Category Archives: World Opinion

Muslim Mirror Releases List of 100 Most Influential Indian Muslims 2025; Young Faces Gain Prominence

INDIA :

Muslim Mirror’s 100 Most Influential Muslims of 2025

New Delhi: 

Muslim Mirror has released its much-anticipated annual list of the “100 Most Influential Indian Muslims of 2025,” spotlighting individuals who have made significant contributions to India’s public life across a wide spectrum of fields including politics, culture, education, business, media, religion, sports, and social service. Now in its second edition, the list aims to document influence not merely as power or popularity, but as sustained impact, leadership, and the ability to shape public discourse.

A defining feature of the 2025 edition is the growing prominence of younger achievers, signalling a visible generational shift within Indian Muslim leadership. Alongside established national figures, the list includes emerging voices who have built influence through grassroots activism, professional excellence, digital platforms, legal advocacy, education, and community engagement. Editors associated with the project said this was a deliberate attempt to recognise new centres of influence beyond traditional hierarchies.

The list reflects the diversity and plural character of Indian Muslim society, cutting across geography, ideology, profession, and language. From seasoned politicians and religious scholars to artists, entrepreneurs, academics, and social reformers, the compilation offers a broad snapshot of leadership trends at a time when issues of representation, constitutional values, and social justice remain central to national debate.

Representation Across Sectors

The 2025 list features several eminent academicians and intellectuals who have shaped higher education, policy discourse, and social research. Among them are Abul Qasim Nomani, Ameerullah Khan, Furqan Qamar, Shahid Jamil, and Ubaid-ur-Rahman, recognised for their contributions to education, public policy, and academic leadership.

In the business and entrepreneurship category, the list includes influential names such as Azad Moopan, Azim Hashim Premji, Farah Malik, Irfan Razack, M. P. Ahammed, Mecca Rafiq Ahmed, Meraj Manal, Syed Mohamed Beary, P. Mohammed Ali, Shahnaz Hussain, Tausif Ahmad Mirza, Yusuff Ali, and Ziaullah Sharif. Their inclusion underlines the growing economic footprint of Indian Muslim entrepreneurs, both domestically and globally, spanning sectors from retail and healthcare to infrastructure and consumer goods.

Community leadership remains a strong pillar of the list, with figures such as Arshad Madani, Mahmood Madani, Malik Motasim Khan, Mehmood Pracha, Syedna Mufaddal Saifuddin, Navaid Hamid, Pirzada Md Abbas Siddiqui, Qasim Rasool Ilyas, Sadatullah Husaini, Umer Ahmed Ilyasi, and Yusuf Mohamed Abrahani recognised for their roles in religious guidance, legal advocacy, social mobilisation, and institutional leadership.

Culture, Media, and Public Discourse

In arts and entertainment, globally recognised names such as A. R. Rahman, Aamir Khan, Mammootty, Munawar Faruqui, and Shah Rukh Khan continue to command immense cultural influence, shaping narratives that extend well beyond cinema and music into social consciousness.

The list also acknowledges the growing importance of media and journalism in shaping opinion and challenging dominant narratives. Journalists and commentators such as Arfa Khanam, Irfan Meraj, and Seema Mustafa are recognised for their consistent engagement with issues of democracy, minority rights, and constitutional values.

Religious and Intellectual Scholarship

A significant section of the list is devoted to Islamic scholars and religious thinkers, reflecting their continued influence on moral leadership and intellectual discourse. Names such as A. P. Aboobacker Musliyar, Qasim Nomani, Prof. Akhtarul Wase, Asghar Ali Imam Mahdi Salafi, Asjad Raza Khan, Ibraheem Khaleel Al-Bukhari, Javed Jamil, Khalid Saifullah Rahmani, Khaleelur Rahman Sajjad Nomani, Qamaruzzaman Azmi, Rashid Shaz, Shakir Ali Noori, Shamail Nadvi, and Yasoob Abbas find place for their scholarly work, writings, and public engagement.

Politics and Governance

The political category features leaders cutting across party lines and regions, including Asaduddin Owaisi, Ghulam Nabi Azad, Hamid Ansari, Mehbooba Mufti, Omar Abdullah, Salman Khurshid, Najeeb Jung, Syed Naseer Hussain, Engineer Rashid, Akhtarul Iman, Iqra Hasan, Zameer Ahmed Khan, Rakibul Hasan, K. Rahman Khan, Kadir Mohideen, Mohibullah Nadvi, Md Shafi, Agha Mahadi, Asim Waqar, and Sadiq Ali Shihab Thangal. Their inclusion reflects influence exercised through electoral politics, governance, diplomacy, and legislative advocacy.

Changemakers and Social Reformers

One of the most dynamic sections of the 2025 list is that of changemakers and social reformers, featuring individuals such as Safeena Husain, Shahabuddin Yaqoob Quraishi, Syeda Hameed, Zameer Uddin Shah, Mahbubul Hoque, Sabahat S. Azim, Mehmood Pracha, Faiz Syed, and Zahir Ishaq Kazi, among others. Many of these figures have earned recognition through long-term grassroots work rather than formal authority.

International Booker Prize 2025 winner Banu Mushtaq for Heart Lamp, along with renowned poet Wasim Barelvi, has been placed in the category of Literary Figures.

In sports, iconic names Sania Mirza and Irfan Pathan continue to inspire younger generations through excellence and public engagement beyond the playing field.

Beyond Rankings

The editors emphasised that the list does not claim to be exhaustive, nor does it measure influence solely through fame, wealth, or official position. Instead, it seeks to capture real-world impact, moral authority, intellectual contribution, and the ability to shape conversations within and outside the community.

