. After completing his early education locally, he moved to Patna for higher studies, earning an MSc from Patna University. He also served there as a faculty member for a few years. During this period, he prepared for the Union Public Service Commission exams, qualified, and secured a high rank in the Indian Foreign Service (IFS).
His diplomatic career began as Deputy Consul General in New York. Over the years, Shahabuddin represented India in various countries, serving as an ambassador and diplomat. In 1978, he voluntarily retired from diplomatic service and ventured into Indian politics to address national issues.
Dr. Zafarul-Islam Khan a senior journalist, scholar and author shared his long-standing association with Shahabuddin, recalling that he was brought into the national fold by him. Initially a journalist, Shahabuddin invited him to participate in the All India Muslim Majlis-e-Mashawarat, where he was soon appointed General Secretary and later President. Dr. Zafarul-Islam praised Shahabuddin’s deep trust in him, both professionally and personally.
He recounted a personal experience from a 2003 trip to Kashmir with Shahabuddin, where sharing a room revealed his inner greatness—his early morning Fajr prayer and recitation of the Quran. Dr. Zafarul-Islam also highlighted Shahabuddin’s unwavering commitment to Indian constitutional principles, always insisting that all actions be within the framework of the Constitution, which he regarded as a sufficient safeguard of rights.
Furthermore, he mentioned that Shahabuddin launched the English-language magazine “Muslim India,” which he published from 1980 to 2000. In 2002, Shahabuddin asked him to resume publication, which he did for two years before halting due to financial constraints. Later, Shahabuddin revived the magazine, which continued to be published for several more years.
Dr. Zafarul-Islam lamented that although “Muslim India” was a quality publication, its readership remained limited, and it often operated at a loss. Despite this, it featured valuable discussions on Muslim and national issues. He revealed that he had compiled Shahabuddin’s editorials into two volumes, which are soon to be published and have been personally proofread by him. He also shared plans to publish a comprehensive volume of all Shahabuddin’s writings.
He clarified that Syed Shahabuddin was not a populist leader—a view reinforced after the demolition of the Babri Masjid. Moreover, Dr. Zafarul-Islam recounted Shahabuddin telling him that the idea of boycotting January 26, the Republic Day or wearing black bands was not his but originated from Azam Khan, and that Shahabuddin was compelled to accept it.
Senior journalist Masoom Moradabadi highlighted Shahabuddin’s heroic role during the Shah Bano case, when the Indian Muslim Personal Law Board launched the largest post-independence movement among Muslims, with Shahabuddin’s speeches drawing crowds in the hundreds of thousands.
Prof. Naseer Ahmad Khan, a close associate of Shahabuddin, expressed regret that despite his stature as a respected leader across educated circles and among the masses, only a modest funeral was held—attended by a few officials from Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, the Muslim League, and other organizations. He contrasted this with the funeral of Maulana Muhammad Ahmad Samar, which saw an estimated two to 2.5 lakh mourners, highlighting society’s oversight of Shahabuddin’s immense contributions.
Father Solomon George, the guest of honour, remarked that the stories and media reports about Shahabuddin barely scratch the surface of his efforts in social welfare and minority rights. As a fellow minority, he emphasized the importance of reflecting on why minority leaders often become vulnerable at critical moments, especially in today’s India.
Mr. Nisar Khan moderated the event, which was attended by notable Urdu personalities and presided over by retired Professor Abdul Haq of Delhi University, an esteemed scholar of Urdu and Persian literature.
In his presidential address, Professor Abdul Haq expressed his gratitude for the opportunity to participate in this gathering. He extended heartfelt congratulations to Shahabuddin, recalling his first meeting with him during Chandrashekhar’s tenure as Prime Minister. He reminisced that Shahabuddin was then a shining star in Muslim politics, actively listening to the Prime Minister’s serious discussions on the Babri Masjid issue.
This event served as a fitting tribute to a truly remarkable leader who left an indelible mark on society through his dedicated service and unwavering principles.
source: http://www.indiatomorrow.net / India Tomorrow / Home> Politics> Society / by Zillur Rahman Haider / December 02nd, 2025
In a landmark action ensuring communal harmony, the 125-year-old Mehdi Bagh-Chimthanawala dispute between two breakaway Shia Dawoodi Jamaats in Nagpur, which had dragged through courts for decades, has finally been resolved peacefully through mediation by the Maharashtra State Minorities Commission.
