Tag Archives: Mohammad Sajjad

Athar Siddiqui breaks away from tradition and pens some highly evocative sketches

Sahranpur, UTTAR PRADESH / NEW DELHI :

The evocative recapitulation of eminent personalities provides a quick, candid, exquisite and scrupulous portrayal of those who retain their abiding presence without being physically present in the world.

The unprecedented acceptance of monolingualism has put a big question mark on the existence of numerous languages through which people stitch up a warm social rapport and seek to fulfill their cultural aspirations. India, an awe-inspiring repository of innumerable dialects, languages and different linguistic traditions, finds it nerve-racking to carry through the challenges thrown open by the technology-savvy language-English. The domination of English has taken a heavy toll on regional languages, and Urdu, once considered a significant link language, is no exception. Though Urdu is widely used as a spoken language, and its sensitively rendered poetry gets across the country, its script has been fading away with bewildering speed.

It aches much to realize that the popularity draws its sustenance from its oral rendering, and familiarity with its distinct script has been melting away steadily. Barring some notable exceptions, only faculty members and research scholars associated with various departments of   Urdu of the universities and colleges use Urdu as the medium of trifling academic discourse. At a time when Urdu faces the threat of obsolescence,   the gleam of hope emerges from the citadel of learning, Aligarh, where academicians not belonging to humanities draw on Urdu to initiate a perceptive discourse on a plethora of issues without bringing rhetorical flourish into play.

Professor Saeeduz Zafar Chagatai (Physics), Professor  Faseeh Ahmad Siddiqui (Chemistry), Professor  Athar Siddiqui (Zoology), Professor Shaan Mohammad (Political Science), Professor Iftikhar Alam Khan (Museology), Professor Zilur Rehman (Unani Medicine), Professor Mohammad Sajjad( History ), Professor Zafar Mahfooz Nomani (Law) Dr Asad Faisal Farooqui (Mass Communication) and the like seek to strengthen non-fiction prose in Urdu.

Autobiography, memories, diary, letters, sketches and anecdotal scrolls are much-adored genres of non-fiction prose, but in Urdu, they usually betray a strong sense of gushiness and sickening self-adulation. The preponderating narrative of reminisces does not go well with the celebrated author, Professor Athar Siddiqui, whose evocative recapitulation of eminent personalities appeared.

The book Rahe wa Rasm-e-Aashnai (sketches and personal memoirs) provides a quick, candid,   exquisite and scrupulous portrayal of those who retain their abiding presence without being physically present in the world.

Professor Athar Siddiqui, a widely recognized scientist, has produced a captivating narrative of his eventful life, Main Keya Meri Hayat kaya, with disarming humility and jotted down travelogues vividly calling attention to down reaching human experiences that frequent foreign travels produce. Interactive media frequently carry intriguing stories featuring commonplace occurrences. The stories with a strong sense of moral tutoring dished out by the digital world need to be shared with non technology conversant Urdu knowing people.

He left Professor Athar Siddiqui to supplement what had been missing and started translating these pulsating stories into Urdu. It was left to Professor Athar Siddiqui to supplement what had been missing, and he translated these pulsating stories into Urdu.

Tahzibul Aklaqh, a prestigious periodical launched by Sir Syed in 1870, started serializing it with a suggestive title Hairat Sarai Ki Kahaniyan (The stories of wonderland), and two volumes of these laconic and absorbing stories have appeared so far.

He meticulously edited two autobiographies of two illustrious alums of Aligarh Muslim University–Dr. Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah (founder of women’s college, AMU) and Nawab Ahmad Saeed Khan Chattari ( former Governor of Uttar Pradesh). He had astutely done over translating books on Shaheryar and Musa Raza.

Athar Siddiqui’s recently published book, Rah-o-Rasam-e – Aashnai,” creatively maps out the accessible and unchartered terrains of thirty-five personalities in candour-driven idiom, and he hardly holds with the popular notion that put a lock on showing the slightest discourtesy to the deceased. The author asserts, “It is widely mentioned that the sketch writer must not use any indecent or improper word for those resting in the peace. If this sort of exhortation is adhered to, then the sketch, personal article and memories will be read as appreciation and admiration-filled text. If history writing sticks to this principle, then the authentic history of any period could not be produced. I do not buy this argument.”


