The Karnataka government has appointed retired IAS officer L K Atheeq as the financial advisor to chief minister D K Shivakumar. The department of personnel and administrative reforms issued an official notification announcing the appointment. The post carries the salary and benefits equivalent to that of the chief secretary.
Atheeq, who is currently serving as chairman of the Bengaluru Business Corridor, will continue to hold that position concurrently. A 1991-batch IAS officer, he has held several key positions in the state and central governments, including additional chief secretary to the chief minister, finance department, and principal secretary to former chief minister Siddaramaiah.
During his distinguished career, Atheeq served as director in the Prime Minister’s Office, represented India on the board of the World Bank Group in Washington DC, and held leadership roles in rural development, education, health, and governance reforms. He has also served on the boards of several state-run corporations and played a significant role in shaping major national initiatives in education, health, and food security.
source: http://www.daijiworld.com / DaijiWorld.com / Home> Top Stories / by Daijiworld Media Network – Bengaluru / June 04th, 2026
Can a stable and just democracy flourish on foundations of wilful amnesia and erasure?
A c. 1800 painting showing the last stand of Tipu Sultan, ruler of Mysore in 1799 at the end of the Anglo-Mysore Wars with the East India Company. Photo: Henry Singleton/Public domain.
Many will ask why a book about Muslims who fought for India’s freedom? There’s no answer to such questions except another question. Had we been better memory keepers as a nation, could we have avoided the peak disinformation and stupidity which normalises reviling ordinary Muslims as outsiders, infiltrator and insurgents?
Muslim Freedom Fighters of India is a two-volume biographical compilation by Salim Khan on less-known, mostly forgotten and hardly known Muslim figures. The books aim to clear the fog around Muslim freedom fighters whose names are heard of without them being extensively known and this requires us to understand why this fog exists. Written in an extremely readable and accessible format, these biographical accounts embed the historical figures in the context of their times, responding to unprecedented events with foresight, clarity and conviction that sealed their fate and shaped and the nation’s destiny.
Whether we are reading about Generals of 1857 – Bakht Khan and Khan Bahadur Khan – or the Cambridge-educated Rampur scion Mohammad Ali Juahar of Khilafat moment and his fiery mother Bi Amma, the larger questions seething beneath the stories keep rising to surface. Who does a society and nation choose to remember and celebrate? Whose memories are deemed worthy of preserving? History is always shaped by those who control archives, narratives and memorialisation and hence memory.
Reading about Tipu’s dazzling reign through the three Anglo Mysore wars where he proved superior to British forces, I was reminded of the controversy sparked by the late Girish Karnad’s suggestion of naming the Bengaluru airport after Tipu Sultan. Karnad had said, “It is true that Tipu Sultan was not born in Bengaluru, but he was a son of this soil and a freedom fighter. Had Tipu been a Hindu, he would have achieved the status of Shivaji, and the airport would have been named after him.” I recalled Karnad because his play Dreams of Tipu Sultan echoes the same theme that this two-volume tribute to erased, obscured and deliberately unremembered historical figures echoes: that when politics lays down who should be forgotten, remembering the erased becomes a duty, an affirmation and a political act.
It is important to clarify that this is not a compilation of eulogies but well-researched fact based account of people who had the uncommon clarity to resist colonial domination even before the nationalistic narratives took shape. That they happened to be Muslims is important today because of the distortions that have obscured and erased them. But back then when they fought and resisted, they were simply rallying for the cause of their soil and their watan. From the earliest times they understood that freedom from foreign domination required Hindus and Muslims to put up a united front as in the war of 1857, the Khilafat movement, and the period between 1919 and 1924. Back then too, traitors cut across religious lines – Jagat Seth, Mir Jafar, and Ilahi Baksh.
Muslim Freedom Fighters of India: Part 1 and Part 2’, Salim Khan, Qalam Aur Kaagaz Books.
From Siraj ud Daulah to Tipu to Shahzada Firoz Shah, the book shows how the fog around these personalities is not accidental but meticulously designed – initially by the colonial mind, then picked up by early nationalists and woven into simplistic narratives. The macabre dance of history further stifled Muslim voices. Cataclysmic events like the ‘end’ of the Mughal Dynasty in 1857 and the Partition in 1947 sundered clans, erased family histories, legacies crumbled with no one is around to defend and uphold them. Today, even people who don’t know history have heard of Lakshmi Bai, but many who read history may not have heard about Shahzada Firoz Shah, the Mughal Emperor’s grandson who in August 1857, led a band of armed soldiers to rally the rebels in Rohilkhand and Malwa and who fought alongside Tatia Tope and called for a united Hindu-Muslim front against the Company.
