Category Archives: Martyrs of the Nation

There is no history of India’s freedom without its Muslims

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INDIA :

At 80, revisiting the Muslim lives, movements and sacrifices that shaped India’s struggle for freedom, and the politics of forgetting them.

Stroll through the pages of India’s history, because academia has failed to acknowledge some names and contributions in the Indian freedom struggle. From the Taj Mahal, Red Fort, Qutub Minar, Humayun’s Tomb, Gol Gumbaz, Charminar, to Fatehpur Sikri and the bustling lanes of Chandni Chowk, they all speak volumes louder. But the cultural pattern of ‘selectively remembering’ and ‘selectively forgetting’ has downplayed nation’s history into one-dimensional narratives , while external sources of learning like cinemas, textbooks, public places re-branding, etc,  are getting colored with contemporary political dynamics, to legitimize their plans and policies. 

To fathom India’s past sincerely, we must be willing not only to learn but also to unlearn. Learning involves discovering forgotten contributions, while unlearning requires shedding inherited biases, political narratives, and simplified versions of history. Because, as eminent historians have speculated, the past is constantly reinterpreted in the light of new evidence and new questions. Consequently, the framing of our past will affect the present, which will further be read as a past in the future, thus entrusting us with sheer responsibility of weaving a lineage of conscience, not insidious storytelling.

The lost dots of the Indian freedom movements

Revisit in Indian history afresh because erasure never happens all at once, it happens slowly and systematically.

Independence Movements did not count from the very battles fought, but from the conditions laid down before and after to formulate and fixate Indian society and culture altogether. Resistance to the economization, politicisation, and, ultimately, colonization by the Britishers was confronted by the collective plurality which our country possessed with pride. Testifying that resistance was not always born on the battlefield, often it began with communities refusing to harbor animosity for one another. 

Hindu sanyasis and Muslim fakirs whom the British Company wanted to fragmentalise, chose each other instead. Naga ascetics of the Dashnami order like Pandit Bhabani Charan Pathak stood beside Muslim fakirs of the Madari and Burhana sects, Majnu Shah Fakir, Chirag Ali, Musa Shah, and together resisted the oppressive taxation and economic exploitation the Company had imposed. It was one of the earliest organized rebellions against British rule in India, and yet how many of us have even heard these names?

Tipu Sultan

That same defiance carried into Mysore, Tipu Sultan, a name antagonized in recent years that people even slipped away from the fact that he is the man who invented Missiles in India, a ruler who terrified the British. He built iron-cased rockets before most of the world imagined such a weapon, and fought the British across four wars, refusing again and again to let his kingdom bow. And what do we do with that legacy today? 

Islamic gallantry didn’t halt there. Moulvi Ahmadullah Shah, one of the key leaders of the First War of Indian Independence in 1857 was called the lighthouse of rebellion in Awadh, an epitome of the Ganga-Jamuna culture of Faizabad. The rebel army of Awadh was led by Barkat Ahmad and Maulvi Ahmadullah Shah, with Barkat Ahmad declared Chief Army Officer of the rebels after the Battle of Chinhat. ​​​​​​

Moulvi Ahmadullah Shah

At the head of that same uprising stood Bahadur Shah Zafar, lending his name and his throne to the rebellion we call the Sepoy Mutiny. He gave everything a king could give, and the British broke him in the cruelest way. After his surrender, his sons Mirza Mughal and Mirza Khizr Sultan, and his grandson Mirza Abu Bakr, were stripped and shot in cold blood by Major William Hodson at what is now called Khooni Darwaza, and their severed heads were brought before their own father as a trophy. So many lives were lost in that struggle, so many families broken, and it is widely said that nearly 5 lakh Muslims were martyred, close to 50,000 of them ullema who chose the battlefield over silence. After rotating around 79 years of India’s independence, we are still cynical over the contributions carved by Indian Muslims.

Bahadur Shah Zafar

Another buried name is of, Ashfaquallah Khan, was hanged on 19th December 1927, at just 27 years old, along with other Kakori comrades who were sent to the gallows. This Kakori robbery was to pull back the wealth of Indian soil to channelize it for the national struggle. Khan revolutionized nationalist movement with his participation in Hindustan Republican Association (HRA), founded by Ram Prasad Bismil along with two others. Like Kakori robbery, many other raids were rolled out to confront with required force rather than abstracting the notion of peace towards the gruesome tortures.   Have we ever lent an ear to these lines of Khan’s  ‘Hasrat’ poem- “Kuch aarzoo naheen hai, hai aarzoo to yeh hai, Rakh de koi zara si Khaak-e-watan kafan men” who as his last whim, recited this poem soaked in patriotism. Are we made to remember these lines by a Muslim freedom fighter when we are reminded about the terrified misapplication of the divine slogan “Allah-u-Akbar” to polarize the Islam?

Ashfaqullah Khan

Walking further, Abdul Habeeb Yusuf Marfani, gave away his entire estate for a freedom he’d never see honoured. His courage was never separate from the cause, it was central to it, and it’s long overdue we remember it that way.

Abdul Habeeb Yusuf Marfani

Muslim participation in India’s freedom struggle was not boxed in a specific time or way, it encompassed armed resistance, societal reforms, mass mobilization, revolutionary events, and non-violent protests. The hurls on the invasions done by Muslims are widely made, but onlookers of the contributions by very same people, are tactfully airbrushed.

Sacrifices for the Indian motherland were proven on silent or loud battlefields,  not by the mere recital of ‘Patriotic Songs’ such as Vande Mataram as a contemporary reference. That is turned down by Indian Muslims lyrically, not soulfully, because of the religiosity which the Indian Constitution guarantees them. When did the recital of patriotic songs begin to outweigh the very acts of sacrifice they were meant to spring up?

Freedom fighters such as Maulvi Ahmadullah Shah, Begum Hazrat Mahal, Fazl-e-Haq Khairabadi (clarified the Jihad term through his war against the British), and Azimullah Khan were also important in the 1857 uprising. Barely, we learn or are made to learn about them? While vilifying other names of this very same community. 