The subtle wised-up mélange focuses on nine creative writers such as Shahryar, Iqbal Matin, Sajida Zaidi, Qazi Abdus Sattar, Professor Mukhtar Uddin Arzoo, Syed Hamid, Lateefuz Zaman and a couple of close relatives, teachers, friends and former vice-chancellors.

Iqbal Matin, whose awe-inspiring artistic sensibility could not get him the recognition across the country he fully deserved, has come in for a  refined exploration. Athar Siddiqui’s reminiscence is peppered with unusual but fascinating details about the author. The author living in Aligarh tried desperately to contact Iqbal Matin (Hyderabad) when the letter was the preferred communication medium. He realized that his letters were not delivered to the addressee, who was prone to change houses. Iqbal changed thirty-five houses and bore testimony to his nomadic lifestyle.

Much has been written on Jnanpith awardee and prominent poet  Shahryar but a comprehensive and insightful article highlighting his distinctive personal traits and oeuvre is still looked-for. The piece titled  “Shahryar as a man and poet” fills the bill with remarkable ease. Athar saheb cites many instances to prove Shahryar’s unflinching loyalty to his friends but never spitting upon the rivals. The voice of modernism with strong traces of neoclassicism, Shahryar never nurtured animosity and did whatever he could for those who looked up to him in their hours of peril. People, even authors and pushover critics tend to read creative texts in the backdrop of personal details; hence when Shahryar suffering from a terminal illness- cancer–composed a couplet; Aasman ab kuch nahi tere karney ke liye/Ham ne sab taiyaariyan karli hain  marne ke liye (O sky,  now you have nothing to do/I have completed all the preparations for dying) it was considered as the affirmation of impending death. Employing critical acuity, Athar saheb mentioned that the couplet has nothing to do with a nagging sense of personal extinction; the poet laments how we perfected the art of self-destruction reflected in the depletion of Ozone layer manufacturing of weapons of mass destruction.

Athar Siddiqui wrote an immensely readable sketch of Qazi Abdus Sattar, a much overrated and pretentious writer who always took pride in using ornate and florid language in his fiction. His novel Tamam Sultan has been described as magnum opus, but it is hardly more than an oft-repeated titillating story of unrequited love. Athar Saheb and Qazi have had close ties for over fifty years, but Qazi was so intemperate that he pulled ties into pieces as Athar could not attend his facilitation function. It was an act of civility to describe this narcissism as uniqueness of personality.

Prof Zilur Rehman, a widely- respected academician of Unani medicine, is a well-known scholar of Urdu, Persian and Arabic and has more than fifty books to his credit. His books, especially on Ibne Sina, Hakim Ajmal Khan, Sir Ross Masood, Hakim Ehshanullah Khan, and Hakim Abdul Moid, got widespread admiration. In addition to discussing his well-documented and invigorating writings, Athar Siddiqui effortlessly unravels his amenable nature and inimitable passion for books and artefacts. He has a collection of over 70,000 and set up a museum and library, Ibne Sina Academy, which has its website.

Seldom does one attempt to spell out what essentially embodies his wife, going beyond the adulation and berating with a sense of objectivity. This nagging edginess seems to have no bearing on Athar saheb, who painted a stirring wordy portrayal of his wife Zakia Siddiqui, a renowned academician and former principal of Women’s College, Aligarh Muslim University.

One tends to agree with the author when he asserts that during the first ten years wife is treated as the beloved; with the birth of children, she takes over the role of the mother. If harmonious marital life continues, she becomes an inseparable friend who hardly gets perturbed, no matter how annoying one becomes. It is all momentary, and the bond of affinity never weakens.

Athar saheb also evocatively narrated his mother’s life story, and he recollects his memories and anecdotes to document her extraordinary considerate nature. Suhail (son) and Taab (daughter) get pat on the head by the caring and unerring father for their abiding sympathy for others.

The book turns attention to a dozen vice-chancellors and pro-vice-chancellors of AMU, such as Dr Zakir Hussain, Bashir Hussain Zaidi, Badruddin Tyabji, Abdul Aleem, Ali Mohammad Khusro, Syed Hamid, Syed Hashim Ali, Wasiur Rehman, Naseem Farooqui, Mahmoodur Rehman, Hamid Ansari and Abul Hasan Siddiqui.