The century-old conflict, rooted in religious succession and property issues, was settled in just 14 days, marking one of the swiftest and most historic arbitrations in the history of Maharashtra. The Commission’s chairperson, Pyare Khan, who enjoys the rank of the Minister of State, played a pivotal role in brokering peace between the two warring sects.
The case had a long judicial history and it was argued by some of India’s most renowned lawyers and heard by eminent judges. Interestingly, it reached a conclusion in only two hearings before Khan, who persuaded both the parties to arrive at an amicable understanding. The final order, based on a settlement deed signed on January 21, 2025, was officially issued on November 11, 2025.
The roots of the Mehdi Bagh-Chimthanawala conflict trace back to 1840, following the death of Syedna Badruddin Saheb, the 46th Dai of the Dawoodi Bohra sect. Disagreement over his successor led to the formation of two factions, known as Atba-e-Malak Jamaat and Mehdi Bagh Institution, by Maulana Malak Saheb and his followers in Nagpur in 1891.
After Maulana Malak Saheb’s death in 1899, the institution split into Mehdi Bagh and Chimthanawala groups. The Mehdi Bagh sect recognised Maulana Badruddin Ghulam Husain Malak Saheb as its spiritual head, while the Chimthanawala group followed Maulana Abdul Qadir Chimthanawala. Over time, disputes over religious leadership, property ownership, and financial control escalated, with both sides accusing each other of mismanagement, religious misconduct, and inciting communal tension.
The contested property, estimated to be worth over Rs. 4,000 crore, became the focal point of multiple lawsuits across decades in the Bombay High Court and the Supreme Court. The dispute witnessed some of India’s most eminent advocates representing both camps. On behalf of the Mehdi Bagh group, legal stalwarts such as Fali Nariman, Kapil Sibal, P. Chidambaram, Uday Lalit, K.K. Venugopal, Gopal Subramanium, and others appeared. Representing the Chimthanawala faction were Soli Sorabjee, Andhyarujina, C. Sundaram, and Rohinton Nariman, among several others.
Under the agreement reached through the Commission’s mediation, the property listed under Special Civil Suit No. 143/1967 was declared as Mehdi Bagh Waqf, to be administered by Maulana Amiruddin Malak Saheb. Maulana Abde Ali Chimthanawala will manage the Dawoodi Atba-e-Malak Wakf, Atba-e-Humayun, and Baitul Aman trusts.
While both sects agreed not to interfere in each other’s religious affairs, all pending litigations across the country will be withdrawn by mutual consent. Declaring the settlement as a “historic milestone in communal harmony,” Khan said this was not just the end of a legal dispute but a triumph of peace and understanding.
“The bitterness of 125 years has been replaced by brotherhood. The Maharashtra Minorities Commission has proven that any conflict can be resolved through dialogue and mutual respect,” Khan said. The resolution of the 125-year-old Mehdi Bagh-Chimthanawala dispute stands as a remarkable example of restorative justice and interfaith harmony, bringing closure to one of Nagpur’s and India’s oldest community conflicts.
The case reached the Commission after 73 members of the Mehdi Bagh institution filed a complaint against Abde Ali Chimthanawala and others, alleging violations of religious, financial, and personal rights. The first hearing took place on January 7, 2025, attended by representatives from both sides — four members from Mehdi Bagh and advocates R.S. Singh and Abdullah Khan representing the Chimthanawala group.
Following Khan’s suggestion to seek reconciliation, both parties returned on January 21, 2025, agreeing to a mutual settlement. The final order was officially issued on November 11, 2025, bringing closure to a dispute that had divided the Dawoodi Bohra community for more than a century.
Expressing satisfaction over the outcome, Sadique Razzak Chimthanawala, son of Maulana Abde Ali Saheb Chimthanawala, said: “We are content with the settlement deed and grateful that this long-standing dispute has ended peacefully.”
