Category Archives: Books (incl.Biographies – w.e.f.01 jan 2018 )

Siyasi Muslims: In a new book, Hilal Ahmed argues for a more nuanced understanding of political Islams in India

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NEW DELHI :

In Siyasi Muslims, Hilal Ahmed offers “an evocative story of politics and Islam in India, which goes beyond the given narratives of Muslim victimhood and Islamic separation”

How do we make sense of the Muslims of India? Do they form a political community? Does the imagined conflict between Islam and modernity affect the Muslims’ political behaviour in this country? Are Muslim religious institutions, such as mosques and madrasas, directly involved in politics? Do they instruct the community to vote strategically in all elections? What are ‘Muslim issues’?

These are just a few of the questions Siyasi Muslims (Penguin India), a recently published book by Hilal Ahmed, attempts to answer. “Examining the everydayness of Muslims in contemporary India, Hilal Ahmed offers an evocative story of politics and Islam in India, which goes beyond the given narratives of Muslim victimhood and Islamic separation,” a synopsis for Siyasi Muslims reads.

Ahmed, who is associate professor at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies in New Delhi, discusses some of the ideas articulated in his book in this interview with Firstpost.

You begin your book with Ramachandra Guha’s now infamous op-ed in Indian Express in which he compared the burqa with a trishul. While Guha later admitted that his comparison was ill-chosen, you write that even in his clarification, the idea of the Muslim community as an unchanging and regressive monolith remains. In your experience, how pervasive is this gaze about Muslims among liberal intellectuals?

Let me begin with a clarification. I find Ramachandra Guha’s intervention very powerful and provocative. He forced many of us to revisit the idea of Muslimness to problematise the given imagination of public presence of Muslims in postcolonial India. This line of argument is not systematically explored — primarily because Muslimness is always seen in relation to aggressive Hindutva.

Guha, in my view, pushes us to get rid of the official story of Muslim victimhood and pay close attention to those internal power structures which determine the everyday life of Muslim communities. In this sense, Guha was criticised for the wrong reasons!

I did not respond to the Indian Express debate intentionally. The debate centres on a puzzling binary between ‘declared liberals’ and ‘problematic liberals’. It gave us a strong impression that complex ideas and arguments about Muslims can easily be accommodated in these neat and clean categories. It was not an easy task for someone like me to adjust my findings and inferences in this framework.

There was also a problem of perception. Those who participated in the debate (except a few) did not take the idea of Muslim social and political heterogeneity very seriously.

We must remember that there is a difference between Muslim presence and Muslim everyday life.

Muslim presence is always constituted as a homogeneous entity in the public discourses; while highly diversified Muslim everyday life has its own pace and rhythm. Many a time, we invoke ‘Muslim presence’ as a read-to-use-template to explain virtually every aspect of Muslim social life.

This is what we observe in this debate as well. Most of the participants expressed their opinions to the nuances of Muslim presence without problematising the idea of Muslim oneness. This analytical laziness eventually led to oversimplification. Consequently, we are again forced to choose between liberal beliefs and Hindutva stereotypes.

Nevertheless, I do recognise the significance of this debate. In this sense, I offer a constructive, critical analytical framework in Siyasi Muslims — not refute what Guha and his adversaries argue — but to expand the scope of the present mode of thinking about Muslimness and its politics.

Your book is prefaced with an FAQ that has 19 questions and answers about Muslims and politics. This is not something commonly found in books and I couldn’t but think of it as a burden of a Muslim scholar writing on Muslims to clarify certain positions and address misinformation up front. Did you imagine the FAQ as something similar? Who do you think is the audience for this book?

I am a trained researcher and an academic. I write primarily for an academic public — teachers, researchers and students of social sciences and humanities. But Siyasi Muslims is not written exclusively for them. My aim is to reach out those readers who are interested in knowing about Muslims and Islam or what is now called ‘political Islam’.

I have been observing for a long time that our English-educated public in general and literate public in particular do face two very specific problems:

First, the ‘reading culture’ is declining. The pace of life, especially in metro cities, where English-educated readers are mainly located, does not allow them to follow an argument in densely written texts. I often describe the contemporary moment of knowledge as an “FAQ moment”. The reader wants a summary that can navigate him/her into the text.

Unlike other academics, I do not blame my students/readers for their apathetic attitude towards reading. They are the product of the FAQ moment! On the contrary, I take up this challenge as an author to write for an indifferent reader — to provoke him/her to go beyond the WhatsApp University and FAQ mode.

The second problem, in my view, is related to the subject matter — Muslims/Islam. As I said, we rely heavily on a few liberal beliefs and Hindutva stereotypes to think about Muslims. The 19 FAQs I identify in the book emerge from these perceptions. As an academic, I believe that it is my duty to answer these questions by using my research tools so that the reader could draw her/his own informed meaning. I believe that this book must also be written in Hindi so that it could reach out to non-English readers as well.

That said, I do not feel that it is a burden for me because I am a Muslim. My Muslimness is also related to other identity attributes of my individual self: I am a teacher, a researcher, and an author. These attributes are not in conflict with each-other.

You touch upon the issue of caste among Muslims a few times in the book and also profile Ali Anwar. Caste has been one of the most glaringly omitted aspects in studies and theoretical frameworks about Indian Muslims so far, and consciousness about it among mainstream and upper caste writers is very nascent and due to the work and assertion of Pasmanda scholars and activists. How would you say your understanding of caste has affected the manner in which you understood politics around ‘Siyasi Muslims’ in India?

Yes, I agree with this observation. I admire the Pasmanda movement because this has given us a new vantage point to look at the question of Muslim social stratification and the diversity of Muslim political discourse in India. In my view, the Pasmanda movement as an intellectual force has expanded the scope of the tradition of the internal critique initiated by Hamid Dalvai and further developed by Asghar Ali Engineer and Ali Anwar.

My understanding of caste among Muslims is inextricably linked to my theoretical position on Muslim politics.

I believe that caste, class, and gender play a very powerful role in shaping the nature of Muslim engagements with different form of politics.

Two related arguments that emerged in different historical moments — the 1960s and early to mid-2000s — may be useful to elaborate this point:

The 1960s argument was that Muslims must act as a homogeneous minority pressure group in the realm of competitive electoral politics so as to protect their cultural-religious interests. This evocation of Muslim oneness allowed the upper caste, upper class, aristocratic and/or Ulama elite to establish themselves as community representatives.

In the mid-2000, especially after the publication of the Sachar Report — a revised version of this argument is produced. We have been told that Muslims are more backward than Scheduled Castes. Therefore, there is a need to have a comprehensive agenda of Muslim empowerment.

No one can deny that Muslims are poor and marginalised. But, it does not mean that they should be treated as a singular entity for the purpose of affirmative action. The caste and class are two important sociological indicators to offer a context-specific view of Muslim backwardness.

Interestingly, the publication of the Sachar Report, which aimed at transforming the Muslims into a developmental category, eventually reestablished Muslim homogeneity as a frame of reference in the political sphere. This led to what I call a counterproductive politics of Hindutva victimhood.

In a chapter on religiosity, you use CSDS data to note that unlike what is otherwise perceived, Muslims do not think of themselves as very religious, and many Muslim do not observe namaaz or roza regularly. This is important to note but I have a question on the method of understanding and determining religiosity in general.

You treat the “Five Pillar Theory” [of Shahada (belief), Namaaz, Roza, Zakat and Hajj> as the root of Islam for Muslims in India. However, are there any studies to show that Muslims across India consider these the basic constituents of Islam in their lived experience? I ask this because recent work by religious studies scholars iterates that daily lived experiences and practices are a better marker of religiosity than “belief”.