The Ali brothers, Shaukat Ali (1873-1938) and Mohamed Ali Jauhar (1878-1931)

Even the popular moments like the non-cooperation movement and the Khilafat Movement were helmed by some unheeded names: Mohammad Ali Jauhar and Shaukat Ali. Erected on the former’s name, there stands a university in Rampur, U.P. which recently has fallen prey to the communal politics, staking Indian youth’s future at darker stage, thus disregarding the blood of these freedom fighters.

Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan

Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan who spent three decades in prison and headed the non-violent Khudai Khidmatgar Movement among Pashtuns against British rule, wherein he combined social reform, service, and discipline. His demise took place during his house arrest in Peshawar. 

Abid Hasan Safrani

Without a single community-led leader, ideologies often find a loose hand to wrestle for their individual existence rather than collective results. Abid Hasan Safrani,  prominent INA member, mobilized the Muslim youth and committed to Subhas Chandra Bose’s movement (Azad Hind Fauj), which underpinned armed resistance in the Indian Freedom Struggle rather than non-violent means, brewing the unity for winning back the motherland.

Having said that, the famous Ghadar Party, founded in 1913, was pioneered by one more buried name- Maulana Barkatullah Bhopali. He was the first Prime Minister of the Provisional Government of India (Government-in-Exile), which was established in Kabul in 1915. He traversed across Europe, Asia, and North America to usher in the momentum for the Indian freedom struggle. His death took place in the US, leaving him deprived of bidding adieu to his motherland one last time.

Maulana Barkatullah Bhopali

Then, “Inquilab Zindabad”, the popular hymn echoed at Jantar Mantar very recently, was originally coined by Urdu poet-politician Hasrat Mohani at the Congress’ Ahmedabad session, while Bhagat Singh solely made it popularized. Mohani had been a soulful Krishna Bhakt, leaving him writing eulogies for ‘Hazrat Krishna’ (Hazrat is not a religious tag; it is an honorary title).  He, being the co-prisoner of Gandhi ji, presented him with the USSR idea of federalism for empowering the localized and regional pockets of the agglomerate India. His courage and values proved his patriotism in the debates of the Constituent Assembly and confrontations with the Britishers. 

Hasrat Mohani

We remember Mahatma Gandhi more than any other freedom fighter, but are we mindful of the fact that the man who saved him was Batak Mian Ansari during the Champaran Satyagraha in 1917? He was the cook deployed by the Britishers, who then ordered Batak Mian Ansari to serve venomous milk to Gandhi ji. His integrity made him stake his life to save Gandhi ji. He sneakily warned Gandhi ji, and, as anticipated, he was kicked out of his job by the Britishers, further leaving him battered by the villagers and ousting him and his family from his residence. To date, his family couldn’t receive what was promised for his courage by India’s first president, Rajendra Prasad. Questioning how much we have honoured the honorable personalities on the ground?

Batak Mian Ansari

The last Nizam of Hyderabad, Mir Osman Ali Khan, is also in this queue of the buried names. Independence movement is not merely the swing between direct confrontation with colonial regime, it too laps over the pre and post period that either nudged the movements or repaired the damages caused to India. He has reportedly granted mammoth donations across educational and religious institutions. From BHU, AMU, IISc, publication of critical editions of Mahabharata, Golden Temple, Amritsar and many more places . We rewind through cruel rulers who demolished Indian structures, to attack their community and make them accountable in the present, but are we awakened with these submerged realities as well? One-sided history or evolving history, rationality comes with the choices citizens make to discern their roots.

Mir Osman Ali Khan

The history of Muslim resistance to British colonial rule also travelled deep into Malabar in Kerala, where Variyankunnath Kunjahammad Haji, Ali Musliyar , and Sayyid Fazal Pookoya Thangal emerged as formidable names in a long tradition of anti-colonial mobilisation. Fazal Pookoya Thangal, the 19th-century Mappila spiritual leader of Malabar, became an influential voice against British authority and the oppressive agrarian order sustained under colonial rule, eventually being forced into exile in 1852. Decades later, that inheritance of resistance found powerful expression in the 1921 Malabar uprising, with Ali Musliyar, a religious scholar and Khilafat leader, and Variyankunnath Kunjahammad Haji becoming among its most prominent leaders. Haji challenged British authority in parts of Malabar and established a parallel administration in areas under rebel control, while Ali Musliyar mobilised people against colonial rule before being captured and executed by the British. Haji, too, was eventually captured and executed by firing squad in January 1922.

Ali Musliyar

Culture can marginalise women, but religion pours courage 

“Khoob Ladi Mardani thi, Wo Jhansi Wali Rani thi”, Whenever we speak of women who took up arms for this land, Rani Lakshmibai of Jhansi is the name that comes to every tongue, and she deserves every bit of that memory. But here’s what gnaws: she was not alone. There were other women just as fearless, standing in the same fire, and history simply didn’t bother to write their names down. 

Begum Hazrat Mahal

Begum Hazrat Mahal was one of them, and she wasn’t a side character, she was one of the rebellion’s most formidable forces. Even William Howard Russell, a British correspondent writing for his own side, couldn’t deny her fire. In his My Indian Mutiny Dairy, describing her as a woman of remarkable energy who had stirred all of Oudh into rising for her son’s cause and had herself declared undying war against the British. At Musa Bagh in Lucknow, she didn’t issue orders from a distance, she personally fought alongside and rallied nearly 9,000 rebel soldiers, moving from camp to camp, lifting morale with speeches that set entire camps on fire.

Abadi Bano Begum

And then there’s Abadi Bano Begum- the woman history remembers, if at all, only as “Bi Amma.” A widow with six children, one of the sons Maulana Shaukat Ali, and the other Mohammad Ali Jauhar, above-mentioned together known as the Ali Brothers. She could have used every excuse the world hands a woman to stay silent. widowhood, motherhood, the weight of raising children alone. She used none of them. When the country needed people brave enough to stand up to the British, she stood up too. She became the first woman to address a political rally while wearing a burqa and let that sink in for a moment. She didn’t have to remove a part of her identity to be taken seriously in public life; she broke the idea that a veiled woman couldn’t also be a fighter, a leader, or a voice loud enough to move a crowd. She urged women to stop hiding at home and join the struggle, organizing funds and meetings where they were addressed as political beings for the first time, and taught why boycotting foreign goods mattered. She convinced them to donate to the Tilak Swaraj Fund, set up by Bal Gangadhar Tilak to finance India’s freedom struggle.