Afzal Mehdi, a member of the Mahdi Bagh legal team, echoed the sentiment, stating, “This is a historic day for both communities. Our relations with the Chimthanawala group have improved, and we are confident that such disputes will not arise again. We sincerely thank Minorities Commission chief Pyare Khan for his efforts.”
source: http://www.indiatomorrow.net / India Tomorrow / Home> National Interest / by India Tomorrow Correspondent / November 29th, 2025
To understand a person’s character, nature, and values, it is enough to look at their neighbour. Your neighbour acts as a social mirror for you. There are many reasons for this. The people with whom we spend the most time unconsciously influence our thoughts and behaviour. If your neighbour is good, well-cultured, and helpful, it is highly likely that you are also like that or strive to be so. Conversely, if your neighbour is quarrelsome, selfish, or has bad habits, and you get along with them, people may conclude that you either share those same flaws or are indifferent to such things.
We can choose our friends, but the choice of our neighbours is not always in our hands. In such a situation, how you behave with your neighbour reveals your true nature. If your neighbour is good and you have an amicable relationship, it shows that you value goodness. Similarly, if your neighbour is troublesome, how you handle the situation reveals your patience, understanding, or resilience. Whether you argue with them, ignore them, or find a solution through mutual understanding provides an insight into your personality.
Especially in small villages or traditional societies, a person’s reputation often depends on the testimony of their neighbours. For any new relationship (for instance, when a marriage proposal is considered) or for financial transactions, people first inquire with the neighbours. The ‘Character Certificate’ given by a neighbour is considered the most reliable. If your neighbours speak well of you, your standing in society increases.
In India, particularly in rural and semi-urban areas, ‘Shejardharma’ (the ethos of neighbourliness) is given great importance. Life here is not individualistic but communal. Your every transaction, your joys, and your sorrows are not yours alone; they belong to the community and especially to your neighbours. Your neighbour is your first companion in joy and sorrow and your first witness, which is why your identity is intrinsically linked with theirs.
The soil of Konkan is not just a land of red laterite stones and verdant areca nut groves; it is a soft fabric woven with the threads of different faiths and cultures. The lives of its people are as indebted to the salty sea breeze and the mighty rains of the Sahyadris as they are to the harmony of Hindu-Muslim communities living together for generations. Two living and eloquent symbols of this unity are ‘Irjik’ and ‘Vati-cha Vyavahar’. Both these traditions have crossed the walls of religion and blended so seamlessly into the lives of the Muslim community of Konkan that they have become a part of their very faith.
Irjik: Brotherhood that Blossoms from Sweat
The Muslim community of Konkan is of this very soil, raised in its air and water. Rice farming is the backbone of their lives too, so during the hustle of planting and harvesting, helping one another was not a choice but a necessity. Out of this need, the tradition of ‘Irjik’ or ‘Saavad’, an exchange of sweat and labour, naturally took root among them. This was not merely a convenience but an effortless rule of life. Even today, in the villages of Konkan, a Muslim farmer lends his shoulder to his Hindu neighbour’s rice planting, and the Hindu brother rushes to help with his work.
According to a famous saying, “A man is known by his neighbour.” In Konkan, this identity is not confined to the walls of a house; it reaches down to the footprints in the mud. ‘Irjik’ is not just help with work; it is the sowing of a pure sentiment. Islamic teachings give this sentiment a deeper and more sublime meaning.
The Holy Qur’an, in Surah Al-Ma’idah, commands, “And cooperate in righteousness and piety.” وَتَعَاوَنُوا۟ عَلَى ٱلْبِرِّ وَٱلتَّقْوَىٰ ۖ وَلَا تَعَاوَنُوا۟ عَلَى ٱلْإِثْمِ وَٱلْعُدْوَٰنِ – Holy Quran, Surah Al-Ma’idah, Ayah 2 (Chapter 5, Verse 2) (Cooperate in righteousness and God-consciousness (Taqwa), and do not cooperate in sin and aggression.”) The practice of ‘Irjik’ is the finest example of this command, as it facilitates help for a good cause (agriculture) through mutual cooperation. ‘Irjik’ is the earthly, soil-level manifestation of this divine command. When a neighbour is in difficulty, what could be a greater act of virtue than coming together to work so that the work in their field is completed on time?