The author’s appraisal of them looks convincing, but occasionally subjectivity surfaces. The assortment of sketches offers a discerning peep into the life of all who impressed the author. The nuanced and readable prose is used impeccably, and Athar Siddiqui deserves accolades for producing such picturesque vignettes.

Shafey Kidwai is an Indian academic, communication scientist, translator, columnist, and author. He is the chairman of the Department of Mass Communications at Aligarh Muslim University.

source: http://www.siasat.com / The Siasat Daily / Home> Featured News / by Shafey Kidwai / September 26th, 2025

Sir Fakhruddin (1868-1933): An Educational Visionary of Bihar

Dumri (Patna), BIHAR :

While working on my two books (soon to come: one on Muslim Politics in Bihar and another on Muzaffarpur Muslims, 1857-2011), while looking into primary and secondary sources I came across many personalities and institutions. One such person was Sir Fakhruddin whose contributions towards public life may interest many people. Hence I crave the readers’ indulgence.

[Sir] Syed Mohammad Fakhruddin [Khan Bahadur, 1868-1933] of Patna is credited to have the distinction of being the first Muslim Minister of Bihar and Orissa.

His father Md. Ali of the village Dumri, near Patna, took special care of his quality education. Having imparted elementary education in Arabic, Persian, and Urdu in the village Maktab, Fakhruddin was put under the tutelage of Md. Yahya, advocate, a big rais of Patna, with deep interest in music and literature. Yahya was the husband of Rasheedun Nesa (1855-1926, the author of the Urdu novel, Islahun Nesa, 1881/94, and a pioneer of modern education to women in Patna).

Fakhruddin did his BA from the Patna College in 1891, and B.L. in 1893, and started court practice under the guidance of Yahya in the district court of Patna. He was also associated with the Bihar Provincial Association.

Having earned good reputation as advocate he was elected member Bengal Council in 1910, which Fakhruddin quit after becoming the government pleader (1917-20) in the High Court of Patna, established in 1916-7. In 1921 he was elected member of the Bihar and Orissa Legislative Council, and he kept winning the elections till his death in 1933.

Thus, during 1921-33 he also served as minister of education besides few other significant departments. His contribution as minister in pushing the cause of education is distinctive. His efforts towards promoting primary and secondary education are noteworthy.

 The Deputy Directors of Public Instruction were made to undertake tours of Bihar and open schools. Fakhruddin worked hard towards enhancing the budgetary allocation for education. He also made efforts towards charkha operation in the government schools but remained largely unsuccessful in that. He mobilized funds for construction of college buildings and hostels. He was passionate about it.

Reconstruction of Patna’s BN College building and its three storeyed hostel, the imposing building of the Science College (Patna), two storyed hostel for the Science College, the Patna College Hostel (later became famous as Iqbal Hostel), two storeyed PostGraduate Hostel of Ranighat (Patna), Patna Training College are his creations.

Besides, he also allocated fund for the buildings and hostels of the Muzaffarpur’s GBB (LS) College, Cuttack’s Ravenshaw College, Bhagalpur’s TNB Colllege, two big buildings for the Madrasa Shams-ul-Hoda, which was taken over by the government, and eight professors’ quarters in Ranighat (Patna) are also his creations. For the cause of Urdu, he set up a Madrasa Board in 1922.

Madrasa Shams-ul-Hoda

Fakhruddin had also prepared an ambitious plan of converting the Patna University in a big residential university for which he also influenced the Nathan Committee to make favourable recommendations. This was to be established in the Phulwari Sharif. But it did not see the light of the day as a large number of the members of the Bihar and Orissa Legislative Council opposed it on the arguments that the campus will go far beyond the city; a member went on to allege that Fakhruddin was taking the University to the doors of his Pir. The Searchlight is said to have regretted this myopic opposition as the Bihar’s capital city was deprived of quality residential university.

He created and institutionalized Bihar Educational Service Class I, and went on talent hunt to recruit meritorious teachers for the Patna University.

With these efforts he brought in Dr Gyan Chand as professor of Economics, Prof. Taraporewala (History), Prof. Jamuna Prasad (Psychology), Prof. Hill (English), Prof. Shiv Parvati Prasad (Physics). They were posted on handsome salaries.

