Tag Archives: Khilafat Movement

A mahal called farangi: A story from another time, of another Lucknow almost forgotten

Lucknow, UTTAR PRADESH:

The Telegraph visits the haveli where the Khilafat and Non-Cooperation movements came to be mergedThe Telegraph visits the haveli where the Khilafat and Non-Cooperation movements came to be merged.

Farangi Mahal in Lucknow. / Photo courtesy: Adnan Abdul Wali

Stepping into Farangi Mahal in Lucknow after skirting rows of low-priced chikankari salwar kameez shops and their steady din is somewhat like stepping into the stillness of a forest after having left a busy city. Only, Farangi Mahal is anything but a forest. It is a cluster of buildings that hold within them a bit of history that has been almost forgotten, as the past often is in India, obscured by new settlements or construction, or billboards, if not demolished altogether.

In Farangi Mahal the past is difficult to see also because of the turn Indian politics has taken.

I am part of a group from Calcutta visiting Lucknow last October.

Inside Farangi Mahal, located in the old neighbourhood of Chowk, we enter its elegant and serene courtyard. The lime-and-mortar white exterior is tinged with a blue, peeling off in places. The afternoon sun slants down on the pillared arches and the exposed bricks but does not take away from the fragile beauty of the structure.

Adnan Abdul Wali, a member of the family that owns the house, the Farangi Mahalis, ushers us into the courtyard. His Urdu and Hindi are as impeccable as his courtesy. He is a direct descendant of Maulana Abdul Bari Farangi Mahali, who was a leader of the Khilafat Movement.

Farangi Mahal’s story, however, goes back beyond the nawabs and the British. It was occupied by French merchants during the rule of Mughal emperor Aurangzeb and that is how it got its name. The merchants, owing to some offence, lost the property and Aurangzeb gave it to Abdul Bari’s ancestors, who needed a safe haven.

The farman issued by Mughal emperor Aurangzeb decreeing that Bari’s ancestors could live here / Photo courtesy: Adnan Abdul Wali

“The Khilafat movement started from here,” says Wali. Farangi Mahal is where the idea of joining the Khilafat Movement and the Non-Cooperation Movement was born and Abdul Bari was the architect of the plan. It was a glorious moment of Hindu-Muslim unity in Indian history and Lucknow played its part in it.

Abdul Bari, an eminent religious scholar who belonged to the tradition of highly respected scholars from his family, was also an astute politician. He had travelled across many Muslim countries and was acutely aware of the impact of British imperialism on the Islamic world.

In March 1919 came the Rowlatt Act, which was to be followed by the horrors of the Jallianwala Bagh massacre in April 1919, one of the events that would lead Mahatma Gandhi to launch the Non-Cooperation Movement. Before that happened, a large number of Muslims in India were already disturbed by the threat of the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire in Turkey following World War I and the jeopardised future of the Caliph, the Ottoman head of state, who is nominally the supreme religious and political leader of Sunni Muslims across the world. Turkey had been defeated by the Allied Forces, which included the British.

Adnan Abdul Wali, a direct descendant of Abdul Bari and the family that owns the house. / Photo courtesy: Adnan Abdul Wali

Abdul Bari was convinced that in India, Muslims needed to be made aware that the fate of the Ottoman Empire was their religious concern — and the articulation of the Khilafat (Caliphate) cause needed a larger, national platform.

From around 1919, Abdul Bari was raising support in the countryside, says Francis Robinson, a historian who specialises in Islam in South Asia. Abdul Bari had founded a newspaper for the purpose. But more importantly, he wanted to woo Gandhi to the Khilafat struggle.

Gandhi came to stay in Farangi Mahal for the first time in March 1919 and within six months, Abdul Bari had won him over, says Robinson. This also led to a period of a very special friendship between the two men, which was rooted not only in a common political cause but also shared spiritual beliefs and a love for mysticism, as embodied in Sufi philosophy.