The annual list has increasingly become a reference point for understanding evolving leadership patterns among Indian Muslims. By foregrounding both established figures and rising talents, the 2025 edition reflects continuity as well as change, underscoring how Indian Muslims continue to contribute meaningfully to India’s democratic, cultural, and social field.

source: http://www.muslimmirror.com / Muslim Mirror / Home> Indian Muslim / by Muslim Mirror / January 15th, 2026

Begum Qudsia Rasul must get her place in history: Speakers at book launch

UTTAR PRADESH :

Tehmina Punvani (second from left) with Salman Khurshid and Manish Tewari releasing the Book

Tehmina Punvani offered a rare glimpse into her grandmother’s life. Her grandmother, Begum Qudsia Rasul, was no ordinary woman; she was the only Muslim woman in the Constituent Assembly that drafted India’s Constitution in 1949.

The occasion was the launch of Begum Qudsia Rasul’s book, 24 years after her death.

Tehmina Punvani, a lawyer, is the daughter of Begum Qudsia’s daughter.

Speaking at the book launch in Delhi, Tehmina said, “For the world, she was a fearless political figure, but for me, she was my Ammijan, gentle, grounded and unwavering in her integrity.”

Punvani recalled the period when a fatwa was issued against Rasool for entering public life. While the family felt fear, Rasul was composed.

“If my conscience is clear, no decree can frighten me,’ she would say,” Punvani recounted, drawing applause from the audience.

The book, Begum Qudsia Rasul – The Remarkable Life Of The Only Muslim Woman In the Constituent Assembly, is a relaunch of her autobiography “From Purdah to Parliament: The Memoirs of a Muslim Woman in Indian Politics” on the life and political legacy of this remarkable Muslim woman leader of India.

The Book Begum Qudsia Rasul – The Remarkable Life Of The Only Muslim Woman In the Constituent Assembly

The event brought together journalists, lawyers, and political leaders to revisit the contributions of a woman forgotten in mainstream historical narratives.

Moderated by journalist Nidhi Razdan, the panel featured Salman Khurshid, Indira Jaising, Manish Tewari, and senior lawyer Tehmina Punvani.

Begum Qudsia Rasul, born in 1909, was the only Muslim woman in India’s Constituent Assembly. A trailblazing politician, she opposed religious reservations, championed minority rights, and promoted women’s hockey.

Elected to the Rajya Sabha and Uttar Pradesh Assembly, she received the Padma Bhushan in 2000.

Besides being the only Muslim woman in the 1946 Constituent Assembly, she fought for minority equality and opposed religious reservations.

Qudsia Begum was also elected to the UP Assembly, Rajya Sabha and served as a minister.

She is credited with promoting women’s hockey, and a Hockey Cup is named after her. She was a trailblazing woman for giving up purdah. Besides her autobiography, she has authored a travelogue, Our Bapu, a book on Mahatama Gandhi and Hayat-e-Qudsi, about Bhopal’s Begums. 

Tehmina said that despite her political stature, Rasul stayed close to the grassroots. “She met women daily, listened to their concerns, and worked for them without fanfare. Activism, for her, was a duty, not an identity.”

Other speakers highlighted Rasul’s exceptional resilience in an era when Muslim women faced social barriers.

Former Union Minister Salman Khurshid explained that Qudsia had won from a general seat to the United Province Assembly despite many technical hurdles. “It was an extraordinary act of courage,” he said.

Congress MP Manish Tewari underlined the democratic significance of her public life: “Her presence in the Constituent Assembly reflected India’s openness at a time of enormous political and social turbulence.”

Noted lawyer Indira Jaising praised Rasul’s moral clarity and empathetic leadership, calling her “a rare combination of conviction and humility.”

Speakers were unanimous in calling for acknowledging Begum Qudsia Rasul’s contributions and a prominent place for her in India’s political history.

Rolli Books has published this book.

source: http://www.awazthevoice.in / Awaz, The Voice / Home / by Aasha Khosa, ATV / December 11th, 2025

MF Husain’s horse connection with Indore- Today is his death anniversary

Indore, MADHYA PRADESH :

In 1936 he joined Indore Fine Art College where he trained under Devlalikar Sahab. Later he switched to Mumbai where he took admission in the JJ School of Art. The rest is history.

Husain made portrait of his family members and clicked a photograph. | The Zafar Ansari museum of achieves

Indore (Madhya Pradesh): 

Maqbool Fida Husain is too well known to need an introduction, and most people are also aware of his connection with Indore. However, not very commonly known is the fact that his penchant for drawing horses started when he was a young lad in Indore.

While talking to Free Press, historian Zafar Ansari said, “Husain lived in Indore at a very young age in Chhawni area near Chhawni Bohra Mosque. When Husain was a teenager his Nana (maternal grandfather), who worked as a timekeeper in the Malwa Mill, wanted to make him a draftsman, but Husain was not interested. At one point he went to a Madrasa for becoming Alim but not much came of it.

His grandfather also bought him a camera and he got trained under the renowned photographer Ramchandra Rao and Pratap Rao but Husain did not show much interest in that art form. He started his painting career in Kagzipura area where he used to make Bada ghoda and Chhota ghoda.

His love for painting horses started here and it remained throughout his life as a professional painter.”

In 1936 he joined Indore Fine Art College where he trained under Devlalikar Sahab. Later he switched to Mumbai where he took admission in the JJ School of Art. The rest is history.

source: http://www.freepressjournal.in / The Free Press Journal / Home> Indore / by Staff Reporter / June 09th, 2023

Another weekend, another pole for Indian racer Atiqa Mir

Srinagar, JAMMU & KASHMIR / Dubai, U.A.E :

Atiqa Mir

Abu Dhabi :

Formula 1 Academy-backed Indian racer Atiqa Mir showed scorching speed for her second pole position in as many weeks before picking up a Heat win in Round 2 of the RMC UAE Karting Championship here.

