Category Archives: Books (incl.Biographies – w.e.f.01 jan 2018 )

How a Bengali Book in Broken Hill Sheds New Light on Australian History

Bengal, INDIA / AUSTRALIA :

For decades, a book wrongly identified as ‘The Holy Koran’ was kept at a mosque in Broken Hill. Who was the unnamed traveller who brought Bengali stories of the prophets to the Australian desert?

The large book bearing a handwritten English label, ‘The Holy Koran’, was not a Quran, but a 500-page volume of Bengali Sufi poetry. Photo: Samia Khatun/The Conversation
The large book bearing a handwritten English label, ‘The Holy Koran’, was not a Quran, but a 500-page volume of Bengali Sufi poetry. Photo: Samia Khatun/The Conversation

Some 1,000 kilometres inland from Sydney, over the Blue Mountains, past the trees that drink the tributaries of the Darling River, there stands a little, red mosque. It marks where the desert begins.

The mosque was built from corrugated iron in around 1887 in the town of Broken Hill. Its green interiors feature simple arabesque and its shelves house stories once precious to people from across the Indian Ocean. Today it is a peaceful place of retreat from the gritty dust storms and brilliant sunlight that assault travellers at this gateway to Australia’s deserts.

The corrugated iron mosque in Broken Hill. Photo: Samia Khatun/The Conversation
The corrugated iron mosque in Broken Hill. Photo: Samia Khatun/The Conversation

By a rocky hill that winds had “polished black”, the town of Broken Hill was founded on the country of Wiljakali people. In June 1885, an Aboriginal man whom prospectors called “Harry” led them to a silver-streaked boulder of ironstone and Europeans declared the discovery of a “jeweller’s shop”.

Soon, leading strings of camels, South Asian merchants and drivers began arriving in greater numbers at the silver mines, camel transportation operating as a crucial adjunct to colonial industries throughout Australian deserts. The town grew with the fortunes of the nascent firm Broken Hill Propriety Limited (BHP) — a parent company of one of the largest mining conglomerates in the world today, BHP-Billiton.

As mining firms funnelled lead, iron ore and silver from Wiljakali lands to Indian Ocean ports and British markets, Broken Hill became a busy industrial node in the geography of the British Empire. The numbers of camel merchants and drivers fluctuated with the arrival and departure of goods, and by the turn of the 20th century an estimated 400 South Asians were living in Broken Hill. They built two mosques. Only one remains.

In the 1960s, long after the end of the era of camel transportation, when members of the Broken Hill Historical Society were restoring the mosque on the corner of William Street and Buck Street, they found a book in the yard, its “pages blowing in the red dust” in the words of historian Christine Stevens. Dusting the book free of sand, they placed it inside the mosque, labelling it as “The Holy Koran”. In 1989, Stevens reproduced a photo of the book in her history of the “Afghan cameldrivers” .

I travelled to Broken Hill in July 2009. As I searched the shelves of the mosque for the book, a winter dust storm was underway outside. Among letters, a peacock feather fan and bottles of scent from Delhi, the large book lay, bearing a handwritten English label: “The Holy Koran”.

Turning the first few pages revealed it was not a Quran, but a 500-page volume of Bengali Sufi poetry.

Sitting on the floor, I set out to decipher Bengali characters I had not read for years. The book was titled Kasasol Ambia (Stories of the Prophets). Printed in Calcutta, it was a compendium of eight volumes published separately between 1861 and 1895. It was a book of books. Every story began by naming the tempo at which it should be performed, for these poems were written to be sung out loud to audiences.

The mosque’s interior. Photo: Samia Khatun/The Conversation
The mosque’s interior. Photo: Samia Khatun/The Conversation

As I strained to parse unfamiliar Persian, Hindi and Arabic words, woven into a tapestry of 19th-century Bengali grammar, I slowly started to glimpse the shimmering imagery of the poetry.

Creation began with a pen, wrote Munshi Rezaulla, the first of the three poets of Kasasol Ambia. As a concealed pen inscribed words onto a tablet, he narrates, seven heavens and seven lands came into being, and “Adam Sufi” was sculpted from clay. Over the 500 pages of verse that follow, Adam meets Purusha, Alexander the Great searches for immortal Khidr, and married Zulekha falls hopelessly in love with Yusuf.

As Rezaulla tells us, it was his Sufi guide who instructed him to translate Persian and Hindi stories into Bengali. Overwhelmed by the task, Rezaulla asked, “I am so ignorant, in what form will I write poetry?”

In search of answers, the poet wrote, “I leapt into the sea. Searching for pearls, I began threading a chain.” Here the imagery of the poet’s body immersed in a sea evokes a pen dipped in ink stringing together line after line of poetry. As Rezaulla wrote, “Stories of the Prophets (Kasasol Ambia) I name this chain.”

Its pages stringing together motif after motif from narratives that have long circulated the Indian Ocean, Kasasol Ambia described events spanning thousands of years, ending in the sixth year of the Muslim Hijri calendar. Cocooned from the winds raging outside, I realised I was reading a Bengali book of popular history.

Challenging Australian history

In the time since Broken Hill locals dusted Kasasol Ambia of sand in the 1960s, why had four Australian historians mislabelled the book? Why did the history books accompanying South Asian travellers to the West play no role in the histories that are written about them?

Moreover, as Christine Stevens writes, the people who built the mosque in North Broken Hill came from “Afghanistan and North-Western India”. How, then, did a book published in Bengal find its way to an inland Australian mining town?

Captivated by this last enigma, I began looking for clues. First, I turned to the records of the Broken Hill Historical Society. Looking for fragments of Bengali words in archival collections across Australia, I sought glimpses of a traveller who might be able to connect 19th-century Calcutta to Broken Hill.

As I searched for South Asian characters through a constellation of desert towns and Australian ports once linked by camels, I encountered a vast wealth of non-English-language sources that Australian historians systematically sidestep.

A seafarer’s travelogue narrated in Urdu in Lahore continues to circulate today in South Asia and in Australia, while Urdu, Persian and Arabic dream texts from across the Indian Ocean left ample traces in Australian newspapers.

One of the most surprising discoveries was that the richest accounts of South Asians were in some of the Aboriginal languages spoken in Australian desert parts. In histories that Aboriginal people told in Wangkangurru, Kuyani, Arabunna and Dhirari about the upheaval, violence and new encounters that occurred in the wake of British colonisation, there appear startlingly detailed accounts of South Asians.

Central to the history of encounter between South Asians and Aboriginal people in the era of British colonisation were a number of industries in which non-white labour was crucial: steam shipping industries, sugar farming, railway construction, pastoral industries, and camel transportation. Camels, in particular, loom large in the history of South Asians in Australia.

Camel harnesses at the mosque. Photo: Samia Khatun/The Conversation
Camel harnesses at the mosque. Photo: Samia Khatun/The Conversation

From the 1860s, camel lines became central to transportation in Australian desert interiors, colonising many of the long-distance Indigenous trade routes that crisscross Aboriginal land. The animals arrived from British Indian ports accompanied by South Asian camel owners and drivers, who came to be known by the umbrella term of “Afghans” in settler nomenclature.

The so-called Afghans were so ubiquitous through Australian deserts that when the two ends of the transcontinental north-south railway met in Central Australia in 1929, settlers rejoiced in the arrival of the “Afghan Express”. Camels remained central to interior transportation until they were replaced by motor transportation from the 1920s. Today the transcontinental railway is still known as “the Ghan” .

As a circuitry of camel tracks interlocking with shipping lines and railways threaded together Aboriginal lives and families with those of Indian Ocean travellers, people moving through these networks storied their experiences in their own tongues. Foregrounding these fragments in languages other than English, this book tells a history of South Asian diaspora in Australia.