Politically, the campaign for Khilafat and Gandhi’s stamp on it saw Abdul Bari reaching the height of his influence during 1919 and 1920.

Abdul Bari and his Farangi Mahal relatives, with the help of the lawyer Chaudhri Khaliquzzaman, drew up the constitution of the All-India Central Khilafat Committee, says Robinson. “He devoted enormous effort first to persuade the Khilafat Committee to adopt non-cooperation as a policy and second, at the Allahabad meetings in June (1920), in persuading the committee to accept Gandhi as chair of the group that was to put non-cooperation into action,” adds Robinson.

From then on till September 1920, Abdul Bari successfully campaigned to organise a significant Muslim presence at the Calcutta Special Congress, which was held from September 4 to 9, 1920. The session passed the resolution of the Non-Cooperation Movement with a demand for Swaraj. The Khilafat Committee and the Congress came together with non-cooperation as the common goal.

After March 1919, Gandhi stayed at Farangi Mahal three times, recounts Wali proudly. Other leaders such as Jawaharlal Nehru, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and Sarojini Naidu stayed here as well. During Gandhi’s second visit, in September 1919, Muslims in the area abstained from cow slaughter during Bakrid as a mark of respect to Gandhi and appreciation for his support to the Khilafat cause. “Abdul Bari had requested Muslim families to make the gesture,” says Wali.

This was somewhat different from the recent celebration of November 25 as No Non-Veg Day by the BJP government in Uttar Pradesh. The announcement was made to honour the birth anniversary of Sadhu T.L. Vaswani and slaughterhouses and meat shops were required to remain closed that day. There is a world of difference between giving up meat voluntarily and being forced to do so, as there is between non-violence and violence. But such distinctions perhaps do not make much sense anymore in Lucknow, once the capital of nawab-ruled Oudh, now ruled by the BJP with Yogi Adityanath at its helm. Like the No Non-Veg Day, the city has several streets and institutions named after lesser-known Hindu saints.

Abdul Bari is said to have introduced Gandhi to the sufi saint Bakhtiyar Kaki, disciple and successor to Moinuddin Chishti. Three days before his death, Gandhi delivered his last public address at the shrine of Bakhtiyar Kaki in Mehrauli.

Abdul Bari had earlier invited Gandhi to Ajmer, where Chishti is enshrined. At Ajmer Sharif Dargah, Gandhi is said to have experienced his first qawwali on Chishti. It was there that he asked Abdul Bari about Bakhtiyar Kaki. He had first visited Ajmer Sharif in 1921 and would visit it again.

In 1922, after the Chauri Chaura incident, Gandhi withdrew the Non-Cooperation Movement. Abdul Bari did not relent; he was not sparing of Gandhi either, says Robinson, but one has to remember his politics was primarily religious in inspiration. His influence declined steadily from this time and he died in 1926, a disappointed man, according to Robinson.

His name is often seen missing now from the roll call of prominent Khilafat leaders.

And yet Abdul Bari was not only a politician but also an eminent educator, Wali reminds. His ancestors had established a madrasah that became well-known all over the Islamic world and had introduced a syllabus, Dars-e-Nazami, which became a much-respected system of learning.

As a revered teacher in his family tradition, Abdul Bari introduced major changes to the curriculum by stressing the learning of Western sciences and discouraging rote learning.

Wali breaks down. It is very difficult to reconcile the present with the past, he says. Lucknow was never a utopia; communal riots had broken out here around the time of Gandhi’s visits to Farangi Mahal. But now the very fabric of society has changed, he feels. He reads from an Urdu book, and though the meaning of the words remains elusive, the music lingers. Farangi Mahal, with Wali bent over his book, look almost unreal.