There used to be an insistence by the colonial regime to recruit only those candidates as Class I teachers who had obtained degrees from Europe.

Prof. Nayyar Laeeq Ahmad (who later became Principal, Andheri College, Bombay), and Prof. Jadunath Sarkar were also recruited. Sir Fakhruddin resisted this racism, without much success at the time, even though it was diluted subsequently in 1940s when Prof. K K Datta (History, 1944) was taken in.

Sir Fakhruddin brought a bright professor of Law from BHU to make him Principal, Law College, and Prof. Boman Sanjana of Bombay was brought in the Civil Engineering.

In order to overcome the dearth of talented teachers he also instituted State Scholarship programme on which promising students of BA and MA were sent oxford and Cambridge for higher degrees and they had to return back to teach in the colleges of Patna University.

Kishori Prasad Sinha, Fazlur Rahman, and Kalimuddin Ahmad for English literature; Ghanshyam Das for History, Balbhadra Prasad and Qamruddoja for Chemistry, Bhairavnath Rohtagi for Economics were few such luminaries. Sadly, with the death of Sir Fakhruddin this bright scheme also died.

The Bihar School of Engineering was upgraded to ‘College’ by him. He also established the Veterinary College of Patna and recruited many teachers from outside.

Besides education, he also held the portfolio of cooperative and he made it a movement of sorts, more particularly in Tirhut. He convened a conference of Cooperatives in Hajipur when Ahmad Husain (1886-1948), an Aligarh graduate of Muzaffarpur, was posted as SDO in Hajipur.

For all these unforgettable contributions, Dr Rajendra Prasad held him in very high esteem.

Sir Fakhruddin, a bearded, fair-skinned fellow was a devout practicing Muslim with punctualities of namaz. Sherwani, pajama, Turkish cap was his preferred dress. The masjid near the Patna Railway Junction was reconstructed by him by investing around Rs. 20-25 thousand, which is now the Jama Masjid of Patna; for long it was called ‘Sir Fakhruddin Masjid’.

As a minister, he never used government quarters; rather he preferred to work from his own house in Patna, nor did he accept police protection. He was a good orator in both English and Urdu.

His sons- Azizul Haq was a renowned advocate of Patna High Court, Anisul Haq was Deputy Collector, Habibul Haq was in judicial services.

(Mohammad Sajjad, Assistant Professor at Centre of Advanced Study in History, AMU, Aligarh)

source: http://www.twocircles.net / TwoCircles.net / Home / by Mohammad Sajjad / October 13th, 2025

Bihar Collective to Release Booklet “Remembering Muslim Makers of Modern Bihar” in Patna on Feb 23

Patna, BIHAR :

Patna :

In an era of unprecedented majoritarian ascendance and anti-Muslim hatred, Bihar Collective, a platform of intellectuals and activists, has brought out a booklet highlighting the contribution of eminent Muslims in making the modern Bihar in the last 200 years.

The booklet titled Remembering Muslim Makers of Modern Bihar has been compiled and edited by renowned academician and writer Prof. Mohammad Sajjad on the initiative of Bihar Collective.

The booklet will be released at an event in Patna on Saturday (February 23).

On the occasion, a discussion will also be held with Prof Faizan Mustafa, Vice Chancellor, NALSAR University of Law, Hyderabad; Prof Vivek Kumar, JNU, New Delhi; and Prof Mohammad Sajjad, AMU, Aligarh as panelists.

A Brief about Booklet:


Pre-empting a reasonable question about the title of the booklet, Prof Sajjad, who has compiled and edited it, writes in its preface: “A simple and obvious question that may readily arise is: why only Muslim makers of modern Bihar? Why not others too? This is indeed a valid and pertinent question.”

Responding to the question, he further says: “Candidly put, this is because of an unprecedentedly menacing rise of majoritarianism, bigotry, and anti-Muslim hatred, with open support of the state.

The Muslim identities are ominously threatened. There are also unabated attempts to dilute (or even take away) whatever little accomplishments have been made by the forces of social justice and secularism.

Only the Muslim segment however is threatened by the jingoist, exclusionary, violent nationalists, to be thrown out to another country. As if the other country is a dustbin, owned by these bigots, into which they can throw away everything they dislike! As if only the religious majority constitutes the nation! Notably, these jingoists had aligned with the British and had stayed away from the national movement.”