The British understood the dangerous potential of popular memory and subverted any potential for memorialisation of hugely influential figures. No one knows if Shahzada Firoz died in battle or escaped to West Asia. The Maulavi Ahmadulla of Faizabad whose authority and fearlessness scared the British so much that they kept a reward on his head, was likewise interred in an unmarked grave. Knowing that even his memory could become a node to unite the rebels, the British saw to it that no commemoration was permitted or possible. Zafar, the last Mughal was exiled to Rangoon for the same reasons.
In her book, India, 5,000 years of history on the subcontinent, Audrey Truschke, elucidates how Muslim rulers like Nawab Siraj ud Daulah and Tipu Sultan to Zafar felt a responsibility for their subjects no matter what their religion. For example, Siraj ud Daulah actively intervened in times of famines and drought in Bengal. But after the British took over they did nothing to alleviate human suffering, so that 20% of Bengal’s population died in the famine of 1768 and the small-pox epidemic of 1769-70 following it. This had never happened during earlier episodes of failed harvests. Truschke says, British historians initiated the custom of categorising Indian rulers as tyrannical, effete and incompetent, reducing them to their religion and writing in terms of Hindu rulers and Muslim rulers. The British needed to demonise Muslim rulers who were their immediate predecessors in subcontinent so that they might look good by comparison, Truschke notes. It was a part of the colonial propaganda.
Another pattern Salim Khan’s compilation brings out is that from mid-18th century onwards, the first responders and the most committed crusaders resisting colonial domination – the kings, queens, princes, preachers, noblemen – were Muslims. Not only because the British had wrested from them the power they had wielded for centuries (howsoever fragmented or diluted it may have become); but also, because they were looked upon as leaders. In Awadh, for example, the Shia elite took it as their moral-ethical duty (see Chapter 7, volume I: Shia Ullema and Noblemen of Awadh)
Even in the 20th century, Muslim freedom fighters like Hasrat Mohani of the Inquilaab Zindabad fame and Asfaqullah Khan of the Kakori conspiracy who was an icon for Bhagat Singh, remain in the shadows, seen only in a hazy half-light. Were their contributions any less or only less remembered? One of the most important projects post-Independence should have been to restore memory and affirmation to those whom the British put on the wrong side of history, no matter what their religion or caste. But we know this is not what happened.
Since the arrival of the political controversy over Tipu Sultan, we have entered in an era of deliberate distortion of history. The larger question that these accounts refrain from asking but that jumps to any thinking person’s mind is this: can a stable and just democracy flourish on foundations of wilful amnesia and erasure? Should the memory of Muslim freedom fighters be kept only by the Muslims? The heritage and memory of Indian Muslims needs to be reclaimed by them. But equally, these volumes are required reading for the casually miseducated, hopelessly disinformed or simply ignorant Hindus who have been stupefied into denying and distorting their composite history.
Varsha Tiwary is a Delhi-based writer and translator. She has recently published 1990, Aramganj a translation of the best-selling Hindi novel Rambhakt Rangbaz.
With the exception of Kerala, in the just concluded five Assembly polls, most Congress candidates who won in Assam, West Bengal and Tamil Nadu are Muslims. The party contested over 390 seats in Assam and West Bengal and won 21, of which 20 were Muslim candidates.
In Kerala, where the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) alliance is set to form the Government, the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) is its key ally. Of the total 35 Muslim MLAs elected to the Kerala Assembly, 30 are from the Congress-led UDF alliance. Eight Congress MLAs are Muslims, while 22 belong to ally IUML.
As per the election commission results, 18 of the 20 Muslims fielded by the Congress have won, while one out of the other 79 non-Muslims fielded by Congress has won. Its ally Raijor Dal has won two seats, out of which one of them is a Muslim, and the other is Akhil Gogoi, who is facing an NIA probe for being the kingpin of Maoist activities in Assam.
Further, Congress won two seats in West Bengal, and both are Muslims from Muslim-dominated seats. In fact, with 63 Muslim candidates, the grand old party outdid TMC in giving party symbols to Muslims in West Bengal, which gave tickets to 47 Muslim candidates.
In the case of Tamil Nadu, Congress nominated two Muslims, of which 1 has won. Muslims fielded by Congress alliances in both Keralam and Assam have an 80 percent+ winning strike rate, making it obvious that the only community which assured victory to Congress are Muslims.