In Islam, Huquq ul-Ibad (the rights of fellow human beings) are given the highest status, and within that, the rights of the neighbour (Huquq al-Jar) are considered paramount. The Prophet Muhammad ﷺ stated unequivocally, “He is not a believer who eats his fill while his neighbour beside him goes hungry.” (ليس المؤمن الذي يشبع وجاره جائع إلى جنبه” Hadith – Bukhari, Musnad Ahmad). This Hadith clarifies that Iman (faith) is not limited to personal worship but is tied to social responsibility. To be unaware of a neighbour’s hunger is considered a sign of diminished faith. This teaching is not confined to hunger; it applies to every need of a neighbour. Lending a helping hand to a neighbour burdened by work is the very soul of that teaching.
‘Irjik’ is a humane solution to economic inequality. Even someone who does not have money to pay for labour can cultivate their farm with dignity because of this tradition. Here, ‘labour’ is the greatest currency, and this spirit of equality is very close to Islamic ideology. Therefore, when the Muslim community of Konkan gathers for ‘Irjik’, they are not just planting rice seedlings; through their actions, they are also cultivating the values of cooperation, brotherhood, and social justice.
Vati-cha Vyavahar: The Sweetness of Affection
The ‘vati’ (bowl) that circulates among the homes of Konkan is not just an exchange of food; it is a continuous flow of affection and warmth from the heart. This practice is just as alive in the Muslim households of Konkan. On Eid al-Fitr, their celebration is incomplete until the sweetness of Sheer-Khurma reaches the neighbour’s house. They find no peace until a share of the sacrifice from Eid al-Adha is given to the neighbour. This is not just a custom; it is a beautiful expression of their faith.
Islam has given such importance to neighbourliness that it is said, “The Angel Jibra’il (Gabriel) kept advising me about the rights of the neighbour so frequently that I thought he would command him to be an heir.” (مازال جبريل يوصيني بالجار حتى ظننت أنه سيورثه Hadith – Sahih al-Bukhari and Sahih Muslim). This shows the immense significance given to the rights of a neighbour in Islam. Inheritance rights are typically reserved for blood relatives, but the emphasis was so great that it seemed a neighbour might be granted a share. In the light of this teaching, the ‘Vati-cha Vyavahar’ ceases to be a mere social courtesy and becomes a religious duty, an Ibadat (act of worship).
Another heart-warming teaching of the Prophet Muhammad ﷺ is, “When you prepare a broth (stew), add more water to it and send some to your neighbours.” (يا أبا ذر إذا طبخت مرقة فأكثر ماءها وتعاهد جيرانك Hadith – Sahih Muslim). This teaching is extremely practical. It tells us to cultivate the habit of sharing whatever we have, even if it is a little. The idea behind the ‘Vati-cha Vyavahar’ is precisely this: to include one’s neighbour in the joy created in one’s own home. The message is so simple and beautiful! True happiness lies in sharing whatever you have, no matter how little. ‘Vati-cha Vyavahar’ is the essence of this teaching. That bowl is a small token of affection that enhances the sweetness in relationships. This is because, according to Islamic tradition, “Exchange gifts, and you will love one another.” (تهادوا تحابوا Hadith – Bukhari). This is a small but highly effective teaching. Giving gifts removes mutual resentments and increases love and affection. ‘Vati-cha Vyavahar’ is a beautiful manifestation of this teaching, where affection is exchanged without any expectation. The unwritten rule of never returning an offered bowl empty is an unspoken agreement to maintain the continuity of this flow of love.
‘Irjik’ and ‘Vati-cha Vyavahar’, these Konkani traditions, play a dual role for the Muslim community. On one hand, they connect them to the shared culture of this land, and on the other, they give them an opportunity to live their Islamic values and faith in practice. Therefore, when a bowl goes from a Muslim home in Konkan to a neighbour, it is not just a dish; it is imbued with a legacy of generations and the noble message of Islamic brotherhood. This, indeed, is the true wealth of Konkan.
The spirit of cooperation at the root of ‘Irjik’ is one of the foundational principles of Islam.
Ta’awun (Mutual Cooperation): The Holy Quran explicitly states (Surah Al-Ma’idah, Ayah 2), “And cooperate in righteousness and piety.” ‘Irjik’ is a practical and living example of this command. Helping one’s neighbour or community member in their work is considered not just a social duty but also a virtuous religious act.