Kulsum Sayani

Not every battle was fought with a sword, some were fought with pen and paper. Kulsum Sayani, awarded the Padma Shri in 1960, waged her own war against illiteracy through the Jan Jagran movement, teaching under “each one, teach one” and leading centres for Muslim women that grew from 50 to 600 by sheer will. Begum Rokeya, a fiercely prolific feminist writer at a time when a woman dreaming was seen as rebellion, imagined a world turned upside down in Sultana’s Dream, then built that vision into reality, founding a girls’ school in 1909 and the Muslim Women’s Association in 1916, giving women space to learn and speak.

Begum Rokeya

80th Indian Independence Day’s call to unwind the narratives 

As the author of ‘Sare Jahan Sai Achcha, Hindustan Humara’– Allama Iqbal penned- “The freedom lovers of the nation stepped forward with such dignity that even those long imprisoned by deprivation watched in admiration.” It has been shouldered on the present generations to soak in the evolving history to sanitize the present from groans of hatred, rotting the Indian society. 

These lost chapters from Indian history wouldn’t have been possible to muster without the effulgent works of Salim Khan, Romila Thapar, Ramachandra Guha, S. Irfan Habib, Mushirul Hasan, A. G. Noorani, Rana Safvi, etc. Grinning us with the fact that the pluralistic framework of India is not only designed by the constituent makers, but it is also originally earned by all the freedom fighters, from pre- to post-independence.

Adeena Navaid is a law student and writer covering legal, social, and feminist issues, with work published in Maktoob, Bar & Bench, The Quint, Siasat, SheThePeople, and other platforms. Aiman Tabassum is a final-year LL.B. student at the University of Mumbai who writes on constitutional law, legal history, and socio-political issues, with work published in Bar & Bench.

source: http://www.maktoobmedia.com / Maktoob Media / Home> Opinion / by Adeena Navaid & Aiman Tabassum / August 14th, 2026

Why We Need a Book About Muslims Who Fought for India’s Freedom

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Mumbai, INDIA :

Can a stable and just democracy flourish on foundations of wilful amnesia and erasure?

A c. 1800 painting showing the last stand of Tipu Sultan, ruler of Mysore in 1799 at the end of the Anglo-Mysore Wars with the East India Company. Photo: Henry Singleton/Public domain.

Many will ask why a book about Muslims who fought for India’s freedom? There’s no answer to such questions except another question. Had we been better memory keepers as a nation, could we have avoided the peak disinformation and stupidity which normalises reviling ordinary Muslims as outsiders, infiltrator and insurgents? 

Muslim Freedom Fighters of India is a two-volume biographical compilation by Salim Khan on less-known, mostly forgotten and hardly known Muslim figures. The books aim to clear the fog around Muslim freedom fighters whose names are heard of without them being extensively known and this requires us to understand why this fog exists. Written in an extremely readable and accessible format, these biographical accounts embed the historical figures in the context of their times, responding to unprecedented events with foresight, clarity and conviction that sealed their fate and shaped and the nation’s destiny.

 Whether we are reading about Generals of 1857 – Bakht Khan and Khan Bahadur Khan – or the Cambridge-educated Rampur scion Mohammad Ali Juahar of Khilafat moment and his fiery mother Bi Amma, the larger questions seething beneath the stories keep rising to surface. Who does a society and nation choose to remember and celebrate? Whose memories are deemed worthy of preserving? History is always shaped by those who control archives, narratives and memorialisation and hence memory. 

Reading about Tipu’s dazzling reign through the three Anglo Mysore wars where he proved superior to British forces, I was reminded of the controversy sparked by the late Girish Karnad’s suggestion of naming the Bengaluru airport after Tipu Sultan. Karnad had said, “It is true that Tipu Sultan was not born in Bengaluru, but he was a son of this soil and a freedom fighter. Had Tipu been a Hindu, he would have achieved the status of Shivaji, and the airport would have been named after him.” I recalled Karnad because his play Dreams of Tipu Sultan echoes the same theme that this two-volume tribute to erased, obscured and deliberately unremembered historical figures echoes: that when politics lays down who should be forgotten, remembering the erased becomes a duty, an affirmation and a political act. 

It is important to clarify that this is not a compilation of eulogies but well-researched fact based account of people who had the uncommon clarity to resist colonial domination even before the nationalistic narratives took shape. That they happened to be Muslims is important today because of the distortions that have obscured and erased them. But back then when they fought and resisted, they were simply rallying for the cause of their soil and their watan. From the earliest times they understood that freedom from foreign domination required Hindus and Muslims to put up a united front as in the war of 1857, the Khilafat movement, and the period between 1919 and 1924. Back then too, traitors cut across religious lines – Jagat Seth, Mir Jafar, and Ilahi Baksh.

Muslim Freedom Fighters of India: Part 1 and Part 2’, Salim Khan, Qalam Aur Kaagaz Books.

From Siraj ud Daulah to Tipu to Shahzada Firoz Shah, the book shows how the fog around these personalities is not accidental but meticulously designed – initially by the colonial mind, then picked up by early nationalists and woven into simplistic narratives. The macabre dance of history further stifled Muslim voices. Cataclysmic events like the ‘end’ of the Mughal Dynasty in 1857 and the Partition in 1947 sundered clans, erased family histories, legacies crumbled with no one is around to defend and uphold them. Today, even people who don’t know history have heard of Lakshmi Bai, but many who read history may not have heard about Shahzada Firoz Shah, the Mughal Emperor’s grandson who in August 1857, led a band of armed soldiers to rally the rebels in Rohilkhand and Malwa and who fought alongside Tatia Tope and called for a united Hindu-Muslim front against the Company. 