For example, what about subcontinent practices like faith in a mazaar and dargah that many Shia and Sunnis communities swear by? Are they necessarily subordinate to the “Five Pillars” of Islam?

This is a very valuable question. I agree with your point that Muslim religiosity should not be reduced merely to the Five Pillar Theory.

However, the purpose of that chapter is not to reestablish the supremacy of textual Islam over the lived religiosity. On the contrary, I am interested in unpacking the idea of pucca Musalman — a dominant mode to measure Muslim religiosity and moral conducts. This question leads me to two sets of issues: the nature of organised/reformed Sunni Islam and the self-perceptions of Muslims about their own religiosity.

The Five Pillar Theory, in this schema, emerges as an important reference point to compare the Muslim self-perceptions about their own religious practices. If you closely look at the structure of the chapter and presentation of data, you may find that it actually corroborates the point you make here: Muslims do not think that they are sufficiently religious because various forms of lived religiosities cannot entirely be accommodated in the given framework of textual-reformed Sunni Islam. The chapter ends with Hali’s comments on everyday religiosity and the attitude of [the> Ulama to further substantiate this argument.

You have dedicated a chapter to discuss Muslim “backwardness”. You show that only six percent of the total Muslim male workforce manages to get white collar occupations, and Muslims constitute only three percent of the directors and senior executives among the BSE 500 companies. Could you throw some light for our readers on what these numbers say about the overall backwardness of Muslims in general, and class-caste disparity among Muslims?  

There can be two ways to look at this issue. We may interpret the given set of information to underline Muslim backwardness by arguing that there are very few Muslims in white collar jobs. However, we can also infer this data to make a completely different observation: it can be suggested that there are very few Muslims at top level which shows that there is serious economic disparity among Muslims in India. In my view, both of these interpretations are valid for the purpose of my argument. I try to demonstrate the nature of class division among Muslims to show how the idea of backwardness merges with the emerging forms of politics, especially in the post-Sachar period.

Muslim Personal Law has been in the eye of the storm with the Triple Talaq Bill. In your book, you write about how the evolution of Sharia as a legal entity drew its inspirations from colonial modernity. How do we understand the Sharia vis-a-vis the Quran on one hand and colonial modernity on the other?

The Islam we know today (which is often described as a more than 1,400-year-old religion) is a relatively new phenomenon.

Muslims in India — and for that matter South Asia — follow those versions of Islam that emerged in the 19th century as religious reform movements. This is true of other religions as well. The Islamic reform movements had to respond to colonial rule in two very different ways: First, they had to adjust themselves with a new kind of political institutions, which were completely alien to them. On the other hand, the intellectual challenges posed by the colonial knowledge system forced the religious elite to reconfigure their imaginations of Islam itself.

Interestingly, they imbibed the framework of modern knowledge to produce a more organised form of Islam: the society of the Prophet Mohammad was identified as the classical Islamic past; the spread of Islamic power was presented as the triumph of Islam; strict sets of rules and norms were codified as Shariat. This structured form of idealised religion eventually received official recognition by the colonial state. The Shariat Law of 1937 is good example in this regard. This process continued in postcolonial India in a very different form. The Islamic religious organisations and elites recognised the discourse of minority rights as a source to refashion their interpretation of Islam.

In this backdrop, the book makes a modest attempt to problematise the popular perceptions about Shariat and its politics, especially with regard to the triple talaq issue.

Many readers would be surprised to read that the Shahi Imam of Delhi’s Jama Masjid appealed to vote for the BJP in 2004. In your book, you suggest that around 6-7 percent of Muslims vote for the BJP at the national level. But you go on to say that “in 2014, there was a tacit acceptance of Narendra Modi among Muslims”. What makes you say that?

I have written extensively on fatwa politics and the idea of the Muslim vote bank in my first book, Muslim Political Discourse in Postcolonial India: Monuments, Memory, Contestation (2014), which examines the nature of Muslim politics.

The second part of the question is about the 2014 elections. We find that unlike previous elections, the Muslim support for BJP increased significantly in 2014. The party managed to get around nine percent Muslim votes at the national level. This trend continued in 2019 as well.

However, this national picture must be adequately analysed. There are four important aspects of Muslim voting, which we must note while discussing the increasing vote share of BJP among Muslims:

First, Muslim voting pattern depends on party competition at the state level. In those states where the nature of electoral competition is bipolar (meaning there are only two main parties in the fray such as Gujarat), the Muslim vote would naturally be divided between two main contenders. Therefore, the chances of the BJP to secure Muslim voters would be higher.

Second, we must also remember that a number of regional leaders have joined the BJP in last few years. These leaders also bring with them a section of ‘loyal voters’, which also includes Muslims.

Third, elections are always fought at the constituency level, where personal equations, caste considerations and economic interests play a major role. BJP, like other parties, try to use informal network to attract Muslim voters at this level.

Finally, the anti-Muslim discourse somehow also creates an atmosphere of fear. Muslims are directly threatened to vote for the BJP, like Maneka Gandhi in one of her election meetings this time.

source: http://www.firstpost.com / Firstpost / Home> Lifestyle / by Shireen Azam / August 17th, 2019

Beyond the Headlines

Books (incl.Biographies - w.e.f.01 jan 2018 ), Women/Girls(since May26-2021), , , ,

JAMMU & KASHMIR / NEW DELHI :

A celebration of country’s unsung heroes

‘Role Model: Inspiring Stories of Indian Muslim Achievers’ by the former vice president of the Jawaharlal Nehru Students’ Union (JNUSU) Shehla Rashid comes at a time when the Indian Muslim has been negatively portrayed as a non-entity in the eyes of a commoner.

The first book by Shehla, who has research interests in technology and politics, is divided into 16 chapters which inclusively talk about the achievements of Indian Muslims in varied fields ranging from science, entertainment, and sports.

‘Role Model: Inspiring Stories of Indian Muslim Achievers’ highlights the contributions of Indian Muslims to civic national life by presenting the life stories and work of achievers.

The personalities which Shehla sheds light on are Nigar Shaji, Programme Director of Low Earth Orbit Missions at Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) and Project Director of the Aditya L-1 Solar Exploration Mission, globally renowned music composer and reticent genius A R Rahman, tennis ace Sania Mirza; Padma Shri awardee Dr Zahir Kazi, actor, producer, and author Huma Qureshi, military leader Lt Gen Syed Ata Hasnain, former ambassador of India to Saudi Arabia and Yemen, Dr Ausaf Sayeed, former vice chancellor of Aligarh Muslim University (AMU), Prof Tariq Mansoor, former vice chancellor of National Academy of Legal Studies and Research (NALSAR), Prof Faizan Mustafa, and the pioneer of dendritic cell immunotherapy in India, Dr Jamal Khan, among others.

“We have seen many negative media portrayals of Muslims, and this book attempts to humanise the discourse about Muslims by presenting inspiring life stories that everyone can relate to,” notes Shehla, a prominent youth figure in India.

The author emphasises that while people are somewhat aware of the contributions and sacrifices made by Indian Muslims during the freedom struggle, highlighting the work of notable Muslims in contemporary India was a long-overdue task. “This book is rare in that it provides detailed insight into their lives for the first time,” the author writes.

Interestingly, the foreword of the book is written by legendary film-writer Salim Khan. In his inspiring style, Khan, in the foreword, writes that the Indian Muslims must own their dreams and participate in the vision with vigour and optimism.