On Monday, BJP made history by winning 206 seats and more than a two-thirds majority in the West Bengal assembly, ending TMC’s 15-year rule. It will also form the Government in Assam for a third consecutive term, with a record 102 seats in the 126-member assembly. Meanwhile, the Congress-led opposition had its worst recent performance.
source: http://www.dailypioneer.com / The Pioneer / Home / by Deepak Kumar Jha / May 06th, 2026
In a remarkable gesture, a spirited villager in Rajasthan gifted a car to a girl who topped in her government school, along with cash rewards to other high-performing students, in the Class 10 examination conducted by the Rajasthan Board of Secondary Education.
The incident took place in Rolsahabsar, a small village in Sikar district, where the generous benefactor, and a social worker Adil Khan, presented a Swift Dzire car to Anzal Khan, who scored an impressive 95.5 per cent.
Such an initiative is rare, especially at a time when media attention often focuses on the achievements of private schools in board examinations. Against this backdrop, Adil Khan’s effort stands out as a meaningful recognition of both girl power and the improving standards of government schools.
Anzal Khan, a student of Government Higher Secondary School, Rolsahabsar, was handed over the keys to the car—valued between ₹8–12 lakh—at a function held in the village’s main square.
In addition, Adil Khan awarded ₹1 lakh each to five other girls who scored above 90 per cent in the board exams. The recipients included Aksha Khan, Sophia Khan, Payal Kumari, Ruqya Bano, and Farheen Khan.
The joy and pride on the faces of the award-winning students were evident. The recognition not only boosted their confidence but also inspired others in the community.
The ceremony was attended by Bajrang Lal Swami, Additional Director of RSCERT Udaipur, and Fatehpur MLA Hakeem Ali Khan, who graced the event as chief guests. They praised Adil Khan’s initiative, noting that such efforts bring positive change to society and reinforce the importance of education.
Other meritorious students from the village were also honoured, along with teachers from three government schools for their outstanding results. The event became a platform to celebrate hard work, dedication, and commitment.
What makes Adil Khan’s gesture even more noteworthy is that he is not a prominent industrialist but an ordinary villager who funded the entire initiative with his own earnings. His actions have struck a chord with people, demonstrating that meaningful change requires not just resources, but also conviction and purpose.
Though not among the wealthiest in the village, Adil Khan has a big heart and a strong vision. He expressed his desire to see the daughters of Rolsahabsar rise to top positions in services such as the IAS, IPS, and judiciary. He also said that the village should be known not only for politics but for its commitment to education.
He has announced that he will continue to honour meritorious female students over the next three years.
The announcement has generated fresh enthusiasm in the village. Parents are increasingly motivated to educate their daughters, while students are striving harder to excel academically and qualify for such recognition.
Adil Khan’s initiative is gradually transforming the social fabric of the village. Where once there was hesitation in sending girls to school, there is now a sense of pride.
The ceremony drew a large gathering of villagers, teachers, students, and public representatives, fostering a new mindset and a progressive way of thinking.
His initiative has been widely appreciated across the region, sparking conversations about the importance of educating girls. The celebration has sent out a powerful message: when given the right opportunities, daughters can achieve anything.
source: http://www.awazthevoice.in / Awaz, The Voice / Home / by Ashfaq Qaymkhan, Sikar,Rajasthan / April 20th, 2026
Seohar Town (Bijnor District), BRITISH INDIA / NEW DELHI :
For too long, a handful of names have dominated the history of the years leading up to 1947 with Gandhi, Nehru, Jinnah, Patel being the most-often cited.
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and others at Governor-General‘s Dussehra reception held at Government House, New Delhi on September 29,1949. At extreme left is Asaf Ali, the then Governor of Orrisa. Edited via Canva. Photo: Photo Division, Govt. of India
For several years I worked in a publishing company situated on the bustling Asaf Ali Road, a road that serves as a cordon sanitaire between the squalor of Old Delhi and the (relative) order of New Delhi. Once an important business hub, by the time I went to work there in the late 1980s, this long stretch of colonnaded corridors with a warren of densely-packed offices wore an unmistakably grubby, down-at-heel look. At the head of the road, stood the statue of Asaf Ali in a derelict enclosure near Delhi Gate (or Dilli Gate as the locals pronounced it). The dark statue, generously speckled with startlingly white droppings from the many pigeons that frequent this neighbourhood, looked forlorn, especially so with the shervani-clad, bespectacled figure standing with hands clasped in a peculiarly supplicatory posture.