Al-Faza’a (الفزعة): This is an Arabic word which means “to rush swiftly to someone’s aid. When a sudden calamity befalls a village or a tribe (e.g., a fire, an enemy attack, or the sudden threat of rain during harvest), a call for help is made. In response to this call, the entire village or tribe comes together and works without any charge. This practice is similar to the urgent and collective nature of ‘Irjik’.
Al-’Awna (العونة): This word is the closest in meaning to ‘Irjik’. Al-’Awna means “planned collective help.” People in a village come together, especially for agricultural work (harvesting, threshing), building a house, or digging a well. They help each other in turns. The practice operates on the principle that “today I will help with your work, and tomorrow you will help with mine.” There is no monetary transaction involved, only an exchange of labour.
Although the practice of ‘Irjik’ in Konkan is known by its local name, the underlying spirit of collective cooperation, reciprocal labour, and brotherhood is universal. This very spirit is the soul of Islamic teachings, and many practices similar to Irjik, such as Al-Faza’a and Al-’Awna, exist in Arab culture to this day.
[The writer is Executive Editor of “SHODHAN”, the Marathi weekly published from Mumbai, Contact: 8976533404]
source: http://www.radiancenews.com / Radiance News / Home> Features / by Shahjahan Magdum / Radiance News Bureau / November 21st, 2025
Muslims not affiliated to political parties have very little chance of making it to public life.
Sir Shafaat Ahmed (left) in Egypt with Jinnah and his sister Fatima.
On September 2, 1946, members of the Interim Government took oath in Delhi. The Interim Government was formed to facilitate the transfer of power from the British to Indians, and consisted entirely of Indians, except for the Viceroy and the commander-in-chief. The plan was for it to have a total of 14 members which was to include five Hindus, five Muslims, and one member each from the Scheduled Caste, Parsi, Sikh and Christian communities, but before it finally took office, there was much debate and politicking, some of its acrimonious, about its composition and structure.
Only 12 positions were finally filled: Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Patel, Rajendra Prasad, C. Rajagopalchari, Sarat Chandra Bose, Dr John Matthai, Sardar Baldev Singh, Jagjivan Ram, C.H. Bhabha, Asaf Ali, Syed Ali Zaheer and Sir Shafaat Ahmed. Mohammed Ali Jinnah, who had broken away from the Congress, stayed away as he wanted the Muslim members to be only from the Muslim League. One of the names he objected to was that of Sir Shafaat Ahmed Khan, a scholar politician.
His appointment offers an example of how to the political trajectory of ‘independent’ – i.e. non-politically affiliated – Muslims in India has been fraught with strife.
The inclusion of these three Muslims undermined Jinnah’s constant demand that all Muslim members of the Interim Government should be from the League. “The Viceroy only added insult to injury by nominating three Muslims who, he knows, do not command either the respect or the confidence of Muslim India,” said Jinnah after Viceroy Wavell’s announcement. The inclusion of Sir Shafaat had particularly riled the Muslim League because he had left it over fundamental differences. While in the League, he had defended it publicly but also disagreed on many issues – the final parting came when the League asked that titles given by the British be returned, and Sir Shafaat disagreed strongly.
On the evening of August 24, 1946, as Sir Shafaat was returning from his walk, he was attacked by two youngsters near Darbhanga House (which now houses a school) in Shimla. He received deep wounds on his head, chest and neck. The incident happened just a few hours after Wavell announced on radio that Sir Shafaat would be a member of the Executive Council. This was a rare and outrageous physical attack on a high-ranking Muslim, and is also a telling statement on the precarious position of the independent Muslim.
Jinnah’s notion of non-League Muslim leaders as lacking respect among Muslims was central to his self-declared position as the sole spokesman of the community. He also argued that even the Congress be not allowed to nominate a Muslim, a condition that was never accepted by the British. The attack on Sir Shafaat Ahmed was reflective of the rather restricted space in the political firmament for Muslims who were not in either the Congress or the Muslim League camp. Two more Muslim leaders could have been inducted in the Interim Government (to take the total number of Muslims to five), but the questions of acceptability and legitimacy of any non-League, non-Congress Muslim prevented that.