Asking new questions

I start by reading the copy of Kasasol Ambia that remains in Broken Hill, and interpret the many South Asian- and Aboriginal-language stories I encountered during my search for the reader who brought the Bengali book to the Australian interior. Entry points into rich imaginative landscapes, these are stories that ask us to take seriously the epistemologies of people colonised by the British Empire.

My aim is to challenge the suffocating monolingualism of the field of Australian history. In my new book, Australianama, I do not argue for the simple inclusion of non-English-language texts into existing Australian national history books, perhaps with updated or extended captions.

Instead, I show that non-English-language texts render visible historical storytelling strategies and larger architectures of knowledge that we can use to structure accounts of the past. These have the capacity to radically change the routes readers use to imaginatively travel to the past. Stories in colonised tongues can transform the very grounds from which we view the past, present and future.

In July 2009, when I first encountered Kasasol Ambia, the Bengali book long mislabelled as a Quran made front-page news in Broken Hill. With touching enthusiasm, the journalist announced that I would  “begin work on a full translation shortly “.

Overwhelmed by such a task, I began trawling mosque records held by the Broken Hill Historical Society, soon beginning a search through port records, customs documents and government archives. I did not know how to decipher the difficult book, and so in these archival materials I hoped to glimpse, however fleetingly, the skilled 19th-century reader who had once performed its poetry.

Slowly, it dawned on me that I was following the logic that Rezaulla outlines in his schema for translation. For I too had stepped into the imaginative world of the poetry in search of answers to some hard questions: How do we write histories of South Asian diaspora which pay attention to the history books that travelled with them? Who was the unnamed traveller who brought Bengali stories of the prophets to Broken Hill? Can historical storytelling in English do more than simply induct readers into white subjectivities?

Threading together seven narrative motifs that appear in Kasasol Ambia, I began to piece together a history of South Asians in Australia.

Samia Khatun , Senior Lecturer, SOAS, University of London 

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

source: http://www.thewire.in / The Wire / Home> Books / by Samia Khatoon / August 25th, 2019

Delhi Urdu scholars awarded

NEW DELHI  :

Professor Sharib Rudaulvi was awarded the All India Bahadur Shah Zafar Award

[Manish Sisodia, who is also the Minister of Art, Culture and Languages, appealed to the writers to create more literature to inculcate the feelings of communal harmony and patriotism. (Photo: IANS/Twitter)]
[Manish Sisodia, who is also the Minister of Art, Culture and Languages, appealed to the writers to create more literature to inculcate the feelings of communal harmony and patriotism. (Photo: IANS/Twitter)]
New Delhi:

Delhi Deputy Chief Minister Manish Sisodia on Tuesday conferred the annual awards to Urdu scholars for their contribution to Urdu literature.

Sisodia, who is also the Minister of Art, Culture and Languages, appealed to the writers to create more literature to inculcate the feelings of communal harmony and patriotism.

He congratulated the Urdu scholars and said it is the writers and thinkers, who ensure change and bring about ‘inqlab’ in the society through their creative writings with the “power of the pen”.

Professor Sharib Rudaulvi was awarded the All India Bahadur Shah Zafar Award.

“Hailing from Lucknow, Rudaulvi is a prominent critic and poet. He started his career as an Urdu faculty member at Dayal Singh College of Delhi University. In 1990, he joined Jawaharlal Nehru University as a Reader in 1990 from where he retired in 2000. He started his career as a poet, but he later turned towards criticism with greater attention,” the government said in a statement.

Ghazal singer-brothers Ustad Ahmad Hussain and Mohammed Hussain were given All India Award for Promotion of Urdu Language and Literature.

“Ahmed and Mohammed Hussain are two brothers who sing classical ghazals. Born in Rajasthan as sons of the famous Ghazal and ‘Thumri’ singer Ustad Afzal Hussain, the two touch genres like Indian classical music and ‘Bhajan’ as well as ‘Ghazal’. They started their singing career in 1958. They have uniqueness as they always sing the ‘ghazals’ together,” the statement said.

The award for Urdu poetry was given to G.R. Kanwal, who has published five anthologies of self-composed Urdu poetry.

Professor Atiqullah was awarded Pt. Brij Mohan Dattaria Kaifi Award.

“Atiqullah is a noted Urdu Critic and author of numerous books. He was also a professor at Delhi Univerisity.”

Ghazal singer Radhika Chopra received the award for ‘ghazal’ singing, the statement added.

The Deputy Chief Minister released and uncovered a book of Urdu pronunciation “Talaffuz” written by Shakeel Hasan Shamshi.

Delhi’s Urdu Academy, since its inception in May, 1981, has been conducting various educational, cultural and literary activities for the promotion, propagation and development of Urdu language, literature and composite lingual culture.

source: http://www.ummid.com / Ummid.com / Home> India / by IANS / August 20th, 2019

How Shah Jahan connects Bhopal, Delhi, and England

DELHI / Bhopal, MADHYA PRADESH :

How two rulers with a common name left a rich history and culture for its people but one is more renowned than the other.

Taj-ul-Masajid, Bhopal (Photo: SNS/Aena Thakur)
Taj-ul-Masajid, Bhopal (Photo: SNS/Aena Thakur)

In the heart of Madhya Pradesh’s capital city, Bhopal, resides Taj-ul-Masajid which literally translates to the ‘crown of mosques’. The mosque was intended to be the largest mosque in the country and was based on the design of Delhi’s Jama Masjid. In a town called Woking in England stands a mosque called Shah Jahan.

The common denominator between these three mosques is the name Shah Jahan. The fifth Mughal emperor Shah Jahan built the Jama Masjid in Delhi and the third female ruler of Bhopal, Shah Jahan Begum built Taj-ul-Masajid of Bhopal. The Bhopal’s matriarch went a step ahead as she also funded the construction of England’s first Mosque in 1889.

Taj-ul-Masajid (Image: SNS/Aena Thakur)
Taj-ul-Masajid (Image: SNS/Aena Thakur)

In the 19th century when India was a British colony, the princely state of Bhopal had a string of female rulers for roughly 107 years. The city was founded in 1707 by Afghan ruler Dost Muhammad Khan. Surrounded by Rajputs in Rajasthan and Marathas in Maharashtra, Bhopal was a vulnerable state yet the female rulers with their loyal allegiance to the British rule survived the turbulent times.

The female dynasty of Bhopal started with the death of young Nawab Nazar Muhammad Khan. His 18-year-old wife Qudsia Begum decided that the legacy of her family shall continue and declared her 15-month-old daughter Sikandar as the rightful heir of the state. In 1819, Qudsia Begum became the first Muslim female who defied the veil and became the ruler of Bhopal. Her rule was legitimised by the British and the clergy.

Both Qudsia (1819-37) and Sikandar (1847-68) were known to be tough rulers who strengthened Bhopal’s military and trained themselves to fight. However, it was the third matriarch of Bhopal, Shah Jahan Begum who brought in the period of flourishing art and culture just like her male Mughal namesake.

Unlike Qudsia and Sikandar, Shah Jahan was not known for her tough training for battles. Shah Jahan followed the system of veil and was more interested in literature, poetry, and arts.

Shah Jahan Begam of Bhopal (Image: Wikimedia Commons)
Shah Jahan Begam of Bhopal (Image: Wikimedia Commons)

Interested in Urdu and Persian poetry, Shah Jahan Begum also offered state pensions to poets like Amir Minai, a contemporary of Mirza Ghalib.

Shah Jahan Begum ordered that a dictionary of select terms in Hindustani, Persian, Arabic, Sanskrit, English, and Turkish was compiled to facilitate translation of literature between these languages. A poet herself, Shah Jahan Begum also patronized a group of female poets. According to Siobhan Lambert-Hurley’s book Muslim women, Reform and Princely Patronage, these gifted women included “Hasanara Begam ‘Namkeen,’ author of a diwan and two prose publications, Munawwar Jahan Begam and Musharraf Jahan Begam, the daughters of Nawab Mustafa Khan ‘Shefta,’ and several others.”