After a pole and podium finish in the Formula 1-backed COTFA series last week, Atiqa switched seamlessly into different equipment to set a blistering pace at the Al Forsan Circuit. She is the first Indian to be supported by Formula 1.

In the Official Practice sessions, Atiqa topped three out of the four sessions and clocked the fastest time of the day in a highly competitive field of international drivers. She was the only female.

Dubai: Indian racer Atiqa Mir during round one of IAME UAE Karting Championship, in Dubai. (PTI Photo)

Atiqa, who turned 11 last week, carried that form into qualifying, clinching pole position in the dying minutes of the session with a sizzling time of 60.686 seconds.

Representing Akcel GP, she led from the front in the Heat race for a deserving victory. She lost the lead briefly on Lap 1 before regaining it soon after and pulling away from the field of 18 drivers.

In the pre-final race, Atiqa suffered a big crash while fighting for the lead on the last lap, injuring her elbow.

Her determination and fighting spirit came to the fore when she drove the final lap with the injury and a broken kart. After making up five places on the opening lap, Atiqa’s kart developed a technical problem, forcing an early retirement.

”What could have been a dominant weekend ended back in the pits. But that is racing, we are racing so close to each other at such high speeds that crashes are bound to happen.

“I got a hard hit on my elbow, and it is bruised quite badly. I wanted to fight and get back to the front in the final, but it wasn’t meant to be as my panel broke and due to that I couldn’t drive,” said Atiqa.

Her father and former Formula Asia Vice Champion Asif Mir said luck was not on her daughter’s side this weekend, but at the same time, he called the collision part of racing.

“A dominant show by her, a slight touch with another kart changed her entire weekend. She deserved a better result, but that is how it goes sometimes in sport. She is driving at a high level week in and week out in different karting championships.

“She has to switch engines, tyres almost every weekend, and she can adjust well,” said Asif.

source: http://www.awazthevoice.in / Awaz, The Voice / Home> Sports / by PTI / November 18th, 2025

After Paris heartbreak, Nikhat Zareen roars back with World Boxing Cup Finals gold

Hyderabad, TELANGANA :

Nikhat clinched the women’s 51 kg gold medal at the 2025 World Boxing Cup Finals in Greater Noida.

Nikhat Zareen clinched the 51 Kg gold medal at the World Boxing Cup Finals 2025. (Photo Credits: The Bridge)

Greater Noida:

Star Indian boxer Nikhat Zareen has once again captured headlines after winning the gold medal at the 2025 World Boxing Cup Finals on Thursday.

The two-time World Champion delivered a commanding 5–0 victory over Guo Yi-xuan of Chinese Taipei in the women’s 51 kg final, returning to the top of the podium after 32 months.

Her last gold also came on home soil in 2023, when she clinched her second world title at the New Delhi World Championships.

“I always believe in manifestation, so I manifested that this time also, in India, I would repeat that. It’s always a pleasure to play in front of a home crowd, and today I did it,” Nikhat Zareen told the media after her win.

Bouncing back from two consecutive setbacks

Nikhat endured a difficult run in her last two major tournaments, the Paris Olympics and the World Boxing Championships, returning empty-handed from both.

At the Paris Games, competing as the reigning World Champion, she exited in the Round of 16 against eventual champion Wu Yu of China.

Later, at the 2025 World Championships in Liverpool, her first international event of the year, she fell in the quarterfinals to Turkiye’s Buse Naz Cakıroğlu.

Now, she has turned back the clock, returning to winning ways in front of her home crowd and putting behind her the disappointment of missing out on key medals.

“This medal is a big boost for my confidence. After a long time, I reached the final and won the gold. I’m very happy that I can once again compete as a gold medal contender,” Nikhat said, relieved to end her medal drought.

Nikhat also mentioned that she had very little time after the World Championships to prepare for this event. Within days, she shifted to Patiala to join the training camp.

“I spent a few days with my family, but then moved to Patiala for training since the Finals were in India and I didn’t want to disappoint fans. In Patiala, I sparred with boxers across weight categories, from 48 kg to 54 kg and even 57 kg, which helped me a lot,” she added.

Nikhat’s Road to the title

The World Cup Finals, expected to be a top-tier competition with the world’s best eight players in each weight category, did not fully live up to expectations as several major nations skipped the event.

In the women’s 51 kg category, only five boxers participated, which meant Nikhat received a bye in the quarterfinals and secured a medal without stepping into the ring.

Her campaign began in the semifinals against Uzbekistan’s Gulsevar Ganieva, where she won by unanimous decision to enter the final.

However, it wasn’t her most convincing bout, marked by frequent clinches and several clumsy falls near the ropes.

“The first bout was not as good as everyone expected, but I’m happy that I at least won and reached the final after so long,” Nikhat said after the semifinal.

In the final against Guo Yi-xuan, Nikhat looked much more composed, displaying sharper footwork and cleaner punches to seal the title at home.

“Today, I played against a boxer who moves a lot and is a counter-puncher. So I also opted for counter boxing instead of going all-out, which could have disadvantaged me,” Nikhat explained.

Future Plans

Nikhat shared that she often has to travel for training because there is no proper boxing academy near her home, something she now hopes to build herself for upcoming talent from Telangana.

“I mostly have to travel to Pune or IIS for training and don’t have a fixed location. So if the Telangana government allocates land, I will build my own academy where I can train and support rising boxers from the region,” she said.

This win may not carry immense competitive weight due to the limited field, but it has undoubtedly reignited her confidence after a challenging year.

With a packed 2026 season ahead, including major events like the Commonwealth Games and Asian Games, Nikhat will aim to use this momentum to elevate her performance further.