“Instead of unproductive fixations on our differences, we as Indians need to think about how to excel professionally and be kind to one another, for the sake of our motherland,” Khan writes in the foreword of the book.

Shehla, who is also a tech policy consultant, writes that the former President of India, the late Dr A P J Abdul Kalam, gave the country Vision 2020 for India and that Prime Minister Narendra Modi has energised people again with the mission of building a Viksit Bharat by 2047.

The book is published by Penguin Publishing House and costs just INR 203 on Amazon.

The author has accepted that while the book contains the life stories of a select few achievers, it must be mentioned that there is a vast majority of Muslims, which silently makes its contributions to various professions – civil services, fashion design, customer support, film direction, medicine, philanthropy, and so on.

Shehla, who cares deeply about the condition of Indian Muslims, notes that there are millions of Muslims engaged in informal employment in both organised and unorganised sectors who power the Indian economy, making life in India incredibly convenient and increasingly making the country a preferred destination for tourism, business, and investment. “We should be equally proud of them. All of them, whether rich or poor, skilled or semi-skilled, are an essential component of Brand India, which is premised on the power of youth, skills, innovation, a positive outlook, a growth mindset, and hard work,” the author points out.

Shehla, who deeply cares about women’s rights, notes that the unfortunate use of the term puncturewallas (‘puncture mechanic’) on social media as an insult for poor, hardworking Muslims has permeated the discourse.

She says that it is these puncturewallas who ensure that there isn’t a stranded woman anywhere in the country without recourse to assistance.

“While it is surprising that no volume on the contributions of contemporary Muslim public figures exists, it is also unsurprising because it wouldn’t make sense for them to over-emphasise their identity for fear of being boxed as ‘Muslim’ professionals when they are otherwise universally celebrated,” Shehla writes in the book.

The book is a celebration of contributions of Indian Muslims to the country. The book brings spotlight on the people who have long remained in shadows. It is a story that shatters the stereotypes. The book celebrates Muslim achievers of the country, a community that otherwise remains in the headlines for all the wrong reasons.

source: http://www.greaterkashmir.com / Greater Kashmir / Home> Opinion and Editorial / by Syed Rizwan Geelani / October 24th, 2024

Accumulation by Segregation by Ghazala Jamil

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NEW DELHI :

Accumulation by Segregation by Ghazala Jamil / India, OUP India, 2017 / 244 pages / ISBN: ‎9780199470655/750 INR

Muslims in India continue to live in precarious conditions. Being classified as a minority implies more than just their small numbers; historically, it has implied a completely varied identity, negatively affecting their political, social, or cultural lives. With complete disregard for the geographical and cultural diversity within the Muslim community, postcolonial Muslims in India are differentiated by their aspersed identity. Within this overall restriction, which frequently took violent turns and formed the circumstances for surviving, Muslims had to negotiate their citizenship. Muslims’ circumstances were affected by their humiliating, dehumanising, and stereotypical identity.

Seen in this light, this book by Ghazala Jamil is an intervention into the conditions of Muslims in Delhi, studied as a part of the globalisation process. It provides readers with a systematic way of looking at the segregation of Muslims in Delhi. It looks at segregation in the context of the 1857 mutiny, the partition of 1947, Emergency and communal violence, and examines the relationship between globalization and segregation.  It also examines the discursive practices perpetuating and strengthening the Muslim identity as anti-modern, backward, and unchangeable, thereby hindering the developmental potential among Muslims.                                             

The author argues that comparing the historical ghettos of the Jewish population in Europe to the concentration of Muslims is misleading. The situation of Muslims is not primarily caused by coercion, violence, and oppression but rather by the limited options they face. This makes their situation historically specific and functionally distinct, warranting critical examination.

The book largely focuses on areas in Delhi, including parts of the walled city and localities outside Shahjahanabad; Seelampur and other trans-Yamuna Muslim areas in  North Eastern Delhi. It also includes Jamia Nagar in South Delhi; Nizamuddin and Nizamuddin West, and the Taj Enclave. Through ethnographic explorations, Jamil explores the city’s inhabitants’ memories, living experiences, dreams, and discontent.

Violence, displacement, discrimination, migration and hope remain common in making these settlements. Various events, such as post-partition violence, the beautification drive during the emergency, and subsequent violence associated with growing Hindu nationalism, particularly in Gujarat, have contributed to the establishment of these settlements. As a result, a large influx of people migrated to settle in Delhi. By the late 1980s, segregation in Delhi on religious identity lines became almost final and complete (p. 5). These settlements faced various forms of discrimination, including being labelled as centres of terrorism, poverty, backwardness, and fanaticism associated with Muslims. 

These places are identified as Muslim settlements and are subsequently termed ‘mini-Pakistan’, as with Seelampur. These conditions further determine the relationship of Muslim settlers beyond the segregated areas.

In the context of economic liberalisation, Delhi provided a sense of security in segregation but also better educational and economic opportunities to Muslims. Capitalism is found in Muslims as an ‘incarcerated resource’. For example, in Jamia Nagar, students with the requisite skills are making their place in the global economy. In Seelampur, the small manufacturers, both semi-skilled and unskilled labourers have ‘benefited’ from manufacturing jobs brought to India by globalization. But what is making them functionally distinct and incarcerated resources from other beneficiaries is that their involvement with globalization is restricted by their location in the segregated areas, which limits their movement and confines them to these areas only. Globalization, in this case, is not promoting progress but rather enforcing separation and discrimination, creating barriers that are challenging for Muslims to overcome.

Muslims are incorporated into the capitalist objective of maximizing profits. However, their situation is distinct due to several limitations. Firstly, they receive less financial help from banks and lack capital, both socially and financially. Additionally, they face a disproving work and business environment. Moreover, they are often viewed as enemies, backward, stagnant, and traitors. These factors ultimately determine their terms of incorporation with the outside world. Hence, making the point that aspersed identity has a distinctly exploitative and material function.

Despite segregation, the real estate business thrives within these settlements while keeping the segregated topography of Delhi undisturbed. Within these processes Muslim neighbourhoods have become complex and diverse in economic classes. Zakir Nagar Extension, Jogabai Extension, Johri Farm and Taj enclaves have emerged as affluent enclaves, areas of the neighbourhood where the wealthy citizens are clustered. Despite being wealthy, the residents are unable to leave their neighbourhood because Hindu property owners in other sections of the city refuse to sell or rent their homes to Muslims or because they see a threat of violence or claim to have had already experienced it.  They try to enclose themselves and try to become less like the popular stereotypes about Muslims.

The author argues further that old Delhi, Jama Masjid with adjoining areas and that of Nizamuddin fell prey to commodification from the 1990s. The less significant structures, the Partition’s history and legacy, the clothing, the eateries, and the fragrances all serve as living artefacts and installations for tourists in addition to the historical monuments and religious sites in the region.  The taboo topics of Muslims and “Muslimness” have evolved into odd, even weird, spectacles for the adventurous.

People flock to the streets of old Delhi to explore the exotic and the antique, reducing the inhabitants to spectacular displays for the consumer while rendering political contestation and mobilization difficult (p. 91). Through accumulation, it functions as a means of constructing the identity of individuals, connecting them to a particular place and creating an impression of an inherent and unchanging nature.

Jamil notes that in this effort of commodification, the state, civil society, and media are all involved, promoting history tours and good exotic Muslim foods to tourists. Keeping these things in mind, marketable Muslims in segregated areas has to remain as it is for the consumption of others.          