But Farangi Mahal still stands, held up by its ancient, sturdy, flat bricks, and memory. Some things stay.

source: http://www.telegraphindia.com / The Telegraph Online / Home> Culture / by Chandrima S Bhattacharya / January 07th, 2024

Contribution Of Muslims To India’s Freedom Struggle

INDIA:

The famous writer Kushwant Singh, once wrote: “Indian Freedom is written in Muslim blood, since their participation in the freedom struggle was much more, in proportion to their small percentage of the population.”

The story and history of India’s independence are written with the blood of Muslims. According to historical references, 65% of those who stood, fought and sacrificed against the British for India’s independence were Muslim freedom fighters, the hams live reported.

A large number of people from all religions and castes took part in the freedom struggle, undoubtedly. However, the struggles of many Muslim prominent personalities who also contributed to India’s freedom and even sacrificed everything including their lives are little known. Muslims have been at the forefront to oppose the British and stood shoulder to shoulder with people from other communities while fighting against them. Getting freedom was not easy, our ancestors had to go face a lot of struggles and difficulties to get us the freedom that we are enjoying now.

The First Call To Oppose British

In the 1750s, Nawab Siraj-ud-Daulah was the first awakened Indian ruler, who stood his ground against the British. He lost the Battle of Plassey in 1757 due to the betrayal of Mir Jafar (Commander of Nawab’s army). With this, Siraj-ud-Daulah’s reign marks the end of the last independent rule in India and the beginning of the East India company’s rule that was unabated for the next two hundred years.

First Freedom Struggle By Muslim Rulers

The first freedom struggle against the British was started by the rulers of Mysore Hyder Ali and his son, Tipu Sultan, during the 1780s and 90s. Both used the first iron-cased rockets and cannons effectively against the British invaders.

Tipu Sultan is considered to be one of India’s first freedom fighters for his fierce fight and brave against the East India Company. He resisted the conquest of the British in southern India and was reluctant to welcome them on his soil. He was the only Indian ruler who understood the dangers that the British posed to India, and fought four wars to oust them from the country.

The Unsung Heroines Of India’s Freedom Struggle

Begum Hazrat Mahal, the unsung heroin, played a very important role in India’s war of Independence. Being a woman, she led a rebellion against the British East India Company in 1857. She shot the British ruler, Sir Henry Lawrence and defeated the British army in a conclusive Battle at Chinhat in 1857.

In the great revolt of 1857, as many as 225 Muslim women sacrificed their lives in the uprising. These unsung Muslim women freedom fighters who have sloganeered, shed blood and given their lives for the country’s independence have now been forgotten to due biases.

A majority of freedom fighters did a nameless service to the nation and one such lesser-known name was Abadi Bano Begum (Bi Amma). Bi Amma was the first woman to address a political rally wearing an abaya. She took part in National freedom struggles, Khilafat Movement and propagated Hindu-Muslim unity. Following Mahatma Gandhi’s advice, Bi Amma played an. An important role in encouraging women to take part in the freedom movement. Further, she played a pivotal role in the Swadeshi movements.

In the book, Gandhi and the Ali Brothers: Biography of a Friendship by Rakhahari Chatterji, Maulana Mohammad Jouhar says, “Suffice it to say that, although she was practically illiterate, I have, in all experience, of men of all sorts of types, come across none that I could call wiser and certainly that was more truly godly and spiritual than our mother.”

Bi Amma was also the mother of Muhammad Ali Jauhar and Shaukat Ali popularly known as the Ali Brothers whom she raised on her own after her husband died when she was young.

Amjadi Begum, the wife of Muhammad Ali Jauhar and daughter-in-law of Bi Amma, is yet another Muslim women freedom fighter. Mahatma Gandhi also dedicated an article on her titled ‘A Brave Woman‘ where he admired her as a courageous wife of a courageous man. 

At the age of 45, Asghari Begum, another forgotten Muslim woman, has also taken part in the 1857 revolt and challenged British rule in the present-day Uttar Pradesh. However, she was captured by the British in 1858 and burnt alive.