The British understood the dangerous potential of popular memory and subverted any potential for memorialisation of hugely influential figures. No one knows if Shahzada Firoz died in battle or escaped to West Asia. The Maulavi Ahmadulla of Faizabad whose authority and fearlessness scared the British so much that they kept a reward on his head, was likewise interred in an unmarked grave. Knowing that even his memory could become a node to unite the rebels, the British saw to it that no commemoration was permitted or possible. Zafar, the last Mughal was exiled to Rangoon for the same reasons.

In her book, India, 5,000 years of history on the subcontinent, Audrey Truschke, elucidates how Muslim rulers like Nawab Siraj ud Daulah and Tipu Sultan to Zafar felt a responsibility for their subjects no matter what their religion. For example, Siraj ud Daulah actively intervened in times of famines and drought in Bengal. But after the British took over they did nothing to alleviate human suffering, so that 20% of Bengal’s population died in the famine of 1768 and the small-pox epidemic of 1769-70 following it. This had never happened during earlier episodes of failed harvests. Truschke says, British historians initiated the custom of categorising Indian rulers as tyrannical, effete and incompetent, reducing them to their religion and writing in terms of Hindu rulers and Muslim rulers. The British needed to demonise Muslim rulers who were their immediate predecessors in subcontinent so that they might look good by comparison, Truschke notes. It was a part of the colonial propaganda.

Another pattern Salim Khan’s compilation brings out is that from mid-18th century onwards, the first responders and the most committed crusaders resisting colonial domination – the kings, queens, princes, preachers, noblemen – were Muslims. Not only because the British had wrested from them the power they had wielded for centuries (howsoever fragmented or diluted it may have become); but also, because they were looked upon as leaders. In Awadh, for example, the Shia elite took it as their moral-ethical duty (see Chapter 7, volume I: Shia Ullema and Noblemen of Awadh) 

Even in the 20th century, Muslim freedom fighters like Hasrat Mohani of the Inquilaab Zindabad fame and Asfaqullah Khan of the Kakori conspiracy who was an icon for Bhagat Singh, remain in the shadows, seen only in a hazy half-light. Were their contributions any less or only less remembered? One of the most important projects post-Independence should have been to restore memory and affirmation to those whom the British put on the wrong side of history, no matter what their religion or caste. But we know this is not what happened.

Since the arrival of the political controversy over Tipu Sultan, we have entered in an era of deliberate distortion of history. The larger question that these accounts refrain from asking but that jumps to any thinking person’s mind is this: can a stable and just democracy flourish on foundations of wilful amnesia and erasure? Should the memory of Muslim freedom fighters be kept only by the Muslims? The heritage and memory of Indian Muslims needs to be reclaimed by them. But equally, these volumes are required reading for the casually miseducated, hopelessly disinformed or simply ignorant Hindus who have been stupefied into denying and distorting their composite history.

Varsha Tiwary is a Delhi-based writer and translator. She has recently published 1990, Aramganj a translation of the best-selling Hindi novel Rambhakt Rangbaz.

Tipu Sultan Martyr’s Day observed

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Srirangapatna (Mysuru District), KARNATAKA :

MLA pays homage at Tipu Tomb, releases Urus Shariff invitation

Mysore/Mysuru:

MLA Tanveer Sait, along with several others observed Tipu Sultan Martyr’s Day at a Fatha Khawni programme organised by Hazarath Tipu Sultan Shaheed Welfare and Urus Committee Secretary Afroz Pasha at Tipu Tomb (Gumbaz), Ganjam in Srirangapatna recently.

Hazarath Moulana Syed Inayathur Rehaman Razvi Saheb, Khateeb-o-Imam of Masjid Aqsa, Tipu Tomb, performed Fatha Khawni while Afroz Pasha and MLA Tanveer Sait spread the Flower Mat (Chadar) on the tombs of Tipu Sultan Shrine and his parents. Moulana Mohd. Inayath Ur Rehaman Razvi read Duwa supplications for the welfare of all.

Afroz Pasha distributed sweets (Tabruk) and felicitated the MLA by offering shawls.

Invitation, posters released

On the occasion, MLA Sait released the invitation and publicity posters of the 234th Annual Sandal Urus Shariff of Hazarath Tipu Sultan Shaheed.

The annual Sandal Urus Shariff will be celebrated on May 16 in city during which a public meeting will be held and a procession will be taken out. 

Industrialist M.F. Jamsheed, Senior Congress leader Syed Iqbal, Waseem, Radiulla Khan, Member of the College Development Council of    Government Girls’ Pre-University College Khwaja Mohammed Musheer Chishti, Syed Younus, Majeed Ahmed, Afroz  Khan and a host of devotees were present.

source: http://www.starofmysore.com / Star of Mysore / Home>News / May 08th, 2026

Last rites of soldier Althaf performed with State honours in Virajpet

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Meenupete (Virajpet Taluk, Kodagu District), KARNATAKA :

Army personnel handing over the tricolour to the wife of Hawaldar Althaf Ahmed, who died in Kashmir on February 22. | Photo Credit: Special Arrangement

Althaf Ahmed | Photo Credit: Special Arrangement

The last rites of 37-year-old Indian Army Hawildar Althaf Ahmed, who died in a blizzard while on duty in Kashmir, were performed in his native in Meenupete in Kodagu district’s Virajpet taluk with state honours on Saturday.

The body of Althaf Ahmed, who had died on February 22, arrived in his native in Kodagu early on Saturday as its departure by air from Srinagar was delayed owing to bad weather. The body was kept at Eidgah Maidan in Meenupete for the public to pay their last respects before it was laid to rest at the burial ground as per Islamic rituals.

Virajpet MLA K.G. Bopaiah, MLCs Suja Kushalappa and Veena Achaiah, besides Deputy Commissioner B.C. Satish, Kodagu Superintendent of Police M.A. Aiyappa and other senior officials of the district administration were among the large number of people, who paid their last respects.

According to sources, Althaf Ahmed grew up in Meenupete and completed his SSLC in St Anne’s School in Virajpet and Pre University Education at the Virajpet Government Junior College. He later joined the Army Ordnance Corps (AOC) regiment. He had been serving the Army in various places since the last 19 years.

While guarding the border in Kashmir, Althaf Ahmed was caught in a blizzard on February 22 and died.