In her book, Siobhan Lambert-Hurley also mentions, “Shah Jahan’s interest in this area was so great that she charged a male poet at her court, Abul Qasim ‘Muhtasham’, to devote himself to collecting an anthology of female poets writing in Persian. Entitled Akhtar-i-taban, it publicized the work of 81 poetesses when it was printed in Bhopal in 1881 in dedication to the ruling Begam.”

Her ambitions for grand architecture is evident from the fact that her daughter Sultan Begum in her biography mentioned that she has lost count of the number of palaces and buildings, her mother made. Some of the prominent buildings that still remain are Taj-ul-Masajid, Taj Mahal, Ali Manzil, and Benazir.

Taj Mahal, Bhopal (Image: Wikimedia Commons)
Taj Mahal, Bhopal (Image: Wikimedia Commons)

Unlike Mughal emperor, Shah Jahan’s Taj Mahal which is a tomb, Bhopal’s Taj Mahal was a palace for the Begum. Shah Jahan Begum also helped orientalist and scholar Dr Gottlieb Wilhelm Leitner in constructing England’s first mosque which is also called the Shah Jahan mosque.

The similarities do not stop here. Just like the Mughal emperor built a planned city named Shahjahanabad, the Begum too built a neighbourhood with the same name. Hurley mentions in her book, “Shah Jahan was also responsible for building an entirely new neighbourhood of homes and offices within her capital that was predictably named Shahjahanabad. Unlike the version at Delhi, however, it was laid out on a uniform plan in-keeping with the latest ideas of town planning in Britain.”

Taj-ul-Masajid, Bhopal (Image: SNS/Aena Thakur)
Taj-ul-Masajid, Bhopal (Image: SNS/Aena Thakur)

Shah Jahan Begum of Bhopal encouraged female participation in education, religion, and culture. She was responsible for setting up institutions for female education, she reserved areas in mosques for veiled women to pray on special occasions, she also constructed a Pakka bazaar exclusively for women.

Shah Jahan Begum’s daughter Sultan Jahan Begum was the last Begum of Bhopal whose reign ended in 1926. The reign of female rulers in Bhopal broke stereotypes and brought in various reforms in the princely state. Even though women still continue to fight for their rights it should not be forgotten that the Begums did assert their authority in the 19th century and it can be done again.

source: http://www.thestatesman.com / The Statesman / Home> Features / by Aena Thakur, New Delhi / August 20th, 2019

Syed Husain Bilgrami: An English scholar in Nizam’s court

HYDERABAD :

Torch bearer Syed Husain Bilgrami, Special arrangement
Torch bearer Syed Husain Bilgrami, Special arrangement

Apart from holding high ranking positions in Nizam’s dominion, Syed Husain Bilgrami was also made a member of the Secretary of State’s Council, in London.

Nawab Imad-ul Mulk is a familiar name in the annals of Hyderabad’s 19th century history. He was a noted educationalist, civil servant, prominent administrator and a noted scholar in the Nizam’s dominions. He was private secretary to Salar Jung I, the then Prime Minister of Hyderabad State; also a tutor and conscience keeper of the Nizam — Mahboob Ali Pasha — whose government he served with great distinction. For his dedication for work, strength of character and extraordinary mastery over English language and literature, the British government also utilised his services on many occasions. He had the rare honour of having served as member in the Secretary of State’s Council .He also had the distinction of having met along with Salar Jung I, Queen Victoria at Buckingham Palace in London.

Nawab Imad ul Mulk was the title that the Nizam bestowed in recognition of the services he rendered, with which he was well known in Hyderabadi circles; but his actual name was Syed Husain Bilgrami.

Syed Husain Bilgrami was born in 1844 at Gaya, where his father held high position under the East India Company administration. He was educated at the Presidency College, Calcutta from where he graduated in English literature. In 1868 he became a Professor at the Canning College in Lucknow before joining the service of the Nizam of Hyderabad in 1873. It was the time when Salar Jung I the Prime Minister of Hyderabad state was looking for English educated young men to be appointed in Hyderabad to modernise the administration and to improve educational facilities in the dominions. In 1872, Salar Jung while on a visit to Lucknow, met young Syed and was attracted to his intelligence and demeanour. He was invited to join the Hyderabad service, which he did the next year. For his impeccable English, both spoken and written, Syed Husain was taken as the private secretary to Salar Jung. The rest of his long career was irrevocably bound with Hyderabad.

The story goes that when Salar Jung asked Syed where his family originally hailed from, he answered, ‘Bilgrami’ (in the then United Provinces). The Prime Minister in a lighter vein suggested that Bilgrami could as well be added to his name and thus he became Syed Husain Bilgrami.

Bilgrami’s rise to prominence in Hyderabad was due to his sheer work as an educationalist. As the first Director of Public Instruction (1875- 1902) he initiated several reforms to improve the educational set up in the state. He was instrumental in the establishment of the Nizam College with English medium, with Dr Aghoranath Chattopadhyay, (father of Sarojini Naidu) as its first Principal. It is said that Bilgrami was the person who discovered the genius in Chattopadhyay, the first Indian to obtain D. Sc in Biochemistry from Edinburgh University. The College was affiliated to Madras University as there was no University in the Hyderabad dominions by then. Bilgrami was for some years taken by the government of India, as a member of the Universities Commission, a forerunner of the present UGC. In Hyderabad, he established Madarsa- i- Aizza, a school exclusively for the children of the nobles with a view to make them cultured and more responsible towards society. A crowning achievement of Bilgrami in the furthering of education in Hyderabad was the establishment of a girls school in 1885 with his personal funds. This was hailed as one of its kind in the country as the girls were taught besides usual subjects, needle work, household duties etc. English, besides Urdu and Arabic, was made the medium of instruction. To make girls from traditional families attend school, bullock carts with curtains were arranged to fetch them to school and back home.

In Hyderabad state, with a view to foster industrial growth, Bilgrami established three Industrial Schools at three important towns in the state, Aurangabad, Warangal and Hyderabad, which later grew to be Engineering Colleges. The State Central Library in Hyderabad also owes its establishment to the untiring efforts of Syed Husain Bilgrami.

Bilgrami was also a prolific writer in English and his books include Historical and Descriptive Sketches of His Highness, the Nizam’s Dominions, in 2 volumes, and A Memoir of Sir Salar Jung I. Besides, he had also composed several poems.

Lord Morely, the Secretary of State for India, who took Bilgrami as a member of his council.
Lord Morely, the Secretary of State for India, who took Bilgrami as a member of his council.

The career graph of Syed Husain Bilgrami reached its zenith when he was made a member of the Secretary of State’s Council, in London. After the Liberal Party came to power in Great Britain in 1906, the new Secretary of State for India, Lord Morley, along with Lord Minto, the Viceroy of India wanted to initiate certain administrative and legislative reforms which ultimately resulted in the passing of India Councils Act of 1909 ( popularly known as Morley-Minto Reforms). For the task of formulating the reforms, Morley took two Indians as members to his council. The first was Syed Husain Bilgrami, who from the days of his first visit to England accompanying Salar Jung way back in 1876, had maintained friendship with several high ranking British political leaders of his time like Disraeli, Lord Salisbury, Gladstone etc. The other Indian appointed to the council by Morley was Krishna G Gupta, a senior ICS officer. Bilgrami thus played a key role in the passing of the first ever Constitutional Act of 1909.

Indian ayahs

As a member of the Council of the Secretary of State for India, Bilgrami once made history by protesting the pitiable and callous attitude to Indian ayahs and other caretaker women who had been abandoned by their British employers. Many British officials in those days, employed Indian ayahs to look after their children on the long voyage from India to Britain and the employer was to provide for their passage home. But many a time those ayahs were dismissed once they reach Britain and left to fend for themselves. Such conditions led even to the founding of a ‘Ayahs Home in East London’, where such abandoned destitute ayahs were temporarily provided with food and shelter.