Habiba, a Muslim woman’s fought many battles against the British in Muzaffarnagar in 1857. However, she was captured and hanged along with 11 other female warriors at the age of 25.

The Great Revolt of 1857

During the Great Revolt of 1857, Hindus and Muslims under the leadership of the last Mughal emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar tried to oust the British from India. A majority of Hindu sepoys requested Zafar to lead them in the war of Independence. Although the Revolt failed due of several reasons, Muslims have always stood on the front line to oppose the British.

Former Prime Minister of India, Rajiv Gandhi during his visit to Bahadur Shah’s grave, wrote in the visitor’s book: “Although you (Bahadur Shah) do not have land in India, you have it here; your name is alive… I pay homage to the memory of the symbol and rallying point of India’s First War of Independence….”

Muslims came to India and ruled here for over 800 years but they did not steal anything from here as the British, the Dutch and the French did. By bringing plenty of knowledge in literature, architecture, judiciary, political structure, government body and management structure, which is still used in Indian management strategy, they helped India to progress into a unified and civilized nation.

Lighthouse of Rebellion

How many of us know that the organizer and leader of “First Indian freedom struggle” in 1857 was Moulavi Ahamadullah Shah. Known as the ‘Lighthouse of Rebellion’ in Awadh, he Faizabad free from British rule for almost one year, until his death at the hands of British agents on June 5, 1858.

“With being a practicing Muslim, he was also the epitome of religious unity and Ganga-Jamuna culture of Faizabad. In the revolt of 1857, royalties like Nana Sahib of Kanpur, Kunwar Singh of Arrah fought alongside Maulavi Ahmadullah Shah. Maulavi’s 22nd Infantry Regiment was commanded by Subedar Ghamandi Singh and Subedar Umrao Singh in the famous Battle of Chinhat,” according to researcher and historian Ram Shankar Tripathi.

The important role of Muslims in the uprising is the reason that the British government singled out the community for the worst revenge. From the Nawab, the King of Mysore, the last Mughal King, Princes, the landlords, the Ulemas, intellectuals, Urdu journalists, including common people, all members of the Muslim community have made great sacrifices for the freedom of India.

In the uprising of the 1857 revolt, thousands of ulema were slaughtered and the whole of Delhi was emptied of Muslims, according to excerpts from Syed Ubaidur Rahman’s book Biographical Encyclopedia of Indian Muslim Freedom Fighters. They were not even allowed to return to their homes and reclaim their properties.

First Journalist To Sacrifice His Life During The Great Revolt

Moulvi Muhammad Baqir, a scholar and activist of Indian independence activist was the first journalist to be executed following the rebellion in 1857. The editor of Urdu newspapers, Delhi Urdu Akhbar, was washed dead on 16th September 1857 for writing Nationalist articles, without even a trial.

Although India got independence on 15 August 1947, the foundation of the freedom struggle was laid before 1857. Since the time of the Revolt of 1857, which is considered to be the beginning of India’s freedom struggle, Muslim leadership has spearheaded the cause.

First Muslim To Be Hanged For Conspiring Against East India Company

At the age of 27 years, Shaheed Ashfaqulla Khan was the first Muslim to be hanged for conspiring against the British Raj. Khan was hanged to death on December 19, 1927. With this, he became a martyr and a legend among the people because of his love for the country and his unshakeable spirit.

Reshmi Rumal Tehreek (The Silk Movement)

Muslims not only took the lead in the uprising, but also stood in the front line in all other efforts to topple the British colonial regime in India.

After the revolt of 1857, the Muslim leaders changed their strategy of resistance by setting up educational institutions across the country. Reshmi Rumal Tehreek or The Silk Letter Movement (1913-1920) was an initiative by Deobandi Leaders Maulana Mahmud Hasan and Maulana Ubaidullah Sindhi to topple the British Empire.