After the ceremonial gun salute during the funeral of the martyred solider, Army personnel handed over handed over the tricolour that draped Althaf Ahmed’s body and his uniform to his wife and two children. He leaves behind his mother, wife, a son and a daughter.

source: http://www.thehindu.com / The Hindu / Home> News> India> Karnataka / by Special Correspondent / February 26th, 2022

Evaluating Indian Kings: Tipu Sultan Stood Against the British with Valour and Courage

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Mysuru, KARNATAKA :

The half-baked propaganda of communal forces against the Tiger of Mysore is trying to divide communities

THE Tiger of Mysore (Sher-e-Mysore) Tipu Sultan often finds space in sections of the media, especially in Karnataka. There have been occasions of State-sponsored celebrations of his birth anniversary and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) regularly creates obstacles to these celebrations, resulting in unnecessary ruckus. This time around, Tipu Sultan is in the news from Malegaon in Maharashtra.

The newly elected deputy mayor of Malegaon Shan-e-Hind Nihal Ahmad, put up the portrait of Tipu Sultan in her office, upsetting the Shinde group’s Shiv Sainiks and the BJP. These forces got the portrait removed with the intervention of the authorities. Some protests were also held.

Maharashtra Pradesh Congress Committee President Harshvardhan Sapkal got incensed and defended Tipu Sultan, claiming that the contribution of Tipu Sultan to Mysore is equivalent to that of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj in Maharashtra.

But, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis did not like the idea of comparing Tipu Sultan and Shivaji Maharaj, as it was an insult to the latter. Following this absurd comment, the Congress office was pelted with stones by BJP workers and nearly seven people were injured in the ensuing mayhem.

The objection of the BJP to the statement from the Congress leader is that Tipu was a “mass murderer of Hindus” and he tried to convert Hindus to Islam. There are many other charges put against Tipu by Hindutva elements. Most of these try to project Tipu as anti-Hindu and a cruel king. This is far from the truth.

Lots of these myths are part of the communal narrative, accentuated by the British narratives, which are harsher against Tipu in particular. This is because he was one of the few rulers who fought against the British. Tipu had asked Nizam and the Peshwas to oppose the armies of the East India Company. He foresaw the dangers of British power entrenching in India.

Tipu’s administration was a mixed one, with many top officers being Hindus. Purnaiah served him as the Mir Miran (head of a department) and was crucial to his administration. Krishna Rao was his treasurer. Shamaiya Iyengar held a high-ranking ministerial position and Narsimha Iyengar held a position in the postal department. Tipu Sultan reportedly provided grants to the Sringeri Shankaracharya, including for the rebuilding of the temple and the installation of the Hindu goddess Sharada. He granted land and endowments to various temples throughout his kingdom. During his reign, the 10-day Dussehra celebrations were an integral part of the social life of Mysore.

In 1791, Maratha forces led by Raghunath Rao Patwardhan attacked and plundered the historic Sringeri Sharada Peetham, causing the Shankaracharya to flee. Upon learning of this, Tipu Sultan expressed deep anger, stating that those who committed such acts would face consequences, and promptly sent funds, gifts, and letters to restore the temple and reconsecrate the idol. The raid was part of the Third Anglo-Mysore War, during which Maratha forces caused significant destruction to the temple complex, including killing or wounding people and looting property.

Tipu Sultan, who frequently interacted with the Sringeri Jagadguru and addressed him with high respect, immediately ordered the Mysore administration to assist in the restoration, demonstrating his patronage of certain Hindu institutions. Evidence of this restoration is found in several letters in Kannada, preserved in the Sringeri monastery records, where Tipu requested the Jagadguru to pray for the prosperity of his kingdom.

Tipu Sultan was a staunch opponent of the British. There is an accusation against him that he persecuted some Hindu and Christian communities. The reason for this persecution, however, was purely political, not religious. About these persecutions, historian Kate Brittlebank says that “This was not a religious policy but one of chastisement”. The communities targeted by him were seen as disloyal to the State.

The communities Tipu targeted did not belong only to the Hindu stream. He also acted against some Muslim communities, like the Mahdavis. The reason was that these communities were supporting the British and were employed as horsemen in the East India Company’s armies. Another historian, Susan Bayly, says that Tipu Sultan’s attack on Hindus and Christians outside his state is to be seen on political grounds, as at the same time he had developed close relations with these communities within Mysore.

Sarfaraz Shaikh, in his book Sultan-E-Khudad has reproduced the ‘Manifesto of Tipu Sultan’ in which he declares that he would not discriminate on religious grounds and would protect his empire until his last breath. He had a great interest in rocket technology. This finds appreciative mention in Dr APJ Abdul Kalam’s book, Wings of Fire.

It is interesting to note that in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s series for children on Indian history, they had published a book on Tipu in the 1970s. BJP’s Yeddyurappa had adorned Tipu’s headgear to solicit votes in the 2010 elections in Karnataka. Then President, Ramnath Kovind, sent a eulogising message on the occasion of Tipu Jayanti (2017). He has an RSS background. He praised Tipu by saying that “Tipu Sultan died a heroic death fighting the British. He was also a pioneer in the development and use of Mysore rockets in warfare.”  Tipu – along with Rani Laxmi Bai – are also depicted as freedom fighters through drawings in Part XVI (page 144) of the original, hand-written and illustrated copy of the Indian Constitution.

Due to his policies, Tipu was popular among the people of Mysore. There are many folk songs, sung in villages, praising him. It is for this reason that one of our greatest playwrights, Girish Karnad, said that had Tipu been a Hindu, he would have the same status that Shivaji Maharaj has in Maharashtra. This is very close to what Sapkal stated, nothing extra.

This whole incident of opposing the portrait of Tipu in the Deputy Mayors’ office is one more instance of communal forces latching on to divisive politics. Kings should not be seen just by their religion; their policies towards people of different religions and people’s welfare should be the major criterion for evaluating them. Tipu stands very tall in this scale of religious tolerance. The half-baked propaganda of the communal forces is trying to divide communities.