Ayas House / special arrangement
Ayas House / special arrangement

In May 1908, an Indian ayah Meera Sayal from Bombay arrived in London with a British family that was returning home. But she was abandoned by the family on the busy Kings Cross road in Central London, with a mere one pound in hand. The matter was brought to the notice of the India Office in London by the manager at Ayahs Home. The British authorities were of the opinion that Indian ayahs had no legal remedy in the absence of any written agreements that they would be taken back to India and quoted a precedent when the India Office in London in a similar case in 1890 had declined to take any action.

The protest note Bilgrami wrote as a member of the council of Secretary of State for India.
The protest note Bilgrami wrote as a member of the council of Secretary of State for India.

But Syed Husain Bilgrami, as a member of the Secretary of State’s Council felt hugely outraged and immediately wrote a strongly worded resentment on “the dishonest and cruel European employers inveighing Indian servants to travel with them and abandoning them on arrival in Britain”. This bold stand of Syed Husain Bilgrami reflected how he was a man of lofty principles and high ideals with a strong sense of duty and impeccable uprightness. This letter dated July 14, 1908, had been quoted in many future complaints of the Asian caretakers against British employers that ultimately led to the betterment of Indian ayahs going with British families to London.

After returning from England in 1909, Bilgrami spent his retirement in Hyderabad in a villa on the slopes of the iconic Naubath Pahad, overlooking the waters of Hussain Sagar and died in 1926, aged 82. Bilgrami had four sons and all of them were brilliant as they excelled in their different chosen fields. Nawab Sir Mehdi Yar Jung Bahadur, the Education and Finance member in Nizam’s administration and who led a delegation to the Round Table Conference in London in 1930 -31, as a representative of the Nizam, was one of Bilgrami’s sons. Yar Jung as the Vice-Chancellor of Osmania University, had hosted the 5th session of the Indian History Congress (IHC) in 1941. Today Bilgrami’s progeny has a network that is spread across all the continents. Prof. Akeel Bilgrami, the California=based renowned academic intellectual, is one among the high-profile, large Bilgrami family.

source: http://www.thehindu.com / The Hindu / Home> Society> History & Culture> Hyderabad Heritage / by K S S Seshan / August 19th, 2019

Yunus Dehlvi was the Mirza Ghalib and Mauana Azad of Urdu magazines!

NEW DELHI :

Yunus Dehlvi (right) with Firoz Bakht Ahmed
Yunus Dehlvi (right) with Firoz Bakht Ahmed

Yunus Dehlvi ran the world’s biggest chain of the Urdu magazines from 1943 till 1994 after the family fragmented and the historic era of these publications ended

We have all grown through the fragrant flairs of our childhood, one of them being our childhood mother-tongue historic magazines like, “Thakurmar Jhuli” (Bengali), “Khilauna” (Urdu), “Hans” (Marathi), “Parag” (Hindi), “Chitralekha” (Gujarati), “Chandamama” (Telugu), etc.

So have I grown reading the world famed Urdu chain of magazines including, “Khilauna”, “Shama”, Bano”, “Shama”, “Mujrim”. The doyen of these magazines, Yunus Dehlvi, father of eminent author, Sadia Dehlvi, is no more. He was the Ghalib of publications and Azad of the content.

Dehlvi’s efforts need to be hailed and made known to the world through the most widely circulated edition of yours as a true homage to a warrior for his mother-tongue. Started by his father, Haji Yusuf Dehlvi, Yunus ran the world’s biggest chain of these Urdu magazines from 1943 till 1994 after the family fragmented and the historic era of these publications got sacrificed at the altar of children and grandchildren’s egos.

I “drank” my Urdu and learnt the language not from any madrasa, school or college but from these publications only — my treasure trove!

Having known the “Shama”, “Sushma”, “Khilauna”, “Bano”, “Shabistan”, “Mujrim”, and “Doshi” publisher and the owner of once the biggest chain of Urdu magazine anywhere in the world, Yunus Dehlvi since childhood, it is the saddest blow for me that the third surviving brother after Idrees Dehlvi and Ilyas Dehlvi is no more. It is a huge loss of Urdu and the connoisseurs of the above-mentioned magazines mentioned above.

On February 7, 2019, he breathed his last in the lap of his daughter Sadia Dehlvi and grandson, Ali Dehlivi, besides almost a hundred other relatives around him. He was buried at the Qaum Punjabian cemetery at Sheedipura, Karol Bagh, Delhi, in the presence of hundreds of his lovers with eyes welled in tears. He was 89 and about two years ago, he suffered from stroke.

Dehlvi was member, Governing Council of the Audit Bureau of Circulations Ltd (ABC), besides being the President (1969-70) of Indian and Eastern Newspaper Society (IENS).

A winner of umpteen Urdu awards round the globe, he had it, including Urdu Delhi Award, Edinburgh Urdu Circle, the John Gilchrist gold medal, Sahir Award besides a list of inexhaustible felicitations.

Magazines like “Shama” and “Khilauna” used not only to sell like hot cakes but these were also sold in “black”, the moment these were sent to the vendors. Another reason for the popularity of “Shama” was its “Muamma” (literary puzzle) where words had to be filled from Urdu novels and lakhs of rupees were at stake.

I remember the times when the issue of “Shama” Urdu monthly, the most sought after, had its circulation into lakhs, in fact more than a newspaper, like, “The Times of India” or the weekly, like, “The Illustrated Weekly”, as told to me by Yunus, when I had interviewed him some two years ago just before he was struck by a stroke.

In fact, special flights were booked for transporting “Shama” and “Khilauna” to London, Karachi and New York and the three brothers — Yunus, Ilyas and Idrees — used to accompany. The duty of Yunus was on the Air India or PIA Karachi sector.

Top film actors like Dileep Kumar, Ashok Kumar, Raj Kapoor, Asha Parekh, Nutan, Nargis, Raj Kumar, Sanjeev Kumar, Mohammed Rafi, Malika Pukhraj and many more used to frequent Yunus’ mansion at Sardar Patel Marg, now bought by politician, Mayawati.

Started by his father, Haji Yusuf Dehlvi, Yunus ran the world’s biggest chain of these Urdu magazines from 1943 till 1994 after the family fragmented and the historic era of these publications got sacrificed at the altar of children and grandchildren’s egos.

To be frank, I have learnt my Urdu from the magazines mentioned above and especially, “Khilauna”. Several old fans of “Khilauna”, today in their middle or old age, rummage “raddi” (scrap) shops or old bookshops from Karachi to Delhi and Lahore to Mumbai in search of it but in vain. Even in the libraries, these are not available. Fortunately, I have some 100 copies of the magazine from 1946 till 1987.

Several old fans of “Khilauna”, today in their middle or old age, rummage “raddi” (scrap) shops or old bookshops from Karachi to Delhi and Lahore to Mumbai in search of it.

Syed Faisal Ali, the editor of the Urdu daily “Sach ki Awaz” manages from his resources to get the old issues of “Khilauna” and reads these to relieve stress, “You escape back into your childhood, when you didn’t have a care in the world.” What was once a household name in the comity of children’s Urdu monthlies has become a collector’s item post its shut down.

“The craze for ‘Khilauna’ is keener among the older bunch,” Prof Akhtarul Wasey said, adding smugly that the old magazines always sold ‘at a premium’. However, these are just extinct now.

“Khilauna”, a collection of Urdu culture and heritage, had carved its niche through stories, poems, cartoons, comic strips like — “Nanhi Munni Kahaniyan” (a column for young writers), “Hamara Akhbar” (newspaper clippings), “Suraj Ka Bahadur Beta Shamsi” (serial pictorial story), “Muskurahatein” (jokes), “Hamarey Naam” (letters from readers), “Batao To Bhala” (Readers’ Questions and Answers), and much more.