However, when British intelligence learned about it, hundreds of sympathizers of the initiative were arrested and put in prison for years without any trial. The top leaders including Maulana Mahmud Hasan and half a dozen of his followers were banished to Malta after a faux trial where they faced the worst hardship.

Role of Muslims in Congress’ anti-colonial struggle

Justice Abbas Tyabji, an Indian freedom fighter from Gujarat and associate of Mahatma Gandhi, was the first Muslim president of the Indian National Congress party. Justice Tyabji is also known for leading Salt Satyagraha following Gandhi’s arrest in 1930.

Another Congress president during the colonialism was Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, who is one of the chief Muslim leaders of the anti-colonial nationalist movement. He became the youngest President of the Indian National Congress in 1923 at the age of 35. He faced multiple imprisonments by the colonial state.

From Justice Tayabji to Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, there have been eight Muslim leaders who were in the Indian National Congress’s freedom movement. The other prominent Muslim leaders include, Muhammad Ali Jauhar, Shaukat Ali, Maulana Azad, Dr Mukhtar Ansari, Hakim Ajmal Khan, Maulana Mahmud Hasan and many others. They made every possible sacrifice for the cause of the end the colonial rule.

Frontier Gandhi

Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan was a Pashtun independence activist who campaigned to end the rule of the British Raj in India. He founded the Khudai Khidmatgar resistance movement against British colonial rule in India. He was also known as Frontier Gandhi for his principles of non-violence and friendship with Gandhi. Khan worked towards the formation of a united, independent, secular India. 

Muslim Man Coins “Jai Hind”

The patriotic slogan “Jai Hind” was initially coined by Zain-ul Abideen Hasan, but it was adopted by Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose. It is now used as a way of salutation throughout India. It means “Victory to India” in English.

The Creation Of the National Flag

For a majority of us, the current national flag was designed by Pingali Venkayya. However, it was a Muslim Lady Surayya Tyabji, who created the flag’s final look today.

Although we have recounted several names of the Muslims who have contributed to India’s freedom struggle, there are several thousands of them who fought on the streets against the British Raj.

source: http://www.thecongnate.com / The Cognate / Home> History / by Rabia Shireen / August 15th, 2022

After 97 years, a forgotten British massacre uncovered

KERALA :

The British unleashed ruthless violence over Mappilas to quell the rebellion in south Malabar taluks

A mass grave in Adhikarathodi, Melmuri, where 11 bodies had been buried after the massacre. (Photo courtesy: Sameel)
A mass grave in Adhikarathodi, Melmuri, where 11 bodies had been buried after the massacre. (Photo courtesy: Sameel)

Ninety-seven years ago on this day, the British army massacred 246 people in a small village in the Malappuram district of Kerala as part of a crackdown against the Mappila rebels.

The Mappila Rebellion was part of the non-violent Khilafat Movement led by Mahatma Gandhi and the Ali Brothers in 1921-22. The Mappila Muslims, who reside in the south Malabar region, had taken the movement seriously and engaged in combat with the well-equipped British army.

Ali Musliyar (Courtesy: Wikimedia)
Ali Musliyar (Courtesy: Wikimedia)

The Mappila warriors, under the leadership of cleric Ali Musliyar and Variyam Kunnath Kunjahammed Haji (V K Haji), captured the taluks of Eranadu and Valluvanadu from the British and established their own rule.

After a short period, the British suppressed the rebellion savagely by letting loose the Gurkha Regiment, Dorset Regiment etc. According to official data, more than 2,300 people were killed and over 45,000 rebels were imprisoned in different jails  across the country (the numbers are five-fold higher in unofficial records).

The rebellion had a huge impact on the region as well as the country. Mahatma Gandhi distanced himself from the rebels stating that the rebellion was just “an outburst of fanatics”. Several works, both critical and in support of the rebellion, have been published, but most of them are silent about the British crackdown on the rebels.