A major tribute to Tipu was paid by Subhash Chandra Bose. He adopted Tipu’s ‘springing tiger’ as the insignia of Azad Hind Fauj, which fought against the British. The major contribution of Tipu was to forewarn the Indian rulers about the advancing threat of the East India Company, the British. It was for this that he bravely fought against the British and laid down his life in the fourth Anglo-Mysore War. The communal forces who are out to demonise Tipu belong to the ideology that did not even lift a little finger against the British rule.

source: http://www.clarionindia.net / Clarion India / Home> Opinion / by Prof Ram Punyani / February 18th, 2026

Remembered in files, erased in life: Jharkhand’s forgotten martyrs of 1857

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JHARKHAND :

The Banyan tree on which the execution took place. Photo: Ghulam Ahmad Raza

During the 1857 revolt against British rule, Jharkhand too witnessed armed resistance. The rebellion had spread across regions including Ranchi, Hazaribagh, Ramgarh, Palamu and Singhbhum. In the dense forested border areas of Ranchi and Hazaribagh, the rebel forces were led by Shaheed Sheikh Bhikhari Ansari and Tikait Umrao Singh. From the dense jungles of the Chuttu Palu valley, their army fought British troops and prevented Ranchi from falling under colonial control. Both leaders were captured by the British forces on January 6, 1858 and were publicly executed by hanging on January 8, 1858, in the same Chuttu Palu valley.

The banyan tree on which they were hanged still stands today. The Jharkhand government has developed the surrounding area as a martyr memorial with the stated aim of preserving history and keeping alive the legacy of the region’s sites of resistance. Yet even today, many residents of the Chuttu Palu village where the memorial stands remain unaware of who these martyrs were.

Fifty-eight-year-old Nirmal Kumar, who works as a stone breaker near the memorial, often rests inside the premises during breaks. He says he has been coming here since childhood. Despite this, he is unaware of the historical significance of the site and does not recognise the names of Sheikh Bhikhari Ansari or Tikait Umrao Singh.

“I only know that blankets are distributed here every year on January 8,” he said. On the martyrdom anniversary, social workers and officials visit the site to pay tribute and distribute essentials among the poor.

Sanjay Munda, a resident of Chuttu Palu village, said that even today, most villagers do not know about the martyrs or the memorial’s history. “Members of the surrounding Scheduled Tribe (ST)  and Scheduled Caste (SC) communities refer to the site in the local language as Fasiyahi Bar (tree where the hanging took place). Most people do not know about the 1857 revolt or the sacrifice of Sheikh Bhikhari and Tikait Umrao Singh,” he told Maktoob.

Despite the lack of awareness, locals often bow their heads in respect when passing the site.

The memory of these two revolutionaries who laid down their lives fighting British rule is slowly fading. Their history has largely been reduced to government files and digital web pages. On martyrdom days, ministers, officials and locals pay tributes, but beyond symbolic gestures, little is done. While the Jharkhand government has taken some steps to acknowledge them, no substantial initiative has been taken by the central government to formally recognise or honour their contributions.

Dr Muzaffar Hussain, researcher and author of Jharkhand ki Muslim Vibhutiyaan, says Muslim, SC and Adivasi martyrs have not received the recognition they deserve. “Jharkhand has produced many revolutionaries who sacrificed their lives for India’s freedom, but recognition has been limited largely to Birsa Munda only,” he said.

He points out that the 1857 revolt took place nearly 40 years before Birsa Munda’s Ulgulan (revolt). “Names like Nadir Ali, Imam Ali, Jatra Tana Bhagat, Sidhu–Kanhu, Phulo–Jhano, Nilambar–Pitambar, Sohbat Miyan, Chandan Miyan, Jaggu Miyan and Najahat Hussain are a part of Jharkhand’s resistance history during the 1857 revolt, yet they remain largely forgotten.”

Hussain argues that the Jharkhand government must project its revolutionaries on a larger scale for the central government to take meaningful steps. “Even platforms like Google and Wikipedia carry very limited information about them,” he said.

He suggests state-funded research, naming welfare schemes and government buildings after revolutionaries and honouring their descendants are ways to restore their place in public memory.

Ruchi Kujur, an activist working on SC and ST rights and a member of the Jharkhand State Commission for Protection of Child Rights, said every state has its own history, and Jharkhand is rich with stories of courage and resistance. “The list of Adivasi and SC heroes is long,” she said.

“People need to be made aware of their ancestors’ sacrifices. When these revolutionaries are honoured, it inspires the younger generation to work for society and the nation.”

Situated amid a valley rich in natural beauty, the martyr memorial complex (Shaheed Sthal) has been developed with basic amenities. Yet, several factors discourage people from visiting the site, further deepening the lack of public awareness about the martyrs. Surrounded by dense forests and hills, the memorial lies in an isolated location, with no human habitation within a radius of nearly five kilometres. This isolation is a major reason why people hesitate to visit the site, either alone or with their families.

The premise includes resting sheds, benches and toilet facilities. However, due to poor maintenance, thick shrubs have grown across the complex. Lights installed in the area and doors of the toilets have reportedly been stolen. Although the police conduct patrols from time to time, the absence of adequate security continues to deter visitors.

Ghulam Ahmad Raza is a Jharkhand-based freelance journalist with over four years of experience. He has worked as a City Reporter with Pratah Awaz and as a Sub Editor with Prabhat Mantra. His reporting focuses on marginalised communities, forgotten histories and grassroots political narratives.

source: http://www.maktoobmedia.com / Maktoob Media / Home> East India / by Ghulam Ahmad Raza / January 29th, 2026

First documentary on Kayamkhanis will make you feel proud of this Rajashthan community

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RAJASTHAN :

Manjit Thakur, Director of the Kayamkhani Bravehearts

New Delhi :

“There is no Kayamkhani who has been hit with bullets in his back,” says a veteran of the Indian Army, who like many others of his community have dedicated his life to uniform, discipline, and service to the nation.

This documentary, Kayamkhani Bravehearts is the saga of the Kayamkhani, a Muslim community from Rajasthan, whose first preference for a career is military or Police and who consider service to the nation as a matter of pride and responsibility. For them, patriotism is not just a slogan, but a tradition passed down through generations. The documentary is documentation of the story of these valiant sons of the soil who defended the country at the border, faced enemy bullets head-on, and who consider martyrdom an honour.