Her parting words, “This is just the start, and a lot more has to be done,” reflect the grit and hunger she will need as she prepares to face stronger opponents on the global stage.

source: http://www.thebridge.in / The Bridge / Home> Boxing / by Deepanshu Jain / November 21st, 2025

Zohran Mamdani’s New York win revives a forgotten history — of Gujarati Muslim cosmopolitanism

GUJARAT / UGANDA / New York, U.S.A :

From Mughal ports to Dutch wars to Bombay’s merchant dynasties, Gujarati Muslims once shaped the Indian Ocean world — long before one of their descendants took New York.

File photo of Zohran Mamdani | Reuters 2025

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What You Need to Know

Zohran Mamdani’s election highlights a forgotten Indian Muslim cosmopolitanism. Historically, Gujarati Muslim communities dominated Indian Ocean trade, challenging European powers and fostering diverse business relationships. Later, groups like the Khojas adapted through “corporate Islam” (jamaats), becoming powerful economic forces globally. This rich, diverse history is increasingly overshadowed by modern religious nationalism.

*AI-generated summary. Check context in original text.

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Having delivered speeches in Gujarati, Bengali, Arabic, Hindi, Luganda, and Spanish, Mamdani is a reflection of a long-forgotten Indian Muslim cosmopolitanism. The Gujarati Muslim communities he descends from once challenged the Dutch for hegemony in Indonesia; poured money into schools, hospitals, and printing presses from Japan to Arabia; and helped the British Empire consolidate its grip over Africa. To this day, that Indian Muslim history still echoes — in high-end London auction houses as much as in the working-class boroughs of New York.


The election of Zohran Mamdani as Mayor of New York last week has struck a surprising chord in the world’s media — especially considering he is technically the head of just one American city’s administration. But the buzz around this young Indian-origin Muslim, an avowed democratic socialist, is a ripple in a much older ocean.

Gujaratis in the Indian Ocean

This column began with a rather innocuous tweet pointing out that Mamdani’s multilingualism would have made him a fortune in the early modern Southeast Asian spice trade. As of writing, it has racked up over one million views and 54,000 likes — and it’s a pretty accurate reflection of what propelled Gujarati Muslims to international trade superstardom in the first place.

In her paper ‘Gujarat’s Trade with South East Asia (16th and 17th centuries)’, historian Ruby Maloni describes the great port of Khambhat in Gujarat as having “stretched out two arms — one towards Aden, the other towards Malacca.” While Banias were especially prominent in East Africa and the Persian Gulf at the time, Gujarati Muslim merchants dominated the Malacca trade, conveying relatively cheap block-print textiles from manufactories in Ahmedabad deep into Southeast Asia to trade for spices.

The most prominent among these merchants effectively formed ‘dynasties’ closely linked to the Mughal court, among others. But there was also a strong aspect of caste-based collective organisation, paralleling that of Hindu and Jain Gujaratis.

Nowhere was this more evident than in Surat, perhaps the most impressive port on India’s west coast. Its multilingual babble included Gujarati, Arabic, Persian, Urdu, Dutch, English, and Portuguese. Certainly, there were clear distinctions between caste and religious groups, and within their communities Gujarati merchants — Hindu and Muslim alike — could be quite rigid. At the same time, in interpersonal and business relationships, their shared Gujarati heritage encouraged cosmopolitan attitudes.

Historian Jawaid Akhtar offers several examples in his paper ‘The Culture of Mercantile Communities in Mughal Times.’ In Surat, Armenian merchants were in business with Parsis and Muslims; Vaishnavite Bhatias, despite a taboo against crossing the ocean, jointly owned cargo and ships with Muslims. Akhtar cites documentary evidence of Bania men adopting Muslim practices such as offering dowers to their wives. Muslim and Hindu merchants also collectively represented their grievances to Mughal authorities.

On one occasion in 1669, when the Qazi of Surat compelled a Vaishnavite Bania to convert to Islam, nearly 8,000 merchants — apparently of all religions — emigrated to Bharuch in protest against this infringement of their privileges.

Gujarati Muslims quickly identified Europeans as a threat to their trade dominance in Southeast Asia. Maloni notes that Dutch East India Company records mention their difficulties with these merchants, who took them on through price wars and by installing their own candidates as port authorities. It seemed that there was nothing the Dutch could do to prevent Gujarati Muslims from trading. The Sultanate of Johor welcomed ships belonging to the merchant Haji Zahid Beg, who bought tin in flagrant defiance of Dutch embargoes. Other merchants, Maloni writes, hired cargo space on English ships; the spectacularly wealthy merchant Abdul Ghafur of Surat even flew Dutch flags on his own ships. It was only when the Dutch forcibly colonised much of Indonesia that Gujarati Muslims finally lost their grip on Malacca. But by then, new opportunities were already emerging on the horizon.

Khoja Lady | From the album presented to the Princess of Wales by the women of Bombay, featuring 13 full-page watercolours of Indian women by artist Manchershaw Fakirjee Pithawalla (1872-1937) | Wikimedia Commons

The rise of ‘Corporate Islam’

As the Mughal juggernaut began to shake and unravel in the 18th century, the old order of great merchant princes and dynasties started to fall apart. Surat, repeatedly raided by the Maratha king Shivaji, faced growing competition from the East India Company’s new port at Bombay.

Three Gujarati Muslim communities — the Bohras, Memons, and Khojas — who had hitherto been relatively small-time traders, found themselves ideally placed to benefit from the changing political landscape. Zohran Mamdani descends from the last of these.