‘Congress Moslem’
Reporting on the tussle over the composition of the Interim Government, newspaper reports would describe the Muslim members as either “Congress Moslem”, “non-League Moslem”. For, as the formation of the Interim Government shows, there was hardly any scope for the ‘Muslim’ equivalent of a C.H. Bhabha, who was a businessman, or the Sikh leader Sardar Baldev Singh, both independent of political affiliations, a situation which continues even now.
Discussing the problems facing the composition of the Executive Council with Leo Amery, the secretary of state for India, Viceroy Wavell on June 20, 1945 wrote from Delhi: “The main difficulty is likely to arise over non-League Moslems if Congress insist on putting forward Moslem names. There would also be difficulty in inclusion of non-League non-Congress Moslems.” This is very similar to independent Muslim political actors/formations, not aligned with big parties, struggling to gain legitimacy or patronage.
Sir Shafaat’s inclusion may indicate that there was a scope for a non-Congress non-League Muslim, but it was predicated by the non-participation of Jinnah’s League. On October 26, 1946, three members – Sarat Bose, Sir Shafaat and Syed Zaheer – resigned to make way for the Muslim League, after Jinnah agreed to join the Interim Government.
This brief elevation to a top public office was the highpoint in the political career of Sir Shafaat. In January 1947, there were talks of appointing him as India’s high commissioner to Canada, but it never happened. He had been a member of the UP Legislative Council in the 1920s, part of the Muslim delegation to the Round Table conference and also was India’s high commissioner to South Africa from 1941 to 1944.
Sir Shafaat’s entry to politics was through academia, and not through the popular routes of law or journalism. He is perhaps best remembered as a historian who played a role in the establishment of the Indian History Congress and presided over its first meeting in June 1935 in Pune. As chairman of the Modern Indian History at University of Allahabad he started the Journal of Indian History in 1924. He also taught at University of Madras and Aligarh Muslim University.
He died in Shimla in July 1947, having fallen ill two months earlier. Reporting his death the Congress-supporting Bombay Chronicle noted: “During the greater part of his public career, Dr Shafaat Ahmed Khan, an eminent professor of History and a politician, belonged to a school of thought and activity which quite rightly did not find favour with nationalist India and the Congress. That is why the news of his inclusion in the first Interim Cabinet was received with surprise rather than satisfaction.”
This characterisation of his appointment by the Bombay Chronicle as a “surprise rather than satisfaction” was at odds with the official Congress stand, but was still more charitable than the views of those who placed a greater importance on the joint participation of the Congress and the League in the Interim government. Reflective of the wider mood of the period, Sir Chimanlal Setalvad, for example, termed Sir Shafaat’s inclusion as “unfortunate” and “provocative” to the Muslim League, signifying that the idea of a representative national government during the high politics of Partition could only include Muslims from the League and the Congress.
Muslim representation today
It is only in retrospect that we can assess the figure of Sir Shafaat in the context of the idea of Muslim representation, which requires moving away from the dominant narratives of Congress-Muslim League matrix in the years leading to Partition. It seems that the restrictive bracketing of the nature of Muslim representation is not new, and has a tradition of being inherently inimical to independent voices and movements. It has now taken a much uglier turn.
In colonial India, there was a strong Muslim political presence in Punjab and Bengal, which has continued post-Independence in the form of IUML, MIM and other regional parties. But the story of the national level since then has been different. In independent India, Muslims voted largely for the Congress, which also gave a platform to community leaders. But now with the Congress’s electoral losses, the political sphere has shrunk.
In the current Lok Sabha (like the previous one) too, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) does not have a single Muslim. As the dominant political party, this situation raises a larger existential question on the conception of a Muslim politician itself.
The recent rhetoric of ‘UPSC jihad’, implying the infiltration of the civil services by Muslims, further shows the discomfort in certain sections of the Indian society over Muslims holding positions in public life. Whether it is bureaucracy or politics, it is clear that a narrative of hate and fear, driven by a dangerous construction of undesirability of Muslims in high offices seems to be the driving impulse.
The percentage of Muslim bureaucrats in India has been historically low, and the community’s shrinking political representation in Parliament brings to focus the vexed issue of Muslim representation and shows that walking the political terrain for Muslims has been difficult without patronage from established parties.
Danish Khan is a UK-based journalist and a doctoral candidate at University of Oxford.
source: http://www.thewire.in / The Wire / Home> Analysis> History / by Danish Khan / September 02nd, 2020