The first glimpse of the documentary, a 33-second teaser, is enough to send shivers down the spines of viewers. The teaser suggests that this film will not merely be a presentation of facts but an experience steeped in emotion, sacrifice, and patriotism. Watching it, viewers will not only be filled with pride but will also be compelled to understand that in defending the nation, only duty matters, not religion.

The history of the Kayamkhani Muslim community of Rajasthan is replete with valour, discipline, and service to the nation. Almost every family in this community has been connected to the armed forces in some way. The dream of the youth here is not to become a big businessman or an officer in a high-ranking government position, but to serve their motherland by joining the Indian Army, paramilitary forces, or the police.

Watch the teaser here:

Manjit Thakur, director and screenwriter of the documentary, states that soldiers from the Kayamkhani community have so far earned four Shaurya Chakras, 18 Sena Medals, and five Vishisht Seva Medals.These figures would be a source of pride for any community, but for the Kayamkhanis, they represent not just honour, but a symbol of responsibility.When it comes to sacrifice, this community has not lagged.

In Danduri village, which is now known as the “village of soldiers,” 18 Kayamkhani Muslims were martyred for the country. Similarly, 10 martyrs each from Jhajhot and Nua villages also laid down their lives for their motherland. These figures are not just numbers, but represent the tears of those mothers, the pride of those families, and the essence of the soil that gave birth to such brave sons.

The documentary presents the stories of these martyrs in a deeply sensitive and impactful manner. The camerawork, editing, and graphics are of a high standard, emotionally connecting the viewers to the narrative. Research, hard work, and authenticity are evident in every frame.

Before making this documentary, the Awaz-The Voice team conducted comprehensive research. Under the leadership of Editor-in-Chief Atir Khan, the team spent a long time researching, delving into history, and understanding the ground realities. The documentary was shot over several days in different villages of Rajasthan. The filming continued late into the night to present the true lifestyle, struggles, and pride of this community to the world.

The documentary also reveals several surprising facts. For example, Kayamkhani Muslims consider cows their most valuable asset and cannot even imagine harming them. This fact shatters the stereotypes that are often formed in society without proper understanding.

Manjit Thakur recounts that when the team arrived in the Kaimkhani villages, they were welcomed with a sense of pride and warmth. The villagers not only welcomed them wholeheartedly but also openly shared their stories, pain, and pride. This trust became the soul of the documentary.

Speaking about the documentary’s objective, Atir Khan sais that in today’s world, negativity has become the unique selling proposition of news. In this environment, Awaz-The Voice is the sole platform which brings forth positive stories of cooperation, and peaceful coexistence from India and around the world.

Awaz team with locals in a Rajasthan Village

He believes that beyond the walls of faith, caste, region, and language, Indians have many shared concerns, challenges, and dreams for the future that have the potential to bring people and communities together. Awaz-The Voice’s content promotes progressive, positive, and nation-building ideas not only in India but also among Muslim communities abroad.

This documentary is an extension of that very idea—an attempt to amplify the voice of true patriotism, a voice often drowned out by the noise of hatred. This film reminds us that the uniform has no religion, and every drop of blood shed for the country is purely Indian.

On release, this documentary will undoubtedly not only move viewers but also make them think, feel proud and energise them to serve the nation. This is not just the story of the Kayamkhani community, but the story of an India where the country comes first.

source: http://www.awazthevoice.in / Awaz, The Voice / Home> Stories / by Manjit Thakur / posted by Aasha Khosa, ATV / January 17th, 2026

Kasargod-born diplomat Nagma Mohamed Malik appointed India’s ambassador to Japan

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Kasargod, KERALA / NEW DELHI :

Tokyo :

Veteran diplomat and Kasargod native Nagma Mohamed Malik has been appointed as India’s Ambassador to Japan, marking a notable new chapter in her three-decade career in the Indian Foreign Service (IFS).

She currently serves as India’s Ambassador to Poland and will now assume one of the country’s most strategically important diplomatic roles in East Asia.

Though she spent much of her childhood and education in New Delhi, Nagma traces her roots to Fort Road in Kasargod. She often says that “no matter where I go in the world, I always introduce myself as someone from Kasargod. It is my identity, and I wear it with pride.”

She is the daughter of Mohamed Habeebullah and Julubanu, and the daughter-in-law of the noted Kannada author Sara Abubakar, who is credited with pioneering a literary movement through her writings in Kasargod and Dakshina Kannada.

Nagma comes from a distinguished family with a strong tradition of public service and sacrifice. Her uncle, Lieutenant P. Mohamed Hashim, was martyred in the 1965 Indo-Pakistan war at the age of just 23. To honour his sacrifice, a street in Thalangara bears his name, and a memorial pillar known as Pulikkunnil Stupa has been erected. Her grandfather, Ahmad, was among the first Muslim lawyers to practise in the Kasargod Court between 1930 and 1970, leaving behind a lasting legacy of legal excellence in the region.

After joining the Indian Foreign Service in 1991, Nagma earned the distinction of becoming India’s first woman deputy chief of protocol (ceremonial). She began her diplomatic career in Paris, where she worked at the Indian Embassy and at UNESCO. Later, she served with the Prime Minister’s Office under I K Gujral, managing the Western Europe desk.

Over the years, her overseas postings have included roles as first secretary and counsellor in Nepal and Sri Lanka, deputy chief of mission in Thailand (2010–2012), ambassador to Tunisia (2012–2015), high commissioner to Brunei Darussalam (2015–2018), and ambassador to Poland (2021–2024).

Back home in India, she has held several strategic positions within the ministry of external affairs, such as deputy spokesperson; director of the Eurasia division; head of the Policy Planning & Research Division (2019–2020); and additional secretary (Africa), overseeing India’s relations with East and Southern African nations.

Nagma holds a bachelor’s degree in English Literature and a masters in Sociology, and she is fluent in English, French, Hindi, Urdu, and Malayalam — skills that have served her well across her global appointments. Beyond diplomacy, she has a deep interest in Indian classical dance, music, and literature.

On the personal front, she is married to Farid Inam Malik, a lawyer based in New Delhi, and the couple has a son and a daughter.