Ghazala Jamil, drawing from Althusser, argues on the same lines that ideological state apparatus is reflected in cinema and media representation. She argues that Muslims and Muslimness are always shown and understood as homogenous entities, with utter disregard for their variation in political interest and in cultural practices. This notion is sustained and perpetuated in popular media films. Where the lines between reality and the stage are blurred. The author here analyses various Hindi movies during the period between 2008 to 2010, where the popular image of Muslims depicted as fundamentalist, parochial and backwards was given a space and subsequently uncritically consumed by viewers. When examining print media descriptions, it is evident that irrational attitudes, dangerous behaviour, volatility, and backwardness continue to be prominently used to portray incidents involving Muslims, often generalising the entire community.                                                                                                                                                                                       

 Further, framing her case through fake encounters, extra-judicial killing, and differential treatment, she claims the Indian Muslim is fashioned as homines sacri. They are being made to “feel guilty for the partition of the country, represented as irrational fundamentalist fiends, loathsome and polluted, disloyal normative non-citizens, and potentially dangerous terrorists”(p. 99).

Homines sacri, according to Trevor Parfitt (2009), are individuals who have been placed outside the boundaries of the law, rendering them outlaws. They can be harmed or even killed without any legal repercussions. Their lives are meticulously planned, controlled, and regulated in every possible aspect.

When employing the concept of ‘homo sacer’ for Muslims in India, akin to its application to Jews in concentration camps, it raises the question of how to interpret the legal constitutional rights granted to Muslims in comparison to the rights that Jews were deprived of. This brings to light the inquiry as to how the treatment of the Muslim case, which Jamil considers “historically specific and functionally distinct,” falls short in addressing this issue.

The author puts forth a convincing viewpoint concerning the Muslim community’s struggle with a deficit in citizenship and a feeling of alienation within the political sphere. This argument carries logical weight as it emphasizes the obstacles faced by Muslims in fully exercising their rights as citizens and achieving a sense of inclusion within the larger political framework.

Particularly since the rise of right-wing governments, hatred against Muslims has become more crude and naked; where everything associated with Muslims is being politicized and then criminalized. Every activity in the eyes of sponsored vigilantes has become some or other kind of jihad against the government and the people. Responses from the government include intimidation, demolitions, and arrests of victims guised as perpetrators. With the unfolding of these events, experts are even raising concerns over the situation and its striking similarity with past historical atrocities. 

However, this violence is not absolute. The Muslim remains an equal citizen theoretically capable of posing counter-hegemonic discourse, which the author does acknowledge.  Therefore, it is crucial to approach the situation of Muslims with an understanding that their experiences, though marked by violence, do not reduce them to the status of ‘homo sacer’, as they retain the capacity for political agency and the ability to contest dominant narratives.            

The author in the end puts her hope in education and the growing enthusiasm around it among Muslims. Muslims themselves are expected to make interventions in their own circumstances and discourses around them. For instance, measures to combat epistemic Islamophobia would also require adjustments in other areas. This can be found in the ‘Discursive-Political’, which encompasses manifestations of daily life, culture, and behaviour and are primarily considered non-political. These activities, as she claims, involve transformative political practices that reveal the ‘contingent and socially constructed’ nature of what is portrayed as ‘necessary and natural’. The effective resistance for her is to claim and assert citizenship and be able to represent and define rather than getting defined.

References 

Parfitt, Trevor. (2009). Are the Third World Poor Homines Sacri? Biopolitics, Sovereignty, and Development. Alternatives: Global, Local, Political, Vol. 34, No. 1 (Jan.-Mar. 2009), pp. 41-58.  

source: http://www.thedaak.in / The Daak / Home> Issue No.4 / by Rizwan Hamid / July 15th, 2023

Threads of resistance: How Kashmir’s shawl weavers spun a revolution

Arts, Culture & Entertainment, Books (incl.Biographies - w.e.f.01 jan 2018 ), Business & Economy, , , , , , , , , , , , ,

JAMMU & KASHMIR :

Abdul Ahad’s nuanced book explores Kashmir’s artisans’ legacy, offering profound insights on resilience amid enduring turmoil.

Kashmiri women at work on crewel embroidery. | Photo Credit: Jaspreet Kaur

In the annals of Kashmir’s tumultuous history, the Zaldagar agitation of 1865 is a watershed moment. On April 29, 1865, the community of Shawlbafs (traditional weavers of the famed Kashmiri shawl) hit the streets of Zaldagar in Srinagar in a peaceful protest against the high taxes levied upon them by the Dogra rulers. In the mayhem and stampede that ensued when the Dogra Army attacked the unarmed protesters, as many as 28 Shawlbafs drowned and scores were injured.

The Zaldagar rebellion, as it came to be known, was not just a revolt against immediate grievances. It was the first indigenous political movement of modern South Asia, a precursor to the broader struggles against colonial and feudal oppression. Though the Shawlbafs are often relegated to the shadows of history, their defiance at Zaldagar lit a flame that would ignite countless hearts, shaping the resistance ethos of Kashmir for generations to come.

Who are these unsung heroes? How does the painstaking labour of these artisans elevate the Kashmiri shawl to a symbol of global prestige? In what ways does a labour uprising from the 19th century continue to resonate within the veins of Kashmir’s political discourse today?

The former bureaucrat-turned-historian Dr Abdul Ahad deftly navigates these questions in his most recent book Shawls and Shawlbafs of Kashmir: Legends of Unsung Heroes,which sheds light on the enduring legacy of these artisans and the historical events that continue to shape the cultural and political fabric of Kashmir. Well-researched and richly embellished, this book is a painstaking exploration of the origin of the Kashmiri shawl as an indigenous product and the commitment and craftsmanship of its makers, the Shawlbafs.

Embedded within Kashmir’s cultural tapestry, this cottage industry, now on the precipice of oblivion, finds a voice in these pages, as the text meticulously chronicles its decline and the indelible mark it has left upon the region’s historical and socio-cultural landscape. The book serves not merely as a chronicle but as a poignant requiem for an artisanal legacy that teeters on the brink of extinction.

The shawl as an emblem of Kashmiri identity

Dr Ahad’s groundbreaking work fundamentally challenges the narrative that positions the Kashmiri shawl as an exotic import, alien to the indigenous cultural and artistic milieu of Kashmir. In Chapter One titled “Birth of an Occupation”, while departing from the perspectives presented in earlier works like Frank Ames’ The Kashmir Shawl and Its Indo French Influence and Parviz Nemati’s Shawls of the East: From Kerman to Kashmir, both of which suggested a foreign origin for this craft, Dr Ahad argues that the shawl is not merely a fabric but a profound articulation of Kashmiri artistic identity, deeply interwoven with the region’s socio-cultural fabric from its inception.

Shawls and Shawlbafs of Kashmir: Legends of Unsung Heroes / By Dr Abdul Ahad / South Asia Distributors and Publishers, 2024 / Pages: 100 / Price:Rs.6,250

Archaeological evidence shows that the art of shawl-weaving in Kashmir began in Burzahom, Srinagar, over 5,000 years ago. Tiles found in Harwan, Srinagar, and Hutmur, Anantnag, suggest that people in Kashmir at that time were highly skilled in weaving fine, transparent cloth. These discoveries highlight the long and rich tradition of weaving in the region. The shawl, Dr Ahad asserts, is emblematic of the Kashmiri ethos, reflecting the intricate interplay of history, tradition, and artistry that defines the region, thereby reasserting its rightful place as an indigenous craft that is not a derivative of Central Asian influences.