In his seminal book No Birds of Passage: A History of Gujarati Muslim Business Communities, 1800–1975, historian Michael O’Sullivan notes that these three groups had spread “as far east as Ujjain, as far west as Karachi, as far south as Poona, and as far north as Udaipur… They thus inhabited a territory that was, by the reckoning of an Indian lexicographer in the 1840s, larger than Great Britain and Ireland, with their shared mother tongues [Gujarati] serving as the principal language of business in Central and Western India.”

The Bohras, Memons and Khojas had all converted to Islam around the 15th century, but their social and cultural practices varied drastically. Subgroups were affiliated with various Sunni and Shia sects; some were Ismaili and revered the Aga Khans, while others traced descent by region and worshipped Sufi saints.

What these groups shared, though, was the jamaat —an institution that O’Sullivan describes as a form of “corporate Islam”. Essentially, members of each jamaat shared some resources in common — schools, hospitals, that sort of thing. Particularly wealthy members, who often held senior religious positions, also maintained private family trusts and companies.

What the jamaat ensured, O’Sullivan writes, was a mechanism for organisation, exclusivity, and interpretation, allowing these communities to adapt the changing contours of Islamic practice to an era of globalisation. Jamaats could mobilise capital, human resources, and theological flexibility at a rate few other Indian institutions could match.

Collectively, these Gujarati Muslim jamaats emerged as some of the most powerful Indian economic forces of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Though now outshone in the popular imagination by Parsi and Bania entrepreneurs, Gujarati Muslims similarly negotiated with the Marathas and the British, benefited from the Opium Wars, and switched soon after to manufacturing all sorts of commercial goods, especially in Bombay.

In the 1840s, Gujarati Muslims commissioned pioneering printed texts — in Gujarati — including travelogues and cultural primers for new markets like China. Their growing wealth also funded spectacular mansions, such as those in Sidhpur, now eerily abandoned. It was Gujaratis, perhaps more than any other Indian group, who built the financial infrastructure of the British Raj in East Africa — a migration line from which Zohran Mamdani himself descends.

All of this amounted to a decisive shift in the centre of gravity of Indian Ocean Islam. It was for this reason that the Aga Khan, revered by Ismaili Khojas, moved his seat from Iran to Bombay before Partition.

Sidhpur city in Gujarat | Wikimedia Commons

A cosmopolitanism forgotten

The versions of Islam promoted by Gujarati Muslims absorbed the modernist vocabulary of capital accumulation and inheritance, frequently splintering into new jamaats as they expanded into ever-new markets and cultures.

At the same time, as researcher Danish Khan notes, Gujarati Muslims attained positions of leadership and influence in Bombay well before they had even set foot in the United States of America. “The first Muslim baronet in colonial India,” he writes, “was a Khoja and the first Muslim ICS officer was a Sulaimani Bohra. Badruddin Tyabji and Rahimtoola Sayani were the first two Muslim Presidents of Congress party. Sir Adamjee Peerbhoy presided over the first session of the Muslim League in Karachi.”

But with the rise of pan-Islamic and Hindu nationalism in the early 20th century, the scales swung once again, and mercantile, oceanic histories were overridden by grievances inspired by long-dead inland kings.

Where does the history of Gujarati Muslims fit now? Mamdani’s election is ironic on many levels. In Bombay, once the historic home of the community, a BJP politician declared, in response to Mamdani’s victory in New York, that “We won’t allow any Khan to become mayor.”

The fact is that before and since, the history of Gujarati Muslims has, for all intents and purposes, disappeared into the ever–widening gap between radical Hindutva and radical Islam. Every news cycle, it seems, tears India’s many intertwined histories further apart.

Anirudh Kanisetti is a public historian. He is the author of ‘Lords of Earth and Sea: A History of the Chola Empire’ and the award-winning ‘Lords of the Deccan’. He hosts the Echoes of India and Yuddha podcasts. He tweets @AKanisetti and is on Instagram @anirbuddha.

This article is a part of the ‘Thinking Medieval’ series that takes a deep dive into India’s medieval culture, politics, and history.

(Edited by Prashant Dixit)

source: http://www.theprint.in / The Print / Home> Opinion> The Fine Print / by Anirudh Kanisetti / November 13th, 2025

Mamdani’s Hindustani Effect: A Historic Triumph for Inclusion in New York

GUJARAT/ UGANDA / New York, U.S.A. :

Zohran Mamdani

A Historic Win

“I am a Democratic Socialist, I am a Muslim… I am not apologizing for either.” With these words, Zohran Mamdani declared victory in the New York City mayoral race, a symbolic global capital of commerce and culture. His triumph rekindled hope among conscientious citizens in New York and resonated worldwide, especially amid the rise of populist, authoritarian-leaning leaders who thrive on division and privilege wealthy allies.

Only a year prior, Mamdani was widely seen as an underdog. Yet he defeated Andrew Cuomo, the former governor who ran as an independent and received informal support from prominent national figures, including the sitting president. Mamdani garnered just over 50 percent of the vote, becoming the youngest mayor in a century and the first Muslim and South Asian to hold the office. His campaign also achieved one of the highest voter turnouts in New York City since 1969, signalling renewed civic engagement for a progressive, inclusive agenda.

Political Polarization and Economic Context

While such a victory might appear routine in an established liberal democracy, it must be understood against the backdrop of deep U.S. political polarization since the Trump era. Divisive rhetoric and exclusionary policies fractured communities and workplaces, stifling dreams and limiting opportunity.

During the Trump administration, harsh immigration enforcement via ICE and other agencies fuelled fear in immigrant communities. Arbitrary detentions, wrongful arrests, and forced family separations became emblematic of policies that disregarded due process and human dignity. At the same time, tariffs and trade disputes increased living costs, particularly in metropolitan areas like New York. Rising rents and price hikes strained households across demographics, as economic hardship transcends ethnicity, citizenship, or geography. Some commentators noted that the political climate during Mamdani’s election was marked by tension between the federal administration and certain Democratic-led cities. Debates around federal funding, social welfare programs, and executive rhetoric heightened the stakes of the mayoral race, creating a context in which Mamdani’s message of local accountability and inclusion resonated strongly with voters.