Renowned Urdu poets and writers of the time — like Khwaja Ahmed Abbas, Hafeez Jalandhari, Hasrat Jaipuri, Qateel Shifai, Ismat Chughtai, Salam Machhli Shehri, Razia Sajjad Zaheer, Krishan Chander, Raja Mehdi Ali Khan, Balwant Singh, Kanhaiya Lal Kapoor, Ram Pal, Sahir Ludhianavi, Ram Lal, Siraj Anwar, Basheshar Pradeep, Shafiuddin Naiyar, Kaif Ahmed Siddiqui, Dr Kewal Dhir, KP Saxena, Azhar Afsar, Prakash Pandit, Aadil Rasheed, MM Rajinder, Jilani Bano, Naresh Kumar Shad, Abrar Mohsin, Masooda Hayat, Ishrat Rehmani, Abrar Mohsin, Khaliq Anjum Ashrafi — besides many others used to be household names from 1940 to 1990s.

The “Shama” and its sister publications will never be forgotten as the connoisseurs of best Urdu literature won’t forget Yunus Dehlvi.

source: http://www.nationalheraldindia.com / National Herald / Home> Cafe> Counter View / February 11th, 2019

75 years of free healing

BIHAR / Kolkata, WEST BENGAL :

picture by Bishwarup Dutta
picture by Bishwarup Dutta

Who is he? Hakim Syed Mohammad Sharfuddin Quadri

Claim to fame: Recipient of the Padma Bhushan award this year, he is an illustrious Unani practitioner, 105 years old. Quadri has been treating patients for the past 75 years at his dispensary at Haji Mohsin Square, near Wellington, free of cost.

Fighting fit: Hakimji begins his day with namaaz at the break of dawn followed by his visit to Swadeshi Dawakhana — his dispensary, where he attends patients all day. About 100 patients visit daily.

The centurion is amazing in his physical fitness and sharpness of mind and is a specialist in treating infertility. After a day’s hard work, which ends around midnight, he goes for a walk — to keep his gout from acting up.

Starting point: Born in a family of hakims in Bihar, it was natural for him to choose this profession. Quadri completed a course on Unani from Shafakhana Darsgah Tibbia (Gaya) in 1930. He participated in the freedom movement. He started to practise in Calcutta after his family shifted here.

Other activities: He began an informal school for children and triggered an adult literacy campaign in his locality. He had also published a magazine called Hikmate Bangala in the late Fifties. He works for citizen’s rights and is a founder member of the Unani Medical College and Hospital, Calcutta.

Low profile: He has had a lot of visitors since becoming the only person from the city to be awarded the Padma Bhushan this year. But he keeps reminding them that he is a mere “hakim”.

source: http://www.telegraphindia.com / The Telegraph, online edition / Home> West Bengal / by Shabina Akhtar / June 17th, 2007

The Indomitable Begum Hazrat Mahal -1820–1879

Lucknow, UTTAR PRADESH :

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Begum Hazrat Mahal was the last of the official queens of the kingdom of Avadh, or “Oudh” as known to the British imperialists, a large province in northern India.

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While the details of her birth and family are unclear, it is certain that Begum Hazrat Mahal was not of royal lineage. She is believed to have been a courtesan in the court of the last king of Avadh, Nawab Wajid Ali Shah, starting as a dancing girl named “Mahak-Pari” or fragrant fairy. The Nawab, besotted with the young girl, married her by means of the Shiite tradition of “mutah” marriage or “temporary marriage of pleasure.” It was a convenient method by which the Nawabs could add to their harems, and not technically stray from their marriages.

Mahak-Pari, as she was initially known, gave birth to a male child named Mirza Birgis Qadr Bahadur, and was elevated to the title of Hazrat Mahal Saheba, commonly known as Begum Hazrat Mahal. Transforming from a courtesan—a Pari (fairy)—to a Mahal (a royal queen) was rare, and the good fortune of bearing a male child combined with the right maneuvers in harem politics likely helped the young woman.

In 1856, the administrators of the East India Company annexed the kingdom of Avadh, by means of the infamous Doctrine of Lapse. The British coveted this territory as a great resource for cotton and indigo, and appalled by the debauchery of the Avadh court and its gross mismanagement of revenue, preferred to govern the region directly with a more “conventional” administration.

Nawab Wajid Ali Shah was exiled to Calcutta, and the unhappy king left with a few of his wives, and without most of his large harem, including his “secondary” wives. Begum Hazrat Mahal did not accompany the deposed king, continuing to reside in Lucknow with her young son.

When the Mutiny of 1857 broke out, Avadh was one of the major areas of rebellion as several recruits of the army were from Avadh. People were unhappy about the annexation, the deposition of their king, and the religious insensitivity of the British. The rebels needed a leader to further their cause.

Begum Hazrat Mahal rose to the occasion to help the rebels defend Lucknow against the British troops. To the surprise of her adversaries, she reorganized the army with better co-ordination between the three units of the cavalry, artillery, and infantry. Many times, she rode at the head of the army on an elephant to encourage the soldiers against the advancing British troops.

As in other places, the Indian rebels could not hold out for long against the larger number of British troops, and the queen’s advisors asked the Begum to leave Lucknow in March 1858. She fled to the countryside, continuing her hostilities against the British by issuing orders while in hiding.

On November 1, 1858, Queen Victoria issued a proclamation whose intent was to end the Mutiny, pacify the religious sentiments of the Indians, and formally transfer control of the British territories in India from the East India Company to the British Crown. Begum Hazrat Mahal issued a counter-proclamation in which she argued against every claim of Queen Victoria.

The Begum reminded the Indians that several previous treaties had been violated, that princely heads had either been pensioned or killed, and property worth millions of rupees seized. If the British intent was honorable, why did the British Queen not “restore our country to us when our people wish it?” asked the bold and shrewd Begum. She questioned Queen Victoria’s claim to religious non-interference:

“…to destroy Hindoo and Mussulman temples on pretence of making roads to build churches—to send clergymen into streets and alleys to preach the Christian religion—to institute English schools, and to pay a monthly stipend for learning the English sciences, while the places of worship of Hindoos and Mussulmans are to this day entirely neglected; with all this how can the people believe that religion will not be interfered with?”

Begum Hazrat Mahal forewarned the Indians that their future prospects appeared limited under British rule. “It is worthy of a little reflection, that they have promised no better employment for Hindoostanees than making roads and digging canals.” The Begum’s words were rather prophetic. For decades after 1857, Indians pushed files under British bureaucracy and worked as laborers for the British government in India and overseas.

Begum Hazrat Mahal eventually sought asylum in the kingdom of Nepal, where she lived for the rest of her life. The British administration initially negotiated with her, assuring her a safe return and the possibility of a pension. The Begum, distrusting the British, refused—most likely because British retribution in the immediate aftermath of the rebellion was extremely harsh. While both Hindu and Muslim rebels were ruthlessly punished, there was fear that the Muslims would rise against the British (and Christian power) because it was a hitherto Muslim power that was being displaced, and the repercussions in former-Muslim strongholds such as Lucknow and Delhi were particularly extreme. After their initial negotiations failed, the British labeled the Begum as a woman of “savage disposition.”

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Begum Hazrat Mahal has remained a relatively minor figure in Indian history. Her legacy and her heirs were inadequately honored in the centenary celebrations of the Mutiny held at Lucknow post-Indian independence. Her great-grandsons protested against this oversight by the Indian government, which led Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru to order an inquiry into her place of burial. Her grave was discovered near Kathmandu, Nepal, in very poor condition. At this point, a park in Lucknow was named after her to commemorate her memory—this park has very recently been renamed—and later a postage stamp was issued in her honor.