In the chapters “Shawl Karkhanas: Avenues of Employment” and “Shawl Trade: A Lucrative Business”, Dr Ahad provides a comprehensive analysis of the wool industry in Kashmir, presenting it as a cornerstone of both economic and social development. He elucidates how shawl karkhanas (woollen weaving workshops) functioned as traditional special economic zones, providing extensive employment opportunities and facilitating the socio-economic upliftment of rural and urban Kashmir. Dr Ahad’s documentation highlights how the integration of these industries into broader economic frameworks not only spurred local development but also positioned the shawl trade as a significant contributor to the region’s prosperity.

Haji Ghulam Rasool Khan, a master craftsman from Srinagar who was awarded the Padma Shri for reviving the art of Jamawar patchwork. | Photo Credit: Jaspreet Kaur

The unsung Shawlbafs

In the forthcoming chapters, Dr Ahad unveils the tribulations of Kashmir’s artisans—its weavers, embroiderers, designers, spinners, and craftsmen. Through a comprehensive analysis, he shows us how their labour not only influences the socio-economic fabric of Kashmir but also feeds into the region’s political discourse of dissent. In this way, he highlights the historiographical neglect of the shawlbafs, whose lived experiences and socio-economic struggles have been conspicuously absent from historical narratives. He writes: “The productive and creative activities of Shawlbafs—who have carried them out against heavy odds to eke out their existence, improvise their skills, increase the quality of shawl products, and, thereby, build the edifice of Kashmiri society and the soul of its cultural stockpile—have regrettably been denied (and are being denied even today) the space they deserve in the history of Kashmir.”

Dr Ahad posits that the significant surge in population, coupled with the expansion of the commodity economy, catalysed a profound disjunction between industry and agriculture, as well as a bifurcation of artisans from the agrarian populace. This transformation, driven by the burgeoning bazaar economy, engendered a reliance of artisans on intermediaries and merchants, thereby undermining the autonomy of production.

Abdul Rashid Bhat, the famed “chain-stitch master” from Tengpora, Srinagar. | Photo Credit: Jaspreet Kaur

The shawl industry languished under the weight of relentless taxation imposed by successive regimes. Except the benevolent reign of Zain-ul-Abideen, the Mughal, Sikh, and Afghan dynasties exacted crippling levies upon the shawlbafs, driving these artisans, the very lifeblood of the craft, to the brink of destitution. Their impoverishment and subsequent migration to alternate livelihoods marked the slow erosion of a once-flourishing tradition. A Persian couplet in the book poignantly captures the tragedy of Kashmir and its workforce during the Afghan rule:

“Purseedum az khadabiye gulshan zi baghban Afghan kasheed, guft ki Afghan khadabiye kardd (When the poet asked the gardener who laid waste to his garden/ Drawing a deep sigh, he replied: ‘Afghan’)”

This book, ostensibly a treatise on Kashmiri craftsmanship, is also a poignant memoir chronicling the region’s turbulent politics. It dissects how labour strife and uprisings laid bare the yearning for Kashmiri sovereignty, a yearning tragically marred by the relentless machinations of political expediency, which plunged the Valley into perennial turmoil. The narrative captures the essence of the Zaldagar Rebellion of 1865 which ignited a wave of cooperative movements that reverberated far beyond Kashmir’s borders, their ideological ripples echoing across distant geographies.

It also meticulously charts the region’s descent from a bastion of cultural and historical significance into a landscape marred by chaos, anarchy, and oppressive foreign occupations. Through a nuanced exploration of centuries of political resistance and agitation, the book captures Kashmir’s relentless struggle to reclaim its lost identity and agency, offering a profound commentary on the resilience of a people amid enduring turmoil.

This book sheds light on the often-overlooked artisans whose skilled hands have brought international fame to the humble shawl, from gracing the shoulders of VVIPs at events like the FIFA World Cup to driving an industry worth Rs.5,000 crores annually. It is a poignant call to recognise the quiet resilience of these unsung heroes, whose craftsmanship speaks louder than their voices, yet remains largely unheard. Shawls and Shawlbafs of Kashmir is a remarkable ode to Kashmiri culture, seamlessly weaving history, artistry, and tradition into a compelling narrative.

Bilal Ahmad Wagay teaches Politics at Government College, Beerwah.

source: http://www.frontline.thehindu.com / Frontline / Home> Books> Book Review / by Bilal Ahmad Wagay / September 20th, 2024

VC Jamia Hamdard Unveils Book on Muslim-Established Educational Institutions in India

Books (incl.Biographies - w.e.f.01 jan 2018 ), Education, , , , , , , , , ,

NEW DELHI :

New Delhi:

A new book titled “Educational Institutions Established by Muslims in India (1986-2016),” authored by Naaz Khair and commissioned by Institute of Objective Studies, was unveiled by Professor Afshar Alam, Vice Chancellor of Jamia Hamdard, at the IOS auditorium here Saturday.

While releasing the book, Professor Alam highlighted its comprehensive examination of educational institutions founded by Muslims in India over a thirty-year period.

He noted, “The book offers insightful analysis of how these institutions have contributed to the educational and social progress of the Muslim minority, focusing on both the challenges faced and the achievements made. It also underscores the significant role of institutions like Aligarh Muslim University and Jamia Millia Islamia in providing access to higher education for Muslim students, who are often marginalized in India’s broader educational landscape.”

Naaz Khair, the author and an independent consultant in education and social sector, shared key findings from the book. She revealed that, between 1986 and 2016, Muslims established 21,338 recognized and unrecognized private schools, including madrasas, as well as seven UGC-approved private universities, 111 UGC-approved private colleges, 3,660 minority-run private schools, colleges, and universities, and 226 minority-run technical institutions.

Professor Furqan Qamar from JMI’s Department of Management Studies praised the publication, noting, “This is an excellent starting point, but it’s crucial to continue updating this data. The creation and regular updating of a comprehensive database of Muslim-established institutions will benefit researchers both nationally and internationally.”

Professor M. Akhtar Siddiqui, a retired faculty member from JMI’s Faculty of Education, remarked, “This study firmly establishes that Muslims have made significant contributions to nation-building, despite criticisms to the contrary. It shows that the community values education and is committed to the nation’s progress.”

Professor Madhu Prasad, a retired professor from Zakir Hussain College, reflected on her own experience, stating, “I come from an institution, Zakir Hussain College (formerly Madrasa Ghaziuddin), which represents the rich history of Muslim education in India. For over 300 years, it has been a leading institution for higher education in North India, and its legacy is a testament to the Muslim community’s enduring contribution to the country’s educational landscape.”

RTI activist and researcher Saleem Baig discussed the difficulties encountered in gathering data for the book, noting the reluctance of stakeholders and government bodies to share information about Muslim-established institutions.

source: http://www.radiancenews.com / Radiance News / Home> Focus> Report / by Radiance News Bureau / October 20th, 2024

Assam’s first CM wrote biography of Prophet Muhammad in Assamese

Books (incl.Biographies - w.e.f.01 jan 2018 ),

ASSAM :

Assam’s first Chief Minister Gopinath Bordoloi

The Assamese biographical literature is rich. A large part of this literature is Islamic biographies, primarily those of Prophet Muhammad and his four Caliphs. These books have enriched the Assamese language. Assam’s first Chief Minister Bharat Ratna Gopinath Bordoloi wrote the first biography of the Prophet Muhammad in Assamese.