TCA Raghavan, Circles of Freedom: Friendship, Love and Loyalty in the National Freedom Struggle, Juggernaut (2024)
I must confess that in the four years I worked at Asaf Ali Road and passed this statue twice a day, morning and evening, it evoked no curiosity in me and I knew virtually nothing about Asaf Ali. Perhaps, his wife Aruna Asaf Ali’s name seemed more familiar given that she was still alive and active. I suspect I was not alone in this. For most people in Delhi, Asaf Ali is a forgotten footnote from long-ago history lessons, one of the many ‘obscure’ people who were part of the national freedom struggle. If the situation is so dismal in Delhi, where he had lived and worked, a city that had been home to his ancestors, I suspect it can only be worse in the rest of the country.
In writing Circles of Freedom: Friendship, Love and Loyalty in the National Freedom Struggle, TCA Raghavan corrects an old wrong. For far too long the tall poppies of the freedom movement have overshadowed the countless others who devoted their entire lives to the cause of independence and struggle against colonial rule. For too long, a handful of names have dominated the history of the years leading up to 1947 with Gandhi, Nehru, Jinnah, Patel being the most-often cited.
Over the past decade, with history being rewritten by new, dominant players, new names are being invoked and icons fashioned from often slender resources. In this unseemly clamour for space and recognition, some names have almost slipped through the crevices of the popular imagination, neglected and overlooked by the professional historian or, at best, relegated to the lowest rungs in a carefully crafted hierarchy of heroes. A park or a road named after the lesser-known evokes neither curiosity nor interest in their lives and the place they occupied in the shaping of a young nation. Asaf Ali (1888-1953) is one such person.
Raghavan’s book, however, is not a straightforward biography for it is not about Asaf (as the author calls him) alone. Instead, he chooses to tell his story through five protagonists who were inextricably tied by the threads of friendship and solidarity: Asaf Ali, Sarojini Naidu, Syud Hossain, Syed Mahmud and Aruna Asaf Ali. While Aruna enters this narrative quite late when she marries the much older Asaf, the other four meet in England just before the Great War where the three men have gone to study and Naidu, recuperating from an illness, is the erudite diva, eloquent poet, ardent nationalist and a veritable magnet for impressionable young men dreaming impossible dreams.
Over the next four decades, they meet, write long letters to each other, take a lively interest in each others’ lives and careers but ‘what gave meaning to their lives,’ as Raghavan notes in his conclusion, ‘was the great enterprise they chose to become part of’. And so it was the freedom struggle that not just formed the core of their relationship but also, in effect, shaped their lives. Were it not for this one singular, overwhelming zeal to seek freedom for their country, they could very well have lived other lives: Naidu would have remained a dulcet-voiced poet, both Asaf and Mahmud successful and wealthy barristers, Hossain a journalist and Aruna a do-gooder with no special qualifications. But such were the exigencies of the times that all five were caught up in different ways and different degrees with the national freedom struggle and that singular ‘great fight’ defined their lives.
With three extremely well-received books behind him – Attendant Lords: Bairam Khan and Abdur Rahim – Courtiers and Poets in Mughal India, The People Next Door: The Curious History of India’s Relations with Pakistan and History Men: Jadunath Sarkar, G. S. Sardesai, Raghivir Sinh and Their Quest For India’s Past – Raghavan, a former diplomat, can recreate history with the aplomb of a master story-teller and the meticulousness of a professional historian. Here, he weaves the events of the tumultuous years leading up to Independence with the lives of his five principal characters, keeping Asaf at the centre of his concern. Through Asaf, he teases out the nuances and dilemmas of the moderate Muslims in India who refused to be enamoured by the lures and promises of the Muslim League and remained steadfast in their devotion to the Congress and, by extension, Nehru.
The extreme deference that the nationalist Muslim leaders displayed towards Nehru is noted; each time a Muslim leader attempted to bring the ‘communal problem’ to Nehru’s notice, the latter would brush aside these concerns by saying, ‘The real problem is a political problem – the conflict between an advanced organisation like the Congress and a politically reactionary organisation like the League.’ Concerns of leaders such as Asaf who believed ‘self determination was preferable to a union that was forced’ were disregarded. Mindful of the suspicion that Muslim leaders within the Congress evoked amongst their colleagues, Raghavan notes, ‘Because he was a Muslim, the impression among some was that he was a fifth columnist for the League’. The coming of independence didn’t make it any easier for those Muslims who chose to stay on in India. Nationalism increasingly began to mean thinking and living in the Congress way and none other. Those who lived or thought another way came to be regarded as anti-national, a phenomena we see repeated in the New India that is Bharat, except that it is the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party that has replaced the ideological hegemony of the Congress.