Two bodies were buried in this grave. (Courtesy: Sameel)
Two bodies were buried in this grave. (Courtesy: Sameel)

Unmarked graves

This bloodbath, which was largely forgotten, came to light after a three-year-long research by a journalist. Illikkal Sameel, who is with a Malayalam media organisation, spent four years documenting the history behind unmarked graves in a village  located 3 km from the Malappuram district headquarters. In a detailed report published in Madhyamam Weekly, a Malayalam magazine, Sameel has illustrated the brutality of the British towards the Mappila, mostly innocents, including the old and the sick, to terrorise the rebels who had driven the mighty English force away from the region for months.

Cover page of Madhyamam Weekly.
Cover page of Madhyamam Weekly.

In an ironic twist, Sameel, who resides in a nearby village, got to know about this forgotten historical episode four years ago from a friend, K Ashraf, who is pursuing his PhD from Johannesburg University, South Africa. Ashraf informed Sameel about the undocumented graves dating back to 1921 present in the area.

Initially, Sameel could find only five graves at Adhikarathodi in Melmuri village but nobody had any details about those buried there. After tracing the descendants of those buried, Sameel obtained information of 40 people from nine graves. All the graves had more than one body buried and among them one had upto 11 bodies.

“Malabar struggle is a well-researched topic from Kerala’s freedom movement and several scholars are still trying to explore more aspects. But I could find no trace of this particular massacre in any of those works,” Sameel said.

“In a casual conversation, a researcher in Malabar history mentioned Dorset Regiment and their involvement in suppressing the rebellion. I dug further to get details of the regiment and their expeditions, that was also futile,” Sameel explains.

From an octogenarian physician Dr Thorappa Muhammed, Sameel got to know that the number of people killed in the massacre was more than he could count. Muhammed told him that the number would go above 200 and challenged him to look at official British  documents for more information.

Connecting the dots

“Most of the documents are not publicly available now, so I started flipping through the contemporary chronicles of officials. Among them, I went through a book of the  Personal Assistant of Kozhikode Collector Mr Gopalan Nair’s ‘The Moplah Rebellion 1921’, which was published in 1924. In that book, he has just mentioned that the Dorset Regiment met some rebels near Melmuri and it led to the killing of 246 people on October 25, 1921,” said Sameel.

A book by the then police inspector of Malappuram, R H Hitchcock, describes every moment of his life as a British officer in Malappuram.

“The book is no more in print, hence, I got a photocopy of the book from one of my friends and a professor at Malappuram Government College, Dr Jameel Ahmed,” said Sameel.

BookMalabarRebellionMPOs27dec2018

Another historian, Dr M Gangadharan, has cited British officials G R F Tottenham and C T Atkinson in his work on the Malabar struggle. Sameel found Tottenham’s book to be the most valuable as the author had added all the official communications, notes, commission reports etc., that were available during the rebellion.

“I stitched all these details together with the verbal accounts of various residents and stories of survivors to write this report. It was a painful effort,” said Sameel.

Earlier efforts 

In the early 2000s, an article published in ‘Souvenir’ as part of the Pookkottur War anniversary had made some efforts to cover the massacre.

Some young enthusiasts and writers had also made videos regarding this massacre and related artefacts still available in the area. The information for these efforts led Sameel to more graves.

Two feet deep grave. (Courtesy: Sameel)
Two feet deep grave. (Courtesy: Sameel)

‘Girls were murdered’

“Dr Thorappa Muhammed had mentioned graves dug by Muslim women as men were unavailable to conduct the funerals,” elaborates Sameel. “I found two such graves in the latest expedition. Unlike the usual six-feet deep Muslim graves, these were only two feet in depth,” he said.

“As per some official documents and the accounts of descendants of the dead, a significant amount of the people killed in the massacre were innocent. Family members told me about men, including aged and sick, being forcefully dragged out of their  home and shot. Two girls who were trying to protect their fathers were also shot by the army,” Sameel added.

Punished for links?