During the Quit India Movement in 1942 when Gopinath Bordoloi was in jail, he wrote several biographies for children. One of them was Hazrat Muhammad. Thus Gopinath Bordoloi’s book is the first biography of the founder of Islam in the Assamese language. Bordoloi in all his biographies began by addressing his readers (children) with ‘Dear Son’ or ‘Son’. In the case of the biography of Prophet Muhammad too he begins, “Son, now I will tell you briefly about the biography of the Prophet Muhammad, the preacher of Islam”.

Before this book, Bordoloi wrote biographies of Sri Ramachandra, Buddha, and Jesus Christ. At the beginning of the biography of the Prophet Muhammad, Bordoloi says that the biographies of other saints contain many supernatural and wonderful things. Some people have added similar elements to the biography of the Prophet Muhammad but Bordoloi admits that Prophet Muhammad’s biography is more historical than that of others.

Representative picture of Islamic Biography

The biography covers all aspects of the Prophet’s life – from his birth to his preaching, ruling the country and death. Bordoloi beautifully describes how the Prophet was humiliated from the time he began preaching until he left for Medina. He says Prophet Muhammad was patient throughout. He tells his readers that humans can learn a lesson in patience from him.

Bordloi writes in his book that Prophet Muhammad never used sarcastic and harsh words against his enemies. “Even more admirable is his (Prophet) treatment of his contrarians and enemies. You have read how the sinful Quraysh treated him (Prophet) cruelly. But he never spoke harshly to these enemies. There was absolutely no place for coercion in the rule of the Prophet Muhammad. He ruled through negotiations, agreements, and trials. This kingdom was run by treaty negotiation and judgment. There was no place for coercion,” Bordoloi writes.

The Prophet Mohammad’s kingdom provided security for all. However, he had to abandon the policy of non-violence to maintain law and order in his kingdom. Gopinath Bordoloi mentions the quotes of the Father of the Nation Mahatma Gandhi on Prophet Mohammad.

An old picture of the Holy Kaba

“I am now more convinced than ever that it was not the power of the sword that brought victory to Islam in the world arena, but rather it was the very simple life of the Prophet of Islam, his selflessness, promise-keeping, and fearlessness, his love for his friends and followers and his trust in God. It was not the power of the sword, but rather these qualities and virtues that removed all obstacles and enabled you to conquer all difficulties. Someone told me that the Europeans living in South Africa are trembling at the spread of Islam, the same Islam that spread light in Morocco and gave the pleasant message of becoming brothers to the people of the world,” Bordoloi quotes Mahatma Gandhi.

Towards the end of the biography, Bordoloi talks about the oppression he had seen and the oppression committed against others in the name of Islam. He had seen the Muslims resort to violence in their hostility towards people of other faiths. In the context of this completely anti-Islamic act, Bardoli wrote, “In fact, the root of this paradox is selfishness. There can never be quarrels between people who follow religion and people who believe in religion. In every country, there are some clerics and religious leaders who try to make other religions and people of other religions look down on and hate to make their religion look great.”

Like his other biographies, Hazrat Muhammad is written in simple and child-friendly language.

Prophet Muhammad should be read by every Assamese. Not only they will come to know about the life of Prophet Muhammad, but it will also introduce them to the literary talent of Bharat Ratna Gopinath Bardoli and his secular attitude.

(The writer is a teacher at Anandaram Sr. Basic School, North Guwahati)

source: http://www.awazthevoice.in / Awaz, The Voice / Home> Story / by Abdur Rashid Choudhury / October 18th, 2024

Worst Indian Muslim Representation in Every Socio-Economic Domain: Book

Books (incl.Biographies - w.e.f.01 jan 2018 ), ,

NEW DELHI :

This is the first time in Indian history since the PMO was set up in 1977 when there is no Muslim representation among its officials.

New Delhi:

Muslims in India have the worst representation in almost every socio-economic domain with no Muslims among 52 officials posted at the Prime Minister’s Office and no minister in the current cabinet, records a book that deals with data.

The book titled “Muslims in India – Ground Reality Versus Fake Narratives – Achievements & Accomplishment” written by Mohammed Abdul Mannan gathered the data with regard to the Muslim representation.

“This is history’s lowest-ever representation of Muslims in the Union governance levels,” said the author, who has penned 12 books including the latest “A Nation in Descent – India after the 1990s.”

This is the first time in history since the PMO was set up in 1977 when there is no Muslim representation among its officials. Earlier, the PMO was considered a part of the government in 1961 by the allocation of business rules. PMO was originally set up as the Prime Minister’s Secretariat (PMS) in 1947.

According to the book, there is one Muslim among 115 officials of the Ministry of External Affairs and 49 officials of the Ministry of Cooperation. “The 54 Union Ministries and 93 Departments under their jurisdictions in New Delhi have a total of 11131 officials from the secretary level downwards, of which 178 are Muslims,” noted the book.

Six ministries and 11 departments have no Muslims among the total 506 officials while only two Muslim are higher-ranked secretaries.

When it comes to the political representation, out of 60,693 elected MLAs, 3198 are Muslims, out of 9430 Lok Sabha MPs elected, only 527 were Muslims and of 2176 Rajya Sabha members, 329 were Muslims so far.

The book revealed that only 57 Muslims were appointed governors among 529, out of total 539 chief ministers, only 10 were Muslims and 80 of the total 1919 mayors across the cities were Muslims.

With regard to the Vice Chancellors in the universities, 62 VCs were Muslims among 1017 at the Central Universities while 219 were Muslims among 8633 VCs of the state universities.

721 of the total 13951 District Session Judges were Muslims.

According to the author, life for the 200 million-strong community has remained in a whirlpool of front-paged discrimination in every socio-economic domain since the 1990s. No Muslim representation has existed in the Union government since July 2022, a first in history. Muslims, according to the US-based Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), “face discrimination in employment and education and encounter barriers to achieving wealth and political power”.

According to the book, out of the 4123 Legislative Assembly seats across India, Muslim voters-dominated seats stand at 450. There are 65 seats across 12 states and two Union Territories that have over 25 perc ent Muslim population. As many as 65 seats have over 25 per cent of Muslims voters. Muslim votes decide the outcome in more than 100 assembly constituencies in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh. In Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous state, 29 districts are Muslim-majority districts with 137 assembly seats. In Madhya Pradesh, the Muslim vote factor is crucial in at least 22 seats. In Gujarat, 17 assembly seats have significant Muslim voters. There are 40 Lok Sabha seats in Bihar out of which on 34 Muslim votes matter.

source: http://www.clarionindia.net / Clarion India / Home> Big Story> India> Politics / by Waquar Hasan, Clarion India / October 18th, 2024

Book Review: Do You Remember Kunan Poshpora

Books (incl.Biographies - w.e.f.01 jan 2018 ), Women/Girls(since May26-2021), , , , , , ,

JAMMU & KASHMIR :

Five brave Kashmiri women scholars from Kashmir have come up with a book “Do You Remember Kunan Poshpora“

Essar, Ifrah, Samreena, Munaza, Natasha, five brave Kashmiri women scholars, have come up with a book “Do You Remember Kunan Poshpora.”

This book is about the Kunan-Poshpora mass rape, which took place in 1991 in Kupwara district in Kashmir.

The book is edited by Essar Batool and published by Zubaan Series on Sexual Violence and Impunity in South Asia.

The book published in 2015 for the first time is now running into its paperback edition is about gender violence in conflict zones.

“This book is about one night in two villages in Kashmir. It is about a night that has refused to end for 24 long years, a night that holds stories of violations, injustice, oppression, and falsehood, as well as acts of courage, bravery, and truth. This book is about Kunan Poshpora,” reads the preface of the book.