With her appointment to Tokyo coming at a critical moment for India–Japan relations, Nagma Mohamed Malik is expected to strengthen bilateral ties. Her journey from the lanes of Kasargod to the corridors of global diplomacy is not just a personal triumph but also an inspiration to aspiring diplomats across the nation.

source: http://www.daijiworld.com / Daijiworld.com / Home>Top Stories / by Daijiworld Media Network – Tokyo / October 17th, 2025

Press Club of India remembers Maulvi Mohammed Baqar, the doyen of India’s investigative journalism

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DELHI :

Press Club of India remembers Maulvi Mohammed Baqar on his 167th birthday on September 15, 2024.

New Delhi :

The Press Club of India (PCI) that has remained the last bastion to hold the flag of media’s independence high in the country, organised a programme on Sunday to remember the contributions of Maulvi Mohammed Baqar who used the power of his pen to challenge the Britishers who had brought a law to gag the press in India in the middle of 18th century.

Organized on the 167th martyrdom anniversary of Maulvi Baqar, the programme was attended by a host of writers, journalists, historians, academicians and intellectuals.

Shedding light on the contributions of Maulvi Baqar considered to be the founder of “spot” and investigative journalism in India, noted historian Dr. Swapna Liddle, author of The Broken Script, recalled Maulvi Baqar’s bold reporting of the events in Delhi’s 1857 revolt popularly known as India’s First War of Independence. It was when the press did not have facilities as available today, but Maulvi Baqar used to collect news stories from the field and print them in his newspaper published in the Urdu language.

The Britishers felt disturbed by the investigative reporting of Maulvi Baqar that became the reason for his martyrdom. British Army tied Maulvi Baqar to the mouth of a large gun and blew him into pieces.

Liddle emphasized how Moulvi Baqar became the voice of resistance against British rule, making him a significant figure in both the 1857Revolt and in the annals of Indian journalism.

According to Dr. Liddle, Moulvi Baqar’s work offers invaluable lessons for journalists today. His views on British governance, racial discrimination, job inequalities, and the exploitation of India’s wealth laid a foundation that remains relevant. Baqar’s sharp critique of British policies, combined with his unwavering call for unity among the people of Delhi, positioned him as a crucial figure in the anti-colonial struggle.

Presiding over the event, Gautam Lahiri, PCI President, hailed Moulvi Baqar as a pioneer of Indian journalism. Lahiri reflected on the state of modern journalism, pointing out that Baqar’s dedication and principles serve as a stark contrast to the current state of media, as reflected in India’s declining position on the World Media Freedom Index.

“It’s unfortunate that instead of rising to the level of journalism Baqar practiced, we seem to have regressed,” Lahiri noted, calling for introspection within the media industry.

Lahiri also stressed the importance of protecting institutions like the PCI, which he described as a cornerstone of Indian politics and modern history. “This land was given to us by our first prime minister, and it even served as the residence of former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi for a time. We must protect both the building and the institution, while upholding the constitutional values that it stands for.”

Senior journalist AU Asif, former member of PCI management committee, praised Baqar for his trailblazing work in investigative and field reporting. He underscored how Baqar’s journalistic integrity set a lasting example for future generations.

A panel discussion followed, focusing on Baqar’s legacy and the challenges faced by Urdu journalism today. Panelists included independent multimedia journalist Suhail Akhter, News18 Urdu anchor and author Munazah Shah, and Tasleem Raja, reporter for Siyasi Taqdeer and Qauwmi Aawaz. They discussed how Baqir’s newspaper, Delhi Urdu Akhbar, became a vital voice despite having a modest circulation of just 80 copies. The panel emphasized that the publication’s influence stemmed from its powerful content, which resonated with readers during a time of great political upheaval.

The discussion also touched on the difficulties Urdu journalism faces today, including issues of subscription, funding, and content creation. The panel drew parallels between the courage Moulvi Baqar exhibited in standing up to the British and the challenges modern journalists face in dissenting against the ruling establishment. The event was moderated by Mahtab Alam, journalist and PCI Joint Secretary.

source: http://www.indiatomorrow.net / India Tomorrow / Home> News / by Mohammed Naushad Khan / September 16th, 2024

Noted poet, social reformer , guide A M Shahbaz remembered

Arts, Culture & Entertainment, Martyrs of the Nation,

Shathgund Handwara Village, JAMMU & KASHMIR :

Popular Kashmiri poet and scholar Ali Mohammed Shahbaz was remembered across jammu and Kashmir on his 24th death anniversary. In this connection different functions and events were organized at various places and sites to pay glowing tributes to late literary luminary, who was Martyred  by unidentified gunmen on July 4,1996 at his his native village Shathgund Handwara. 

The major online event was organized by Kashmir Marksz- e -Adab -o -Saqafat chrar-i- Shareef.

The event was presided over by prof Mohd  Zaman  Azurdah. A large number of distinguished scholars, participated in the program and paid rich tributes to him. The speakers highlighted various dimensions of life and contribution of late poet.

The main attraction of the event was first ever Shahbaz memorial award. The award was presented to popular Kashmir folk singer, a house hold name of Kashmir folk singer Manzoor Ahmad Shah.

Dr Aziz Hajini, Convener Northern Regional Board Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi Presented the award to Manzoor Ahmad Shah. Dr Gazanfer Ali, president Kashmir Markaz e adab o Saqafat Chrari Shareef , Gen secretary Anayat Gul and son of late poet, Nazir Qureshi Ibn e Shahbaz were also present on the occasion. 

The prominent poets and writers  paid rich tribute to Late Ali Mohd Shahbaaz which  include Gh Qadir Shaheen, Rahim Rehna, Gh Rasool Josh, Mushtaq Mehram, Producer Radio kashmir, Javed Sofi, Nazim Nazir,  noted journalist and editor of  Brighter Kashmir  Farooq Wani.

Dr Sohan lal Koul, Bashir Bhadarwahi, Prem Nath Prem, Shown at Shafi Masoodi , Javed Rasool 

source: http://www.brighterkashmir.com / Brighter Kashmir / Home / by BK News Service / July 05th, 2020