Different readers will possibly take different things from this book: the broad brush strokes that delineate milestone moments from modern Indian history, Gandhi’s irresistible call to Quit India, the unfurling of the national flag at Gowalia Tank by a young Aruna that catapults her to national fame, the detailed account of jail-life for a group of high-profile, political prisoners inside the Ahmadnagar fortress, a meticulous dove-tailing of accounts from different sources and disparate perspectives to create a bright, colourful and immensely readable patchwork quilt of modern Indian history, and much else in this engrossing book.
I, however, was left with an ineffable sadness and a sense that the more things change, they remain the same – at least for India’s Muslims. Despite his many sterling qualities of heart and mind, despite a fine legal education, Asaf neither made a mark as a lawyer or a politician. Though seemingly destined for greatness, having aided fate by preparing himself assiduously for a life devoted to the larger good, Asaf never quite scaled the heights he aspired to. The few successes that came his way, such as a seat in the Constituent Assembly (from Delhi) or fighting high-profile cases such as those of Bhagat Singh or Shaikh Abdullah, were marred by controversy or a smaller share in the limelight than he felt he deserved. The mantle of statesmanship that should have fallen on him with the passing of Dr Ansari and Hakim Ajmal Khan, both national leaders from Delhi like him, and a seat at the high table that should have been offered to him as a veteran Muslim leader, did not happen.
Given the price paid by far taller leaders in the Congress – such as C. Rajagopalachari and Bhulabhai Desai – for showing initiative and thus offending the party high command, shows the extent to which the Congress, not unlike the League, was becoming a personality-dominated organisation. Asaf’s case was compounded – to use a modern expression – by the optics; his timorousness, his ‘going to pieces’ fretting with worry over his wife during his long years of incarceration, his marital woes, the shadow of mistrust and suspicion that clung to him all his life combined to create a persona that failed to inspire confidence.
For all his loyalty to Nehru, Asaf was not chosen for any cabinet position or placed on any important committee. Instead, he was sent as Ambassador to Washington, brought back to serve as Governor of Orissa and then sent again as Ambassador to Sweden where he died barely a few months into his tenure.
Just as being a moderate Muslim defined Asaf’s public persona, so did his marriage to Aruna. From a political novice she rapidly transformed into a stormy petrel causing immense anxiety, consternation and eventually a sadness in her husband. Raghavan is to be credited for staying steadfastly away from prurient gossip and portraying the changing contours of the marriage objectively: ‘… in fact the relationship had started changing quite early in the marriage and here Aruna’s own political journey was the driving factor.’ Reading between the lines of Raghavan’s carefully crafted text, one picks up the whiff of misogyny in the higher echelons of our national leadership. While acknowledging Aruna’s bravery and patriotism, Gandhi saw her as a ‘perpetual rebel’ and Nehru went so far as to call her ‘hysterical’ on one occasion – something Aruna never forgot.
Incidentally, Gandhi, who was vehemently opposed to inter-religious marriages and had opposed his son Manilal’s relationship with Fatima (a Gujarati Muslim) and Hossain’s alliance with Nehru’s sister Sarup Rani (later known as Vijay Lakshmi Pandit), endorsed Asaf’s marriage to Aruna. Read Circles of Friendship to find out why.
Rakshanda Jalilis a Delhi-based writer, translator and researcher.
source: http://www.thewire.in / The Wire / Home> Books / by Rakshanda Jalil / August 29th, 2024
The unkindest cut came in September 2018. When Kamaluddin passed away in Hyderabad, he was denied a state funeral, the minimum courtesy and standard practice for senior government personalities.
M Kamaluddin Ahmed
Long before Telangana became a reality, before slogans echoed across university campuses and political parties, there was M Kamaluddin Ahmed, who raised his voice for the region’s forgotten villages and neglected people.
History is often unkind to people who speak early. Several prominent names have become synonymous with the decades-old “struggle” for a separate Telangana, but it was Ahmed who stood up first and raised the issue of neglected farmers.
A son of Telangana’s rural soil, Ahmed carried the cause to Parliament, warning about the deep inequalities between Telangana and Andhra Pradesh decades before statehood was achieved.