The five fearless authors began to unearthing documentary evidence of the truth by sitting through a web of lies and botched-up investigations, and by painstakingly building a bridge of trust and hope between the victims/survivors of Kunan and Poshpora villages.

The author’s while narrating the mass rape by the Indian army in two villages Kunan-Poshpora gives a candid account of various courts of law where justice is meant to be dispensed.

The authors have gathered information from the survivors’ local administration and eyewitnesses as to what happened on the night of 23 February 1991, when the Indian soldiers from the 4 Rajputana Rifles regiment gang-raped around 23 women of Kunan and Poshpora villages.

According to Dr. Ghulam Nabi Fai, the Secretary-General, of the World Kashmir Awareness Forum, “The Indian Army has gang-raped over 10,000 women, even brides on the way to their new homes since 1991.”

“The women of Kashmir, especially those who have been violated against their will, only hope that the CEDAW and UN Special Rapporteur will take note of their sufferings.

“The women of Kashmir wonder what action was taken by the UN ‘Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women,’ whose mandate included action on “state-sponsored violence against women”, he added.

The Indian Army and the Government of India have denied all these allegations.

[The writer, Syed Ali Mujtaba, is a Journalist based in Chennai. He can be reached at syedalimujtaba2007@gmail.com.]

source: http://www.ummid.com / Ummid.com / Home> Book Review / by Syed Ali Mujtaba / October 16th, 2024

Maulana Anas Falahi Madani’s book on Islamic livelihood concepts launched at ICIF

Books (incl.Biographies - w.e.f.01 jan 2018 ), Community Involvement / Social Issues, Uncategorized, ,

NEW DELHI :

New Delhi :

The book Kasb-e-Maash Ka Islami Tasawwur (Islamic Concept of Livelihood) by Maulana Muhammad Anas Falahi Madani was launched at the Indian Center for Islamic Finance (ICIF) on Saturday. This publication was made possible through the collaboration and financial support of ICIF and Rafah Chambers of Commerce, along with the coordination of Tasneefi Academy.

In his introduction, the author discussed two prevalent attitudes towards wealth in Muslim society: one driven by inflation and the other by extravagance. He noted that some individuals disregard ethical boundaries in their pursuit of wealth, often ignoring whether their means are halal or haram, driven solely by the desire to accumulate more.

“Islam recognizes wealth as a vital necessity of life. While individuals are encouraged to earn as much as they wish, it is imperative that they do so through legitimate means and adhere to the limits set by Allah,” he emphasized.

Dr. Razi-ul-Islam Nadvi, National Secretary of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, expressed his appreciation for the book’s detailed exploration of this balanced perspective of Islam. He outlined the book’s structure, noting that it consists of six chapters: the first examines the nature of worldly life through the lens of the Qur’an and Sunnah; the second highlights motivational aspects of earning a living as described in the Qur’an and Hadith; the third discusses legitimate versus illegitimate sources of income; the fourth reflects on the economic life of the Prophet Muhammad; the fifth covers methods of earning and spending; and the sixth analyzes the consequences of Islamic and non-Islamic approaches to wealth accumulation.

Dr. Nadvi expressed hope that the book would be well received in both academic and religious circles, clearing up many misunderstandings in the process.

Professor Mohsin Usmani Nadvi praised the author for illustrating Islamic principles of earning through various examples from the Qur’an and Hadith.

In his closing remarks, Professor Jawed Ahmad Khan, Chairman of ICIF, pointed out the abundance of literature focused on spending, contrasting it with the scarcity of works aimed at wealth creation. He urged young students and researchers to engage in research that meets the demands of our rapidly evolving economic landscape, where the focus increasingly lies on wealth generation and investment. H. Abdur Raqeeb, General Secretary of ICIF, concluded by emphasizing the importance of financial literacy, particularly for women.

source: http://www.indiatomorrow.net / India Tomorrow / Home> Economy / by admin indiatomorrow / October 07th, 2024

Mirza Farhatullah Baig’s Urdu novel ‘Dehli Ki Aakhri Shama’ recreates Delhi’s lost poetic heritage

Arts, Culture & Entertainment, Books (incl.Biographies - w.e.f.01 jan 2018 ), , , , ,

DELHI / HYDERABAD STATE (BRITISH INDIA) :

The book has been translated twice into English.

Author Mirza Farhatullah Baig.

Marsiya Dilli ye marhoom ka ae dost na cher
Na sunaa jaaye-gaa hum se yeh fasaanaa hargiz

Do not strike the chords of the story of Delhi
My heart won’t bear the woeful tale of its loss

Delhi, the city of lights and poetry, has been destroyed seven times only to rise again each time from the ashes of memory, a memory painted into vivid relics and commemoratives; the memoirs of loss and longing.

The life of the last King of Delhi, the poet Bahadur Shah Zafar, took a drastic turn in 1857 when the British exiled him to Rangoon for his alleged role in the uprising of 1857. His sons were shot, his titles stripped and his poetry confiscated. Denied a pen and paper, the exiled and imprisoned poet-king used a burnt stick to write his epitaph on the walls of the small room, outpouring his desolation and heartache:

Padhne faatehaa koi aaye kyon
koi chaar phool chadhane aaye kyon
koi aake shama jalaye kyon
main vo bekasi kaa mazaar huun

The siege of Delhi marked the end of a literary epoch, but the nostalgia inspired numerous fictitious and fanciful accounts of the city, colonial rule playing an ironic impetus in this memorialisation, with its blooming print culture and a fetish for memorabilia. Among those who bled the evocation of the lost city in their accounts were Munshi Faizuddin, Rashid-ul-Khairi, Nasir Nazeer Firaq, Hasan Nizami, Arsh Taimuri and others.

Murraqa literature

Dehli Ki Aakhri Shama, written by Mirza Farhatullah Baig in the early 1900s, is considered as one of the most splendid pieces of murraqa literature, interlocking overlapping layers of lived experiences with a poetic interlude. The writer of this splendid vignette, Mirza Farhatullah Baig, is considered one of the finest satirical writers of the Urdu language, his sketches rich with colourful characterisation emanating from a sense of deprivation and despondency; a theme that is constant across the writings of the authors mentioned above.

The historical novel is a story of a fictitious mushaira (poetic symposium) held in Delhi in 1845 under the patronage of Bahadur Shah Zafar, with his son Mirza Fakhru (pen name Ramz) as its chief guest. The artistic rendition, even though an imagination, turns out to be much more than that. It draws the sketch of the culture and tradition of pre-1857 Delhi in the most ornate and poignant colours, something well deserved by the ever-persevering city of lights.

Mirza Baig mentions a portrait of the great Urdu poet Momin Khan Momin that inspires him to draw a similar portrait of all the poets in the form of a novel, something that the posterity could dwell upon and find pride in, especially when everything was marred by a sense of impotence during the worst periods of British colonial rule. The second inspiration drawn by Mirza was from the famous narrative of Muhammad Hussain Azad, called Nairang-e-Khayal (An imaginal play) and Maulvi Karimuddin’s Tabqaat-ul-shoora-hind (Biographies of the Poets of Hind).

Interestingly, Maulvi Karimuddin mentions a mushaira that is actually held in 1845 at his home and Mirza Baig redraws the same gathering, albeit at a larger scale as a key literary event in Delhi. In his debt to Maulvi Karimuddin, he makes him the sole narrator of the novel and mirthfully limns him deserving any praise and all the criticism that his account would draw from the audience. The mushaira runs across the poetic eras and exhumes characters, known, unknown and forgotten, from across the length and breadth of Rekhta (the original name for Urdu).