The Socioeconomic Landscape of New York

New York City, with a population of approximately 8.48 million as of 2024, is among the world’s most diverse urban centres. Over 30 percent of residents are foreign-born, representing more than 100 nationalities. Yet the city struggles with high income inequality, reflected in a Gini coefficient of 0.555. Housing shortages, rising rents, and long commutes—averaging 41 minutes—have made the city increasingly unaffordable for lower- and middle-income households, prompting out-migration to suburbs.

Employment levels have recovered post-pandemic, with private-sector jobs growing 2.8 percent in 2024–25, yet the income gap continues to widen. Households in the highest quintile earn more than twenty times those in the lowest quintile. Policies favouring high-income earners during prior administrations exacerbated this structural inequality.

A Campaign Grounded in Inclusion

Mamdani’s success can be attributed to his focus on everyday concerns of New Yorkers: affordability, public transportation, universal childcare, housing, and progressive taxation. He positioned himself against divisive political rhetoric, resonating across New York’s diverse communities and appealing to those marginalized economically or socially helping unite both conservatives and liberals as economic hardship doesn’t see political allegiance.

A defining moment in his campaign was his emphasis on local priorities. During a mayoral debate, while other candidates pledged their first visit abroad to Israel, Mamdani highlighted his responsibility to New Yorkers first, reinforcing his commitment to municipal governance over symbolic foreign policy gestures.

He also navigated sensitive international issues with nuance, affirming support for the safety and rights of Jewish residents while criticizing the humanitarian crisis in the occupied Palestinian territories. His stance on human-rights accountability, including adherence to ICC mechanisms, underscored a principled approach that strengthened his political credibility.

Major New York City billionaires marshalled tens of millions of dollars to thwart Zohran Mamdani’s mayoral campaign, deploying deep-pocketed political machinery in support of his opponents. For instance, former Mayor and billionaire Michael Bloomberg is reported to have donated approximately US$8.3 million to the pro-Andrew Cuomo super-PAC Fix the City. Hedge-fund billionaire Bill Ackman contributed at least US$1 million to the anti-Mamdani PAC Defend NYC, and additional sums to Fix the City.

Concurrently, opposition efforts against Mamdani involved advertisements and mailers that his campaign denounced as blatant Islamophobia. For example, a mailer circulated by the pro-Cuomo super-PAC Fix the City was reported to have altered his appearance, darkening his beard and lightening his skin, a move Mamdani characterized as racially and religiously discriminatory. In addition, opponents sought to question his political allegiances, falsely portraying him as a supporter of Hamas and suggesting that he did not recognize Israel’s right to exist—claims that his campaign firmly rejected as misleading and defamatory.

Engaging Communities on the Ground

Mamdani’s outreach strategy was multifaceted and culturally inclusive. Campaign messaging spanned multiple languages, reaching New Yorkers across diverse linguistic and ethnic backgrounds. Beyond digital platforms, he visited places of worship, including Hindu temples, Jewish synagogues, and Christian churches, reinforcing interfaith solidarity.

He also engaged with ethnic food outlets and small businesses, highlighting immigrant contributions to the city’s cultural and economic life. This ground-level engagement translated into broad support across communities—Muslims, Christians, Jews, and secular groups alike—demonstrating a shared alignment with his vision for an inclusive, socially just New York.

Diasporic Resonance and Global Context

Mamdani’s heritage evokes transnational connections to India and Uganda, reflecting the experiences of diaspora communities navigating multiple cultural and political identities. His election elicited reactions from segments of Indian nationalist (Hindutva) movements, including online circulation of Islamophobic commentary. In contrast to widely celebrated Indian-origin figures such as Rishi Sunak, Kamala Harris, Tulsi Gabbard, and Usha Vance—often cited as symbols of India’s soft power abroad—Mamdani’s identity as a Muslim and his candid critique of the 2002 Gujarat riots have positioned him outside these narratives. He has reflected thoughtfully on the experiences of Muslims in New York, observing that “to be Muslim in New York is to expect indignity,” while emphasizing that such challenges do not define the broader community. His principled approach extends to global issues as well; his measured stance on the Israel–Palestine conflict underscores a commitment to human rights and ethical governance, reinforcing his reputation as a leader guided by conscience and social justice rather than partisan or sectarian considerations.

Zohran Mamdani’s unapologetic assertion of his identity, faith, and commitment to the public good offers a potential model for Indian Muslims and other marginalized communities confronting the rise of militant Hindutva and an increasingly adversarial state. His example demonstrates that principled, assertive engagement—grounded in inclusivity and social justice—can effectively challenge exclusionary and sectarian politics. Secular political parties in India, which in recent years have often sidelined Muslim voices in public life, might draw lessons from Mamdani’s approach: defeating divisive politics requires active, unapologetic advocacy for inclusion and pluralism, rather than silence or timidity. In essence, countering the forces of social and political exclusion demands a combination of ethical clarity, strategic assertiveness, and public visibility.

A Template for Inclusive Politics

Domestically, Mamdani’s rise occurs amid American ideological polarization and Democratic Party struggles to counter authoritarian rhetoric. His unapologetic advocacy for inclusive, pluralistic, and redistributive policies offers a potential model for progressive politics, reinforcing democratic values while countering divisive populism.

Mamdani’s victory, therefore, represents more than a personal or partisan success: it is a reassertion of democratic ideals, a rejection of exclusionary politics, and a renewed belief in a morally grounded, economically just, and inclusive vision that resonates far beyond New York City.