Begum Hazrat Mahal’s legacy was diminished in the changed landscape of India post-1857. Her humble beginnings as a courtesan made her an inadequate role model.

The courtesans at the zenith of Lucknow’s court were no petty “nautch-girls” as described by the Victorian sensibilities of the colonists. They were sophisticated women, well versed in the arts of dance, music, and poetry. Their association with the courts made them extremely wealthy and nineteenth-century British records indicate that they were in the highest income-tax bracket before 1857. While the British derided the courtesans, and the culture they espoused, they did not hesitate to tax them on their “ill-earned” wealth. During the Mutiny, the courtesans monetarily supported the rebels, and their homes became rebel hideouts and secret meeting-venues.

Yet, this courtesan culture, the associated decadence and  “debauchery” became a source of embarrassment for late-nineteenth-century Indian nationalists, social reformers, and the emerging middle-class English-educated “elite.” Indian nationalists believed that it was decadence and indolence that had helped the British uproot power in the princely states. A strong, respectable people hoping for self-rule needed to identify with respectable women and men, and a former courtesan-turned-warrior-queen did not fit this idealized image.

A strong and resolute woman, the Begum never gave in to the British, while her husband—a good man and an artist at heart, but weak in resolution—continued to live off the generous pension he received, always short of money, and therefore always acquiescing to the British.

Postage Samp of Hazrat Mahal. www.kamat.com
Postage Samp of Hazrat Mahal. www.kamat.com

Several years after the Mutiny, a British painter visited Begum Hazrat Mahal, in Kathmandu, to paint a portrait of her son, Birgis Qadr. As he worked on his task, the painter ventured to ask her whether she would consider returning to Lucknow. Given the fact that much time had elapsed since 1857, the British regime was willing to forgive her and pay her a pension. Her residence in India would be proof of the British paternalistic spirit of forgiveness. Their condition, however, was that she would not be allowed a lavish lifestyle with a large retinue of servants. Perhaps, surprised by, or suspicious of the offer, but more likely annoyed at the continued interference in her life, the Begum refused the gesture, stating, with true Avadhi andaaz (style) “of what use will be the salary, if I am not to spend it upon the servants?”

Begum Hazrat Mahal was buried in a simple grave in the grounds of a mosque she built. Ironically she named it Hindustani Masjid, after the beloved homeland she had left behind, for whose sovereignty she had fought, and in which she has largely been forgotten.

Aarti Johri is a tech-professional turned history buff. This is an extract from her thesis for the Stanford MLA degree. Her articles have been published in the San Jose Mercury News, Stanford’s Tangents Magazine, and others. She serves on the board of SACHI (Society for the Art and Cultural Heritage of India).

source: http://www.indiacurrents.com  / India Currents / Home> Features, General / by Aarti Johri / June 11th, 2016

Wajida Tabassum: The Muslim Feminist Writer With A Distinct Style| #IndianWomenInHistory

Amravati, MAHARASHTRA  / Hyderabad, TELANGANA :

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Wajida Tabassum is the first writer to be called sahib-e-asloob (a writer with a distinct style) after Ismat Chughtai. Her unique style of writing and choice of themes have been riveting and revolutionary at the same time. With a lot of opposition for her work, Tabassum managed to remain a defiant writer until her last works.

Early Life And Education 

Born in Amravati, Maharashtra in 1935, Tabassum graduated from Osmania University with a degree in Urdu. After graduation, her family moved from Amravati to Hyderabad, the influence of which is evident in her writing.

IN A SOCIETY WHERE WOMEN ARE SHUNNED, TABASSUM EXPLORES THE STRENGTH THAT UNDERLIES THE EXISTENCE OF THE WORKING CLASS INDIAN WOMAN.

Writing And Her Life After 

In 1940, she started writing stories in Urdu in the Dakhini dialect. Her writing continued as a backdrop of an aristocratic social life of Hyderabad. Her books were published by her husband, Ashfaq Ahmad, after his retirement from the Indian Railways. With four sons, and daughter they settled in Bombay.

Career 

Tabassum’s career started with her stories appearing in a monthly magazine called ‘Biswin Sadi’. She wrote erotic stories in a way that brought out the lifestyles of Hyderabadi Nawabs, which was often considered luxurious. The very first collection of her short stories, called ‘Shahr-e-Mamnu’ (‘Forbidden City’), was published in 1960.

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Her work wasn’t just widely acclaimed by critics, it was also popularly loved. Her story titled ‘Utran’ (‘Cast-Offs’) was made into a popular soap opera on Indian Television in 1988. During the 1960s and 1970’s, her erotic stories were published in Shama magazine which also got her a handsome payment for those times. Her books include Teh Khana, Kaise Samjhaoon, Phul Khilne Do, Utran, Zakhme-e-Dil Aur Mahak Aur Mahak and Zar, Zan, Zamin, which she had published in 1989.

WAJIDA TABASSUM IS THE FIRST STORY WRITER TO BE CALLED SAHIB-E-ASLOOB (A WRITER WITH A DISTINCT STYLE) AFTER ISMAT CHUGHTAI.

Breaking Taboos

She was repetitively criticized for crossing the limits of decorum and ‘decency’.  Her stories like Nath Ka Bojh (Burden of the Nose-Ring), Haur-Upar(A Litter Higher), and Nath Utarwai(Removal of the Nose-Ring) which were more on the erotic side, were highly controversial. Tabassum’s works saw public protests in the city in lieu of her showing the community in a bad light. Her stories were not just a courageous depiction of women’s sexualities, but the reclamation of it too.

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In one of her stories called ‘Chutney’, the reader witnesses the sexual tension between a young Nawab and an incredibly gorgeous employed servant. Following the allegedly explicit description of the erotic aspect of the dynamic, is the climax wherein the servant gets raped. The story, like rest of her work, is a social commentary on how there is class-based exploitation in the self-proclaimed elegant lifestyle of the Nawabs as well. However, a revolution begins through the story when the servant rips her clothes and challenges the Nawab to try again on his wedding day.

The theme of women taking charge of her sexuality remains constant in Tabassum’s stories. In another story called ‘Tiya Paancha’, we witness the anger of a wife who declares her husband impotent publicly after he cheats on her. In a society where women are shunned, Tabassum explores the strength that underlies the existence of the working class Indian woman.

source: http://www.feminisminindia.com / FII – Feminism In India / Home> History / by Harshita Chhatlani / July 04th, 2019

‘It is the story of India itself’: Abdullah Khan on a debut novel that was 20 years in the making

Patna, BIHAR :

An interview with the author of ‘Patna Blues’, a novel about a lower-middle class Muslim family in small-town Bihar.

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Abdullah Khan is a banker by profession and a poet-storyteller at heart. Born and raised in Bihar, Khan’s fiction carries evocative descriptions of his roots. His debut novel Patna Blues is a coming-of-age story set in Patna and other places in Bihar in the 1990s. In an interview with Scroll.in Khan talks about his first novel, his inspirations, his poetry, and Bihar.

You started writing Patna Blues as “The Remains of a Dream”. I had the opportunity to read parts of this novel when you posted some chapters on your blog, way back in 2010. How was the journey from 2010 till 2018, from starting to write the novel as “The Remains of the Dream” to seeing it published as Patna Blues?
Actually, I started writing this novel in 1997 just after Arundhati Roy won the Booker Prize. And the excerpts you read in 2010 were from probably the third draft of my novel. Initially, it was a romantic drama mostly focussing on Arif’s love life. Then, on the basis of the feedback I received from my writer friends and a couple of literary agents to whom I had submitted my manuscript for possible representation, I rewrote the entire thing making a lot of changes in the plot and in the characters.