And now, he is slowly fading away from the history books of Telangana statehood formation.
Hyderabad’s young men and women who completed their schooling in the late 1960s and early 1970s would recall the “Telangana agitation” that played havoc with many lives. That period was marred by hunger strikes, violence and police firing. Even the then dynamic M Channa Reddy would soon fade in the minds of the people of this region.
The simmering anger of the region’s original populace was, however, far from extinguished, as the justifiable demand for a separate “Telangana” state remained a pipe dream. Though the movement for a separate state gained fresh momentum again in the 2000s, it was not until June 2014 that the Telangana state finally became a reality.
He spoke for rural Telangana till his last breath
Right from the early 1960s to the 1990s, Kamaluddin Ahmed continued his work for the people of Telangana at the grassroots level.
He was an MLA from Cheriyal and Jangaon in 1962 and 1967, respectively. He was MP from Warangal/Hanamkonda during 1980, 1989 and 1991-96, before becoming the Union minister of state (civil supplies and public distribution) and minister of state (commerce).
Between 1985 and 1989, in his capacity as chairman of the National Agricultural Cooperative Marketing Federation of India (NAFED), he ensured fair representation of local issues at the central level. In 1994, he was made president of the then Andhra Pradesh Congress Committee (APCC).
Ahmed’s focus on irrigation projects brought great benefit to the highly arid farmland areas of Telangana. The greening of the hitherto arid belt of Karimnagar-Warangal, thanks to the Sriram Sagar Project (irrigation/hydroelectric power), was largely due to his untiring initiatives on the ground.
Most importantly, it is worth noting that during the Lok Sabha debates to commemorate the 50th anniversary of India’s Independence on September 1, 1997, it was Kamaluddin Ahmed who highlighted the continued backwardness of the “real” Telangana, especially in comparison with the far more advantaged and favoured Andhra region.
In 2001, Ahmed went on to become a member of the Planning Commission.
In addition to his political acumen, Ahmed was a well-read scholar who was fluent in Telugu, Urdu and English, an ideal combination for a Telangana statesman. His interest in sher-shayarimade him special to many from across the political spectrum. One of them was former prime minister AB Vajpayee, who handpicked Ahmed to be India’s Ambassador to Saudi Arabia during 2002-04.
Telangana’s rural son deserted
However, this exposition at the key parliamentary forum resulted in a backlash that was grossly unfair not only to the cause of Telangana, but also to the individual whose voice had never been acknowledged in the annals of the fight for Telangana statehood.
Post September 1997, Kamaluddin Ahmed’s former allies and even close colleagues and friends — many of whom had shared his vision — not only deserted him but also sought to discredit him in every way possible.
Most of them had already switched to an anti-separate Telangana stance. The abrupt lack of support was reflected in Ahmed losing the 1998/99 Lok Sabha election, which came as a rude surprise even to the man himself. Deeply saddened by the behaviour of his close friends and senior leaders, Ahmed opted for early retirement from active politics.
For such a singular crusader of the cause of Telangana, the injustices heaped on Ahmed are beyond enumeration — injustices that defy all reason. To be denied credit where due is commonplace in every sphere of human endeavour, but the targeted “erasure” of a senior leader with a remarkable track record can only be construed as vendetta.
Kamaluddin Ahmed passed away without a proper farewell
The unkindest cut came in September 2018. When Ahmed passed away in Hyderabad, he was denied a state funeral, the minimum courtesy and standard practice for senior government personalities. The “new-born” state saw no need to honour one of the foremost champions who had relentlessly argued for its very identity. Sadder still, the lapse raised no eyebrows.
With the Congress now back at the helm in Telangana, there is ample opportunity to set the record straight and accord M Kamaluddin Ahmed the recognition and credit he fully deserves. The annals of the Telangana movement would remain incomplete without the name of this selfless crusader for the region’s identity and economic development.
This was the voice of a true son of the soil, not that of an opportunistic politician. And this was a full decade before the Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) gave its clarion call for a separate Telangana.
“Telangana Shining” is a label that we see everywhere in Hyderabad today. However, few in this bustling South Indian city of 7 million would remember, even if faintly, that statehood for this region did not come easy.
source: http://www.siasat.com / The Siasat Daily / Home> News> Telangana / by Raziuddin Ahmed / May 14th, 2026
The hijab ban in schools and colleges was also on the agenda, but the State government revoked it this week.