Dehli Ki Aakhri Shama by Mirza Farhatullah Baig.

Delhi, a city in motion

The novel starts with a frazzled air of self-awareness of the city it is penned down in: once a patron city of arts and now a vestige of the East India Company. Molvi Karimuddin, who belongs to an opulent family of Molvis (Muslim preachers) in Panipat, now reduced to pennies, comes to the capital Delhi during the days when Delhi College is newly founded and the city has acquired printing presses for the first time. He enrols himself in the college and in order to earn a living starts publishing translations of well-known Arabic books from a rented building: Mubarak-un-Nissa’s haveli (Mubarak-un-Nisa was a courtesan in Mughal court and built a beautiful red mosque in old Delhi, that is often referred to as Randi ki Masjid) in Qazi Ka Hauz (now Hauz-e-Qazi).

However, his business fails.

Karimuddin, never fond of poetry, is left with no option but to organise a gathering of poets so that he can publish an account of the life and works of great poets based on it to get the press going. He starts his journey by meeting Nawab Zain-ul-Abideen Khan Arif, Ghalib’s nephew and Hakeem Ahsanullah Khan, the Prime Minister of Bahadur Shah Zafar.

The book gives very picturesque details of the lanes, houses and markets of Delhi. The canals in the courtyards, large platforms pillared halls, recliners, fountains, and porches. An especially opulent and splendid silhouette of the old city is drawn for the reader. The two associates of Maulvi arrange his meeting with Emperor Bahadur Shah for official permission for the gathering. The author describes the ease of access a commoner had to the royal court and the mannerisms that were prevalent among the nobility. The acronyms detailed in the book are unheard of in any book of history, with the Emperor being referred to as Jahan Panah, Zil-e-Elahi, Badshah Salamat, Fath-ul-Mulk, Hazrta Peer-o-Murshid, Zilullah, Qibla-e-Alam etc.

These are the times when what was once referred to as Lal Qila (Red Fort) or The Qila Mubarak (The Sacred Fort) is referred to in an ironic diminutive Haveli or Lal Haveli (red mansion), implying a shrinking influence of the Mughal family in the backdrop of growing colonial power. The book mentions the scheme of the fort, its Islamic, Persian, Timurid and Hindi styles, and details the conduct of personal and public life there. The physical sketches of kings, princes, ministers and poets are intricately penned down giving the reader a tactile presence of each of them. Baig writes that it had become customary in the last days of Mughal rule for princes to swear by the throne or the crown, political conditions being so uncertain that every potential heir thought he might be the next king.

A culture of poetry

The author profiles the three great poets Mirza Ghalib, Ibrahim Zouq and Momin Khan Momin with such eloquent artistic ingenuity that the reader is teleported to Ballimaran, Kabuli Gate and Cheelon ki Ghali in the very presence of Ghalib, Zouq and Momin, witnessing their aristocratic styles and patrician demeanour. The lanes leading to their houses, the shops en route, their mansions, their taste in dressing and most of all their behaviour towards the guests and strangers are detailed lucidly with an immaculate imaginative prowess that gives the book an exquisite artistic life of its own.

The Mughal empire was a great admirer of art which is evident in its marble and sandstone. However, it did not only leave stones and sand, its high culture left us a wealth of disquisition: poetry, prose and letter. A simple mushaira would be a central event receiving an inordinate state patronage. The alleys leading to the venue would be strung with coloured glass lamps, the roads would be cleaned and sprinkled with water for the guests and volunteers would offer water to the passersby. The whole city would be abuzz with the news and the lights (described beautifully as qandeel, jhar, fanoos, qumquma, deewar gir, hoondi, shama) would dazzle the eyes.

The poetic symposium, mushaira, was a cultural institution unlike any other with etiquettes of its own. It would also serve as a testing ground for the abilities and talent of the poets. The poets critics attended to evaluate the standard of poetry, rhetoric and prosody. Not only the use of language or the contents of poetry were subject to meeting certain standards, but the mannerism, the delivery and traditions too counted a lot. Even saying “Waah, waah” and “Subanallah” had limits and rules, and the tonality of each would convey a different intent every time. Mirza Baig defines these limits for the reader, “The ghazal that should not be praised is not praised”. The culture of starting the gathering with “Fatiha”, reading the poem of the patron (usually the emperor) by his emissary and then commencing the event by moving a lamp/candlestick/lantern among the poets as described in the book was prevalent until the late 20th century.

The author brings nearly 60 poets, a gamut of eccentric and interesting characters from different eras, on a same dais. The leading names of sukhan (narration) like Ghalib, Dagh, Momin, Bedil, Zauq and Aish are put up against the forgotten masters like Yusuf Tamkeen, Ghulam Ahmad Tawseer, Mohammad Jafar Tabish, Syed Mohammad Tashuq, Haji Beg shohrat, Nawazish Tanweer, Mirza Mahir, Najmuddin Barq, Mirza Pyare Refat and others whom Baig digs out from the antediluvian. Every poet is introduced with a physical sketch and his profession and interests, his expertise in poetry, his teachers and his immediate friends and foes. Then each of them uses the medium of the ghazal in exquisite ways to articulate complex human thoughts, philosophical concepts, revolutionary ideals, and, of course, the universal emotions of humankind. Some of the finest ghazals find their way in the book, becoming the vehicles of rebuttal, reconciliation and revenge between the poets.

The poets chant the withering of the rose of happiness. They echo the transitory nature of life in numerous metaphors and combine it with a desire for immortal beauty, strongly influenced in their world view by the imagery of Muslim mystics. The beloved to whom the poets refer to is always considered cruel whom one only knows by hearsay: a noble virgin living in purdah, a coy courtesan, a despotic ruler whose will is inscrutable and who is beyond the reach of a common man. The “rival and the reproacher”, so closely associated with the love drama, fit as well in the scenery of court intrigue, the ambiguity permitting numerous interpretation of an outwardly simple verse.

This is the time when Persian poetry, which according to Ethe had lived through the Mughal court its “Indian summer”, was burning its last embers. Other than a few masters like Mirza Ghalib hardly anyone would write in Persian. The fact is alluded to when Maulana Sahbai recites a Persian ghazal, and in the words of Karimuddin (Farhatullah Baig), “Persian ghazal is imposed on the Urdu mushaira”; and everyone is left blank faced: unable to appreciate the profundity of the dying language. The mehfil and its labyrinth of poignant inventiveness go on the whole night in a sublime poetic ecstasy, occasionally marked by twangs of jealousy and rancour that were prevalent among the poets of past and often served as a goad for improvisation.

The mushaira and the novel end with the the word of God just as they had started, remembering the bygone era in all its lost glory. Drawing upon the living memories the book blends fact and fiction seamlessly keeping alive the high culture of old Dilli. Conscious of the decline and defeat of the cultural sophistication, Mirza Baig, like many of his times, seemed to be living somewhere between the struggle of two worlds: A world of poetry and a world of ashes.

Ab kharaba hua Jahanabad
Warna Har ek qadam pe yahan ghar tha

Now Jahanabad (Delhi) has become a barren land
Otherwise every footstep was a home here.

The English translation of Dehli Ki Aakhri Shama is available as The Last Mushaira of Delhi translated by Akhter Qamber (Orient Black Swan) and The Last Light of Delhi translated by Parvati Sharma and Sulaiman Ahmad (Penguin India).

source: http://www.scroll.in / Scroll.in / Home> Talking Books / by Khawar Khan Achkzai / September 29th, 2024