Once the final draft was ready, I started sending my queries to British and American literary agents. And, after collecting more than 200 rejection slips, I decided to submit the manuscript to Indian publishers. I was lucky that my novel landed first on Renu Agal’s table at Juggernaut Books and she could connect with the story. Renu asked me to make certain changes in my manuscript which I immediately did. Then she recommended Patna Blues to senior editor Sivapriya who also liked this story about a small town and, finally, my book found a home.

Now, in its present avatar, Patna Blues is a culturally insightful coming-of-age novel with political undertones. It is actually three stories in one. One is simply the story of a boy: Arif, the central character, who deals with love, lust, and ambitions as he goes through the painful process of growing up. The second too is Arif’s story, but it is also the story of a Muslim boy in particular, and this flows into a larger narrative of being a Muslim in post-Babri India, with its own challenges and anxieties. The third is the story of India itself, not the India that exists in the cities, but the India of villages and small towns.

Who or what inspired the character of Arif Khan and how much of Abdullah Khan is there in Arif Khan?
Arif is a fictional character and is not inspired by anyone in particular. Unlike Arif, I was never interested in the civil services. But, yes, the moral values of Arif are quite similar to those of mine. And, like Arif, I also lived in police colonies in Patna and Darbhanga.

The story of Arif Khan’s family seems to be a story of several families in Bihar and Jharkhand, not only Muslim families. Was it one particular family that gave you the insights to create this one or was it what you observed in several families? Is there an issue (or many issues) you wish to highlight through your portrayal of Arif Khan’s family?
Arif’s family is a typical lower middle class Bihari family and their problems are not different from the other families of the same class. Since I also come from a similar background, it was easy for me to create such a fictional family. Some of the incidents portrayed in my novel, however, are inspired by real life stories. For example, Arif’s sister’s marriage to a man double her age was inspired by a real event. It had happened in Darbhanga. I was barely 12-13 years old at that time. In my neighbourhood, a girl was married off to a man who was no match for her only because her father was not willing to spend too much money on her wedding.

The characters of Arif’s mother and grandmother are inspired by my own mother and grandmother.

The whole novel is very atmospheric. Be it the description of Patna city or the villages in north Bihar or the description of the 1990s – the time period in which a major part of your novel is set – or the politics of the time (and place), you have given a no holds barred description of everything, even of the film magazine Priya. Thank you for re-igniting our memories. Is there a particular memory from those times that made your writing so evocative? Something you would like to share?
Thank you very much for your kind words. I didn’t plan it. Since the story is mostly set in Bihar of the 1990s, I just tried to evoke a sense of time and place by mentioning the things which signify Bihar of the 1990s. And, it appears that, to an extent, I have succeeded in doing so.

One important feature of Patna Blues is the poetry/ghazals in Urdu that Arif and Sumitra compose. You yourself are a poet and the poetry and ghazals you have featured in Patna Blues are your original works. You have also written the screenplay and lyrics for a Hindi film, Viraam. What made you use your poetry in the novel? How do you think the book would have turned out had this poetry not been there?
The main characters of this novel, Arif and Sumitra, are interested in Urdu poetry, so it is obvious that they will use poetry in their conversations. Additionally, the use of poetry in my novel is not only for ornamental purposes but they have also been used as a narrative tool.

Since Arif and Sumitra are amateur poets, it would not have been appropriate if I had used the poetry of well-known poets. So I decided to use my own poems, for both Arif and Sumitra. I believe that this novel couldn’t have been written without using Urdu poetry.

My favourite character is Zakir, Arif Khan’s younger brother. But you have not really given him closure. Similarly, the character Maya Banerjee, Sumitra’s friend, too has not been given closure. Why? Can we expect to see their stories somewhere else? Are you planning a sequel to Patna Blues?
Zakir is one of my favourite characters too and his story is too big to be covered in this book. It needs a separate book. In fact, I have plans to write two sequels to Patna Blues. In Zakir’s Dilemma, I will give closure to Zakir’s story, which is going to be more intriguing and suspenseful than Patna Blues. The third book in the trilogy will be Sumitra’s Choice, which will be told from Sumitra’s POV.

As far as Maya Banerjee is concerned, as of now, I don’t know much about her except that she used to be Sumitra’s friend. But, in future, I’d certainly like to explore this character.

What are you writing right now? Is there a new book from you that we can look forward to
Right now, I am working on a novel titled Aslam, Orwell and a PornstarIt is about a man called Aslam who was born in the same house in Motihari, India, where George Orwell was born. The story is set in Motihari, India, and Los Angeles, USA, against the backdrop of contemporary political events.

Simultaneously, I am also working on a couple of story ideas for television and web.

source: http://www.scroll.in / Scroll.in / Home> Meet The Writer / by Hansa Sowvendra Shekhar / September 22nd, 2018

The Muslim Dewans Of Banares: Stories From My Family

Benares, UTTAR PRADESH :

Stories of kings and queens fascinate all children and we were no different.

We never grew tired of hearing Amma tell us stories about the Kashi Naresh (king of Banares) and her life in Ramnagar, in present-day Varanasi. Stories of how my seven-year-old aunt was on the lead elephant in the Ramlila celebrations, because the Kashi Naresh was studying in Mayo College; stories of her roza kushai (celebrations when a child fasts for the first time) which had a 16-year-old Bismillah Khan playing the shehnai; stories of my Nani, Begum Hameeda Khatoon attending state dinners in chiffon saris and brocade blouses with matching brocade shoes and a dash of Tangee, her favourite lipstick. We heard of Khan Bahadur Syed Ali Zamin, MBE, our teetotaller Nana raising the toast to the very senior British dignitaries who came with a glass of water! We heard of Nana ensuring that there was a constant supply of Ganga Jal for the young Kashi Naresh studying in Mayo College, since he could only use that pure water. We often heard stories from my grandmother of the jewels in the state treasury; Nana must have described the jewels to her—the keys to the treasury were kept with him and he discharged his duties with utmost integrity and honesty. Another story, and my favourite, was that Nana personally chose the piece of brocade and silk, which went from Benares as Queen Elizabeth’s wedding present.

The rulers of Benares appointed many of their dewans and other officers from the Syed family of Kajgaon, near Jaunpur… Benares State was the biggest employer of our family!

Our childhood was shaped by these stories of a land where the Ganges flowed and the Ganga Jamuni Tehzeeb, as our syncretic culture is referred to, flourished.

A land where there was a Brahmin king and a Muslim dewan!

The rulers of Benares appointed many of their dewans and other officers from the Syed family of Kajgaon, near Jaunpur. In fact, as my aunt says, back then Benares State was the biggest employer of our family!

A VIEW OF THE GHATS OF BANARAS FROM RAMNAGAR, IN A PHOTO BY RUST, C.1880'S
A VIEW OF THE GHATS OF BANARAS FROM RAMNAGAR, IN A PHOTO BY RUST, C.1880’S

Ramnagar, which is 18km from Varanasi, was the capital of the erstwhile princely state under the British Raj. Its history dates back to the ancient Kingdom of Kashi and its Brahmin rulers are said to be the incarnation of Shiva.

Mansa Ram Singh founded the Benares estate and in 1740 his son Balwant Singh became its first Raja. It became a princely state in 1911 under the British government.

Maharaja Ishwari Prasad Narayan Singh succeeded his uncle and ruled till his death in 1889.

WWW.COLUMBIA.EDU "The Maharajah of Benares," from the Illustrated London News, 1876
WWW.COLUMBIA.EDU
“The Maharajah of Benares,” from the Illustrated London News, 1876

A family tradition begins

The first dewan from our family was my mother’s great-great-grandfather, Maulana Syed Gulshan Ali, a qualified mujtahid from Najaf in Iraq came in Maharaja Ishwari Prasad Narayan Singh’s reign.