Congress MLA Zameer Ahmed Khan (Photo | EPS
Bengaluru :
With members of the Federation of Karnataka State Muslim Organisations set to release a report on the performance of the Congress-led government under Siddaramaiah in implementing promises made in the party manifesto, there is a growing sentiment among sections of the community that the collective Muslim leadership within the government has failed.
Tanveer Ahmed of the organisation said the Congress has been in power for three years, and had released its manifesto in 2023. “We have done research on whether they have fulfilled their manifesto promises,’’ he said.
The report, to be released on Saturday, will include ten points, including the promise to act against organisations spreading communal hatred, take up the cow slaughter law, 4 per cent Muslim reservation (category B) promise, anti-conversion law, budget for minority educational institutions, and other issues. The hijab ban in schools and colleges was also on the agenda, but the State government revoked it this week.
According to Ahmed, these promises were are not fulfilled. Asked if the convention has been organised due to the brouhaha over denial of the Davanagere South bypoll ticket to a Muslim candidate, and the party’s action against Muslim leaders, he said there is no link.
“We have been preparing this report for the past eight months,’’ he said. However, he said the issue could come up during the convention.
Meanwhile, senior Congress leaders are alleging that this convention is backed by Housing Minister Zameer Ahmed Khan and MLC Naseer Ahmed. Post the Davanagere bypolls, Naseer was removed from the post of CM’s political secretary, and a section of leaders had also criticized Zameer Ahmed for not actively campaigning for the party candidate.
Tanveer Ahmed said their convention is not people centric, but focuses on issues. “The collective Muslim leadership has failed. They were elected by the same Muslim community, but have done nothing in return,” he said.
source: http://www.newindianexpress.com / The New Indian Express / Home> Karnataka / by Express News Service / May 16th, 2026
MLA pays homage at Tipu Tomb, releases Urus Shariff invitation
Mysore/Mysuru:
MLA Tanveer Sait, along with several others observed Tipu Sultan Martyr’s Day at a Fatha Khawni programme organised by Hazarath Tipu Sultan Shaheed Welfare and Urus Committee Secretary Afroz Pasha at Tipu Tomb (Gumbaz), Ganjam in Srirangapatna recently.
Hazarath Moulana Syed Inayathur Rehaman Razvi Saheb, Khateeb-o-Imam of Masjid Aqsa, Tipu Tomb, performed Fatha Khawni while Afroz Pasha and MLA Tanveer Sait spread the Flower Mat (Chadar) on the tombs of Tipu Sultan Shrine and his parents. Moulana Mohd. Inayath Ur Rehaman Razvi read Duwa supplications for the welfare of all.
Afroz Pasha distributed sweets (Tabruk) and felicitated the MLA by offering shawls.
Invitation, posters released
On the occasion, MLA Sait released the invitation and publicity posters of the 234th Annual Sandal Urus Shariff of Hazarath Tipu Sultan Shaheed.
The annual Sandal Urus Shariff will be celebrated on May 16 in city during which a public meeting will be held and a procession will be taken out.
Industrialist M.F. Jamsheed, Senior Congress leader Syed Iqbal, Waseem, Radiulla Khan, Member of the College Development Council of Government Girls’ Pre-University College Khwaja Mohammed Musheer Chishti, Syed Younus, Majeed Ahmed, Afroz Khan and a host of devotees were present.
source: http://www.starofmysore.com / Star of Mysore / Home>News / May 08th, 2026
Business leader and social activist Syed Mumtaz was awarded the prestigious Mahatma Gandhi National Sadbhavana Award in recognition of his contributions to social service, community development, and entrepreneurial empowerment.
The award, instituted by the Sanatan Foundation, honours individuals and organisations that have made significant contributions toward peace, social harmony, public service, and national unity in the spirit of Mahatma Gandhi’s ideals.
The award was presented during a special programme titled “Gandhi Smriti: Our Steps towards Gandhian Principles” held at Sir M. Visvesvaraya Auditorium in Bengaluru. Thawar Chand Gehlot, Governor of Karnataka, attended the event as the chief guest and presented the honour to Syed Mumtaz.
Syed Mumtaz is the Chief Executive Officer of Rug-Rail Components and Systems Private Limited and currently serves as the President of the Karnataka chapter of the RIFA Chamber of Commerce and Industries. He is also a member of the organisation’s Central Advisory Committee.