Apart from a telegram communication of the officials mentioning the short-engagement between Dorset and rebels in Melmuri after the Mappilas were attacked, there is no other evidence to lead us to the motive behind the massacre.

“A large gang reported last night four miles north-west of Malappuram. Operations are undertaken against them by Dorsets, Artillery and armoured cars. Enemy met in jungle west of Melmuri opposing our troops there and in the houses, refusing to come  out when ordered to surrender and offering continued opposition resulting in 246 rebel casualties,” reads the telegram.

Sameel assumes the British unleashed violence in that particular place due to the presence of a big chunk of Ali Musliyar’s students and giving shelter to V K Haji when he was in underground.

He rules out any connections to the alleged Mappila brutality, including forceful conversion of non-Muslims. “In my research, I could not find any credible information about the forceful conversion. Rather, there are mentions of participation of lower caste people in the rebellion,” Sameel claims.

“If such forceful conversions had happened, where are the later generations of those people. But till now nobody came forward claiming as the descendants of ‘those people’,” says Sameel.

“The story of forceful conversion was to demonise Mappila warriors and justify the British brutality. Even the leaders in the freedom movement believed this story and ignored the ruthless suppression of the rebellion,” he added.

In his article, Sameel gives an account of assistance from Thiyya family, lower caste Hindus, to extinguish the fire set on homes of Muslim neighbours by the army.

The course of rebellion changes

The entire course of the rebellion changed after the massacre as more rebels surrendered. Also, the popular support to the rebellion had also diminished. The British created an impression among the people that none,  despite being active or inactive in the rebellion, would be spared.

“This was the British strategy to terrorise the rebels as well as sympathisers of rebels to give a strong message: ‘either support British or die’,” Sameel added.

The British officials themselves accepted that all they killed were not rebels, but they cheered the increase in the number of submissions as a result of the army act.

“In the interval before they (Dorset Regiment) came into action, there had been several encounters with the rebels and on October 25th the Dorsets had killed 246 Mapillas in the Melmuri area. Not all of these probably were active rebels, and the encounter seems to have had a considerable moral effect, for shortly afterwards petitions began to be received from ‘amsams’ in the neighbourhood of Malappuram offering submission,” Under Secretary reported to superiors. (Tottenham, 39).

In the correspondence of F B Evans, I US, Special Civil Officer, he wrote that Malappuram Kazi with thousands of men and women pleaded for amnesty after the massacre. In continuation, he regrets about the bloodbath, saying, “I think this may be put down as the effect of the Melmuri show on the 25th when no doubt a certain number of comparatively innocent people were unavoidably killed.”

Complete cover-up

British and upper caste historians deliberately neglected this episode for their benefits, alleges Sameel.

British officials tried to cover up this brutality to suppress the rebellion as part of maintaining themselves from further reactions from Muslims from other parts of India and to avert the global scrutiny of the war crime.

Sameel demands an open apology and reparation from the British government for their brutality on innocent people.

“The massacres the British army unleashed as part of a crackdown on the rebellion in Malabar, including the one in Melmuri, was one of the deadliest violence in India when one looks at its intensity. There were families without men, as all men were killed or taken to prisons. Those families need both an apology as well as compensation. The Indian government should pressurise the UK for this,” Sameel said.

For generations to come

After publication of the article, Sameel received several calls from different corners detailing other similar massacres. He is planning to write a book with more descriptions and related events.

There is also a plan to produce a documentary on this. Malayalam filmmaker and director of hit movie ‘Sudani from Nigeria’, Zakaria Muhammed, has agreed to produce the documentary under the banner of his production house – Cross Border Camera.

Sameel hopes the history books will feature this episode in the coming days. “The episode of the massacre was known among the victims’ families, till the last generation. The present generation is not aware of this. I hope my work will instil curiosity among them,” Sameel added.

source: http://www.deccanherald.com / Deccan Herald / Home> Specials / by Ajmal V / DH News Service, Bengaluru / October 25th, 2018