AHMED ZAMIN / Maulana Syed Gulshan Ali
AHMED ZAMIN /
Maulana Syed Gulshan Ali

He advised and supported the king’s decision to not get involved in the 1857 Uprising and as chief minister and dewan he was instrumental in getting the estate, which had been confiscated by the British, restored to the Maharaja. According to the family lore, he had the idea of going to England to appeal to the Privy Council for the return of the confiscated land. He took three lakh rupees from the Maharaja and proceeded to the head office of the East India Company in Calcutta (now Kolkata). On the way, he met a British officer associated with Fort William in Calcutta where the head office of the East India Company was located. When the officer discovered that Maulana was a scholar he offered to help him in return for Urdu and Persian lessons. Upon finding out Maulana’s concern, he advised him that there was no need to go to England because the case could be pleaded from India. Maulana stayed in Calcutta for about a year teaching Urdu and Persian to the British officer

His detractors who had spread the rumours that Maulana sahib had decamped with the money were proved wrong when he returned and after deducting his nominal expenses handed over the remaining amount to the Maharaja.

Vignettes to cherish

My cousin Syed Naqi Hasan’s yet-to-be-published memoirs, My Nostalgic Journey, is a storehouse of information and family stories.

His uncle Khan Bahadur Syed Ahmed Hasan CIE was dewan and his grandfather, Syed Ali Sagheer (My Nana’s brother) was a collector in Gyanpur, one of the districts of Benares state. He heard these anecdotes from both our grandfathers and his uncle. Those were the days when elders sat in the courtyard surrounded by the youngsters and told them stories and anecdotes to ensure that family legacies, cultural traditions were carried on. Today’s TV, computers and smart phone have taken this away from us. Oral history will soon die a natural death.

Maharaja Ishwari Parasad Narayan Singh valued Maulana Gulshan Ali’s advice and loyalty so much that when Maulana died, he “wept bitterly and said, ‘Today my father has died.'”

He writes that Maharaja Ishwari Parasad Narayan Singh valued Maulana Gulshan Ali’s advice and loyalty so much that when Maulana died, “Maharaja Ishwari Parsad wept bitterly and said, ‘Today my father has died.'”

Later Maulana Gulshan Ali’s son Syed Ali Mohammad served as Naib Dewan.

AHMED ZAMIN / My grandparents, mother and aunts in their Ramnagar house
AHMED ZAMIN /
My grandparents, mother and aunts in their Ramnagar house

My aunt reminisces that amongst the many privileges granted to Maulana and his family by the Maharaja, the most important one was that until the merger of Benares state with India, two white horses were kept in the royal capital of Ramnagar at the State’s expense, and were sent to Kajgaon to be used as Zuljanah (representation of Imam Hussain’s horse) in the Muharram processions.

My elders kept our family’s oral history intact and I share some here.

HTTP://WWW.COLUMBIA.EDU/ "Benares, Maharaja's Palace," a professional photo, 1930's.
HTTP://WWW.COLUMBIA.EDU/
“Benares, Maharaja’s Palace,” a professional photo, 1930’s.

Maulana Syed Gulshan Ali’s extraordinary presence of mind and good judgment during the annexation of Awadh by the East India Company in 1856 is still talked about in our family. When the last Nawab of Awadh, Wajid Ali Shah, was deposed and exiled to Calcutta he halted on his way at Benares. It was customary to offer a nazrana usually in the form of gold coins to a visiting king, which the king sometimes doubled and returned to the giver. The dilemma was that not offering a nazrana meant ignoring the king. Offering gold coins was inappropriate because the king was in no position to double it. Maulana thought of presenting the king with tasbih and sajdigah made of khaak e pak or the dust of Karbala where Imam Hussain was martyred, which the Shias revere. It is priceless in terms of its symbolic value and yet not much in monetary terms, which would make giving something in return unnecessary. What could be a better nazrana for a Shia nawab!

His son Maharaja Prabhu Narayan Singh succeeded Maharaja Ishwari Prasad Narayan Singh in 1889 and was the first maharaja of the newly created princely state of Benares in 1911. He died in 1931, and was succeeded by his only son, Aditya Narayan Singh.

Maharaja Aditya Narayan Singh reigned for a very short time.

AHMED ZAMIN / My grandfather Khan Bahadur Syed Ali Zamin
AHMED ZAMIN /
My grandfather Khan Bahadur Syed Ali Zamin

My grandfather, Khan Bahadur Syed Ali Zamin, MBE joined as Chief Secretary of the State in 1939 and the Maharaja died shortly after that.

As the Maharaja was childless he adopted a distant cousin to succeed him. Vibhuti Narayan Singh, the last Maharaja of Benares, was a minor when Maharaja Aditya Narayan Singh died.

Nana [ensured] that there was a constant supply of Ganga Jal for the young Kashi Naresh studying in Mayo College, since he could only use that pure water.

In My Nostalgic Journey, my cousin Syed Naqi Hasan writes that on his deathbed Maharaja Aditya Narayan Singh summoned my grandfather and his adopted son and placed the hand of his son in Nana’s hand and said, “Syed Sahib, I am placing my son under your protection. Please protect him as well as the throne for him.” There were many claimants to the throne. Against all odds, Nana had Vibhuti Narayan Singh perform the funeral rites as required by the Hindu religion to establish his claim to the throne.

As Maharaj Kumar Vibhuti Narayan Singh, a minor, became the maharaja under regency Council of Administration was formed and C.R. Peters Esq was appointed its President and Nana as the Chief Minister was next in line of authority. Peters had to return to England in 1944 after a sudden illness, and Nana was named to act as President of the Council of Administration.

As the President of the Benares State, Nana was responsible not only for the well being of the state but also of his young charge.

Such was the level of comfort of the Maharaja Vibhuti Narayan Singh with our families that he maintained a friendship with the younger generation and decades later in1979, he stayed in the house of my cousin whose husband S.K.R. Zaidi who was the Chief Officer of Reserve Bank of India in Kanpur, rather than a hotel where he wasn’t sure of the purity of the environment. His young son was very keen on cricket and there was a test match between India and Australia in Green Park, Kanpur.

Their children Atiya and Abid Zaidi have fond memories of his charming manners and how the Maharaja floored the servants with his courtesies.

The Maharaja came with his full entourage and was given the lower floor of their huge house, with a kitchen where he could be comfortable.

Maharaja Vibhuti Narayan Singh ascended the throne, before reaching the full legal age on 11 July, 1947, approximately four months short of his 20th birthday. His ascension was speeded up in view of India’s imminent Independence. Charles Allen and Sharada Dwivedi in their book, Lives of the Indian Princes quote the young Maharaja Vibhuti Narayan Singh as saying that he wanted to finish his education but was told by the political advisor to the Viceroy, Conrad Corfield, “If you waste a day you may not become a Maharaja.” He goes on to add that that the people of Benares were kind to him and how my grandfather, Syed Ali Zamin, who was presiding over the meeting of the Cabinet of Ministers stepped aside and asked him to preside over the meeting so that he “could play a leading part.”

He succeeded to the throne in July 1947 after becoming an adult, a month before India’s independence. The Council of Administration was dissolved after his ascension and the position of President was abolished. Nana became the Dewan.

End of an era

Maharaja Vibuti Narayan Singh signed the Instrument of Accession to India in Oct 1947, and Benares State was merged with the United Provinces now the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh.

In 1948 my grandfather suffered a heart attack while addressing a meeting in Ramnagar, the capital of Benares State, and had to be carried home on a stretcher. He took voluntary retirement from his position as Dewan because of ill health but after helping the young Maharaja to ensure a smooth merger of the state with India.

The last Muslim Dewan of Benares state passed away on 1 November, 1955 a few days before his birthday on the 5th of November.

The Muslim Dewans of Banares

source: http://www.huffingtonpost.in / HuffPost / Home> The Blog / by Rana Safvi / October 27th, 2016