According to the organisers, Mumtaz was chosen for the award in recognition of his sustained efforts toward the betterment of society and his initiatives aimed at empowering youth and entrepreneurs. Through his leadership roles, he has been actively involved in mentoring startups, conducting business workshops, and creating networking and mentorship platforms for aspiring entrepreneurs.
Over the years, Mumtaz has emerged as a prominent voice in promoting inclusive business growth and community-oriented development. His initiatives through RIFA Chamber of Commerce and Industries have focused on encouraging ethical entrepreneurship, supporting small businesses, and creating opportunities for young professionals.
Speaking on the occasion, Mumtaz said that success should always contribute toward larger social goals. He noted that he plans to launch more people-centric projects in collaboration with RIFA in the coming months to strengthen community empowerment initiatives.
The organisers stated that the award ceremony aimed to inspire citizens to uphold Gandhian values such as harmony, service, compassion, and national integration. Several social activists, business leaders, community representatives, and dignitaries attended the event.
The Mahatma Gandhi National Sadbhavana Award is regarded as a notable recognition for individuals who work beyond their professional domains to contribute meaningfully to society. This year’s ceremony highlighted the growing role of entrepreneurs and community leaders in addressing social challenges and promoting collective progress.
Syed Mumtaz is an engineering graduate and a distinguished student of Islamia Arabic College, Mansoora in Karnataka. He discharged the duties as unit president of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, BTM Layout in Bangalore for one term earlier.
source: http://www.radiancenews.com / Radiance News / Home> Pride of the Nation>Awards / by Radiance News Bureau / May 15th, 2026
MLC Shah Alam ‘Guddu’ Jamali’s Educational Mission Continues to Transform Lives.
Azamgarh:
APS Residential Academy, operating under the guidance of Azamgarh Public School, has once again emerged as a beacon of educational opportunity for deserving students in eastern Uttar Pradesh.
The academy has announced registrations for its Free NEET Residential Coaching Program (Session 2026–27), with the last date for application fixed as May 10, 2026, while the entrance examination will be conducted on May 16, 2026, from 9:00 AM to 12:00 PM on the school campus at Kotila Check Post, Rani Ki Sarai, Azamgarh.
This ambitious educational initiative is being spearheaded by Shah Alam, Member of the Legislative Council (MLC) and Founder-Chairman of Azamgarh Public School, whose dedication toward empowering underprivileged students through quality education has earned widespread admiration across the region.
Under the program, 50 meritorious students who have either passed or appeared in the Class 12 examination will receive completely free NEET coaching along with boarding, lodging, and meals—an opportunity that could prove life-changing for economically weaker aspirants preparing for India’s highly competitive medical entrance examination.
In addition, students currently studying in Classes 11 and 12 at Azamgarh Public School will also receive free academic guidance and NEET preparation support, further strengthening the institution’s commitment to educational excellence.What makes the initiative especially remarkable is its proven success record.
Several students trained through the academy are presently pursuing MBBS degrees at prestigious government medical institutions, including King George’s Medical University and Aligarh Muslim University. Their achievements stand as a testament to the academy’s disciplined environment, quality mentorship, and student-centric approach.
For many families in Azamgarh and nearby districts, the program represents not merely coaching, but a gateway to social mobility and a brighter future,
Guddu Jamali: Lighting the Lamp of Education
Widely known among the people as “Garibon Ki Thali” for his unwavering support toward the poor and marginalized, Shah Alam has consistently championed the cause of education as a transformative force for society.
Through his vision, thousands of students are gaining access to disciplined learning environments, modern education, and career opportunities that were once beyond their reach.His educational mission reflects a larger philosophy-that true social progress begins with empowering youth through knowledge. Over the years, his initiatives in Azamgarh have not only strengthened academic infrastructure but also inspired confidence among students from disadvantaged backgrounds.
Speaking about the academy’s objective, members of the management stated that the institution aims to identify talented students from rural and financially weaker sections and provide them with every possible resource needed to succeed in competitive examinations like NEET.
Candidates seeking admission can register through the academy’s official portal:
APS Residential Academy Official Website
www.apsracademy.com
For assistance, students may also contact: 8090107028 or 7267827622.
As Azamgarh steadily advances on the educational map of Uttar Pradesh, initiatives led by Shah Alam Guddu Jamali are increasingly being recognized as models of socially driven educational reform-where opportunity, mentorship, and compassion come together to shape the future of an entire generation.
source: http://www.hindektatimes.com / Hind Ekta Times /Home / by Hind Ekta Times / May 10th, 2026