Diasporic Resonance and Global Context

Mamdani’s heritage evokes transnational connections to India and Uganda, reflecting the experiences of diaspora communities navigating multiple cultural and political identities. His election elicited reactions from segments of Indian nationalist (Hindutva) movements, some of whom circulated Islamophobic commentary online.

In contrast to celebrated Indian-origin figures such as Rishi Sunak, Kamala Harris, Tulsi Gabbard, and Usha Vance—often cited as symbols of India’s soft power—Mamdani’s identity as a Muslim and his critique of the 2002 Gujarat riots positioned him outside such narratives. He has reflected on the experiences of Muslims in New York, noting that “to be Muslim in New York is to expect indignity,” while emphasizing that these challenges do not define the broader community. His principled, humanitarian approach extends to global issues, with a measured stance on the Israel–Palestine conflict that underscores his commitment to ethical governance and human rights.

A Model for Marginalized Communities

Mamdani’s unapologetic assertion of his identity, faith, and commitment to the public good offers a potential model for Indian Muslims and other marginalized communities confronting militant Hindutva and adversarial state policies. His example demonstrates that principled, assertive engagement—grounded in inclusivity and social justice—can effectively challenge exclusionary politics. Secular political parties in India, which in recent years have often sidelined Muslim voices, might draw lessons from Mamdani’s approach: defeating divisive politics requires active advocacy for inclusion and pluralism rather than silence or timidity.

A Template for Inclusive Politics

Domestically, Mamdani’s rise occurs amid increasing ideological polarization in the U.S. and ongoing struggles within the Democratic Party to counter authoritarian and exclusionary rhetoric. His unapologetic advocacy for inclusive, pluralistic, and redistributive policies offers a potential model for progressive politics, reinforcing democratic values while challenging divisive populism.

Ultimately, Mamdani’s victory represents more than a personal or partisan success: it is a reaffirmation of democratic ideals, a rejection of exclusionary politics, and a renewed belief in a morally grounded, economically just, and inclusive vision—one that resonates far beyond New York City.

source: http://www.muslimmirror.com / Muslim Mirror / Home> Opinion / by Mushtaque Rahman / November 11th, 2025

Irshad Mirza: Famous leather exporter of Kanpur, Irshad Mirza passes away, industry mourns

Kanpur, UTTAR PRADESH :

Irshad Mirza, a prominent Kanpur leather industrialist and chairman of Mirza International, has passed away at the age of 95. Irshad Mirza had been ill for a long time. His death has sent shockwaves through Kanpur and the industry.

Kanpur: 

Irshad Mirza, chairman of Mirza International, the country’s largest leather exporter, passed away at the age of 95. Irshad Mirza was ill for the past several years. He breathed his last on Sunday in a private hospital in Kanpur. As soon as the news of Irshad Mirza’s death spread outside the hospital, a crowd of people gathered at his residence in Civil Lines.

Irshad Mirza’s contribution to the leather industry can never be forgotten. He has been honored with several awards including Padmashree. Irshad Mirza was also called the pride of Kanpur. Irshad Mirza has also got his name registered in Forbes magazine.

Irshad Mirza founded Mirza International in 1979. Mirza International manufactures leather, finishing, and tanning. The leather produced by Irshad Mirza’s company was in high demand abroad. The leather produced by the company is exported abroad. He was also the former chairman of the Minority Commission. During this time, he contributed to the betterment of society. Irshad Mirza

His passing has caused a wave of mourning in Kanpur and the industry. He had a strong influence not only in the industry but also among social workers, political parties, and leaders. He also worked extensively for the betterment of society in Kanpur. He also taught how to work in the leather industry.

source: http://www.navbharattimes.indiatimes.com / Nav Bharat Times / Home> Hindi News (translated)> State> Uttar Pradesh> Kanpur / by Abishek Shukla / December 04th, 2022

Shabana Faizal is the youngest among Indian philanthropists

Mangaluru, KARNATAKA / Kozhikode, KERALA / Dubai, U.A.E :

Shabana Faizal with her husband Faizal Kottikollon

New Delhi :

Mangalore-based Shabana Faizal has emerged as the youngest woman among India’s top 10 philanthropists, according to the EdelGive Hurun India Philanthropy List 2025.

She has donated ₹40 crore (approximately $1.5 billion) through the Faisal & Shabana Foundation to education, health, and social development.

Shabana Faisal’s journey from being raised in a small town in Mangalore to co-leading a global enterprise is about he hard work and ambition.

Her entrepreneurial journey began in 1995 as a retailer of unique, speciality and luxury products. After leading the company for eight successful years, she decided to team up with her husband, entrepreneur Faizal Kottikollon, and support him in running the world-class foundry, Emirates Techno Casting (ETC).

Shabana took charge of all human resources and administrative processes at ETC, where she created a significant impact in shaping the company’s business success.

In her role as Vice Chairperson of KEF Holdings, she is actively involved in guiding the business’s growth strategy across global markets. Deeply committed to social improvement, Shabana and her husband founded the Faizal & Shabana Foundation in 2007, with the vision of ‘Giving to Create Impact’.

At 53, Shabana’s work has placed her among some of the most influential women in India’s philanthropy world, including Rohini Nilekani, Kiran Mazumdar-Shaw and Bina Shah.

EdelGive Foundation, in collaboration with Hurun Research Institute, recently released the 12th edition of the EdelGive Hurun India Philanthropy List 2025.

The list honors India’s most generous individuals and families. Over the past three years, 191 philanthropists have donated a total of ₹10,380 crore, representing an 85% increase in contributions.

The education sector continues to lead as the top donor, receiving ₹4,166 crore from 107 donors.

Shabana is the mother of four children – Sophia, Sara, Zakaria, and Zarina – but continues to play an active role in business and philanthropy. Her work makes her one of India’s most influential female philanthropists, exemplifying how professional leadership and a commitment to giving can combine to create widespread social impact.

The EdelGive Hurun India Philanthropy List 2025 states that the top 25 donors contributed ₹50,000 crore in just five years, or an average of ₹46 crore per day. Mumbai leads in philanthropy, contributing 28% of total donations, followed by New Delhi and Bengaluru.

source: http://www.awazthevoice.in / Awaz, The Voice / Home / posted by Aasha Khosa / November 10th, 2025

The actual Taj story: how a monument’s history has been warped

Agra, UTTAR PRADESH :

Tushar Goel’s film, ‘The Taj Story’, has reignited controversy over the Taj Mahal’s origins, claiming it is a Hindu temple rather than a mausoleum built by Mughal emperor Shah Jahan. The film’s debut highlights debates about the interplay of history and ideology in contemporary India.

Scaffoldings are pictured as restoration work goes on at the dome of the Taj Mahal in Agra on October 17. | Photo Credit: AFP

A little over 60 years ago, Purushottam Nagesh Oak slept and dreamt. He woke up and claimed that the Taj Mahal in Agra was actually a Hindu palace going back all the way to 4th century. Friends of Mr. Oak, an English teacher-turned-lawyer-turned-journalist but never a historian, told him that the Taj Mahal couldn’t have been a fourth century structure as the technology employed in building the Taj in the 17th century didn’t exist back then. The fantasist turned a pragmatist, and Oak brought his argument forward by a few centuries. The Taj was now claimed to be a Hindu temple. This was in 1989. He wrote articles and a book too, but found no support from historians. Even the Supreme Court dismissed his claims as “a bee in his bonnet” in 2000.

But post-2014, history is like a revolving door, you enter and exit at your ease and pleasure. You pick and choose, you circumvent and invent. Dress it up as a movie and claim you are looking at history anew. That is how we get a movie like Tushar Amrish Goel’s The Taj Story, starring former BJP MP Paresh Rawal; just like we had The Kashmir Files and The Bengal Files, starring Anupam Kher and Mithun Chakraborty, all ideological partners of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

With The Taj Story, Goel goes where no historian has gone. Proof, evidence and knowledge amount for nothing as the director makes a case for the Mughal monument being actually a Hindu temple, much like the BJP leader Sangeet Som who called it alternately a Shiva temple and a monument built by a man who incarcerated his father. Mr. Som obviously couldn’t make out a Shah Jahan from an Aurangzeb and hence got mixed up. Much like Oak, oops, Goel, who sees no difference between history and mythology, facts and fantasy.

Recorded history

Talking of facts, the Taj Mahal was built by the Mughal emperor Shah Jahan after his favourite wife Arjumand Bano Begum breathed her last after bearing the last of their 14 children. Its chief architect was Ustad Ahmed Lahori. The land for her last resting place was procured from Mirza Raja Jai Singh of Amber who had inherited it from Raja Man Singh, a celebrated general of Akbar, who was Shah Jahan’s grandfather. Shah Jahan compensated Jai Singh with four havelis from the royal property for the massive haveli in which rests Mumtaz Mahal. His firman to Jai Singh, the latter’s agreement and the Mughal emperor’s subsequent letter of granting him four havelis in lieu of one, are all part of history; unlike the claim of The Taj Story which talks in terms of a massacre and genocide of the locals for fulfilling the wishes of an emperor and his consort!

The work on the tomb started in 1632 with the finest craftsmen from across the country and West Asia. The chief mason was Mohammed Hanif from Baghdad who earned ₹1000 a month for his efforts. The pinnacle was built by Qayam Khan of Lahore and its Quranic inscriptions were done by Amanat Khan Shirazi. The mosaic work was done by local Hindu workers. Above all, some 20,000 workmen toiled for 22 years to build the monument to love. Its white marble came from Jaipur, lapis lazuli from Sri Lanka, crystal from China and coral from Arabia. The monument uses the double dome technique, previously seen only in the Humayun’s tomb in Delhi, and never seen in the country before the arrivals of the Turks.

Not the first time

Over the years, many have tried to appropriate credit for its beauty and majesty. In the 17th century, it was claimed by many in the West that the architect of the Taj was Venetian Geronimo Veroneo, a jeweller by profession. Then came the claim by Mughal Beg in Tarikh-e-Taj Mahal that it was designed by Muhammad Effendi, an architect supposedly sent by the Sultan of Turkey. Effendi though was as much an architect as Oak was a historian. In the mid 19th century it was claimed that the monument was the result of the genius of Frenchman Austin de Bordeaux, a jeweller. However, Austin died in 1632, the year the work on the Taj began. With his death all claims of Austin being the Taj’s architect were buried. And facts began to be raised.

As for fantasy, well there is Goel’s film, never mind its claim of presenting the “untold history of the Taj Mahal”. The film, replete with stereotypes of kohl-lined, skullcap-donning Muslims aims at building a nation’s memory on unreasoned mythology, far removed from the well argued debates of history. Much like Oak’s view that Christianity was nothing but Krishan-Niti. Not game for any ridiculous claims in an insipid film which opened with a mere 14% attendance in the first show? Watch M. Sadiq’s 1963-saga Taj Mahal. Sure, you would remember its song, ‘Jo wada kiya woh nibhana padega’, penned by Sahir Ludhianvi and sung with much love by Mohammad Rafi and Lata Mangeshkar. Sadiq’s film with Pradip Kumar and Bina Rai in the lead cast, made no effort at replacing history with mythology.

source: http://www.thehindu.com / The Hindu / Home> Entertainment> Movies> In the limelight / by Zia Us Salam / November 07th, 2025