“Muslim contributions in the nation-making (and in the freedom movement) remain under-acknowledged, forgotten or even omitted. Erasure of their histories and memories seem to have become even more pronounced and vociferous, now, than ever before…The Bihar Collective therefore decided to compile a short profile of these inspiring role models, history-makers…This is small and humble step towards retrieving and restoring the nationalist provincial pantheons bearing Muslim identities,” says Prof Sajjad.

He, however, admits that the list of Muslim heroes of Bihar given in the booklet is not exhaustive as “…many have been left out essentially because of lack of documentations and researches. Not many have left their own accounts/memoirs; the available memoirs/accounts have not written much about all the personalities. In many cases, even otherwise “resourceful” descendants and/or associates of the history-makers have not been able to provide us with adequate (and credible/verifiable) details.”

Prof Sajjad hopes this small exercise may lead to some big academic work on these history-makers. “In short, this kind of venture may be said to be an ongoing exercise. This effort may hope to open up (and obtain) more details about such history-makers and would also get to know about many more of such peoples and processes, we failed to include here in this hastily prepared tiny volume, amidst constraints of resources and time.”

Names of Muslim Makers of Modern Bihar Mentioned in Booklet:
1. Syed Imdad Ali (d.1886]
2. Khuda Bakhsh (1842-1908)
3. Syed Amir Husain (1843-1910)
4. Imdad Imam Asar (1849-1934)
5. Shah Badruddin(1852-??)
6. Syed Ali Bilgrami (1853-1911)
7. Rasheed-un-Nesa (1855-1926)
8. Syed Noorul Huda (1855-1939)
9. Justice Syed Sharfuddin (1856-1921)
10. Shaikh Gulab (1857-1920)
11. Sarfaraz Husain Khan (1860-1931)
12. Maulana Mazharul Haque (1866-1930)
13. Batakh Miyan Ansari (1867-1957)
14. Sir Fakhruddin (1868-1933)
15. Syed Ali Imam (1869-1932)
16. Syed Hasan Imam (1871-1933)
17. Salahuddin Khuda Bakhsh (1875-1931)
18. Shafi Daudi(1875-1949)
19. Khwaja Md. Noor(1875-??)
20. Abdul Wadood (d.1955)
21. Syed Abul Hasan (1878-1960)
22. Sir Sultan Ahmad (1880-1963)
23. Maulana Sajjad (1880-1940)
24. Pir Mohammad Munis (1882-1949)
25. Abdul Bari (1882-1947)
26. Syed Sulaiman Nadvi (1884-1953)
27. Mohammad Yunus (1884-1952)
28. Shah Md. Zubair (1884-1930)
29. Syed Abdul Aziz (1885-1948)
30. Zubaida Begum Daudi (1886-1972)
31. Syed Tafazzul Karim (1886-1964)
32. Mr. Mohammad Shafi (1888-1955)
33. Qazi Ahmad Husain (1889-1961)
34. Dr. Syed Mahmud (1889-1971)
35. Ali Husain Aasim Bihari (1890-1953)
36. Shah Mohammad Umair (1894-1978)
37. Abdul Ahad Mohammad Noor (1894-1975)
38. Hakeem Md. Kabiruddin (1894-1976)
39. Maulana Usman Ghani (1896-1977)
40. Manzoor Ahsan Aijazi (1897-1969)
41. Shah Md Ozair Muni’mi (1899-1961)
42. Maghfur Aijazi (1900-1966)
43. Syed Jafar Imam (1900-1965)
44. Syed Badruddin Ahmad (1901-1983)
45. Mohammad Tahir (1903-???)
46. Syed Jafar Imam (1903-1979)
47. Syed Fida Husain (1904-80)
48. Abdul Qaiyum Ansari (1905-1974)
49. Wajihuddin Minhaji (1907-1984)
50. Syed Md. Aiyub (1910-1964)
51. Abdul Sami Nadvi (1913-????)
52. Abul Hayat Chand (1914-1958)
53. Ahad Fatmi(1915-1980)
54. Zawwar Husain (1916-80)
55. Shafiqullah Ansari (1917-1980)
56. Shah Mushtaq Ahmad (1917-2002)
57. Abdul Ghafoor (1918-2004)
58. Col. Mahboob Ahmad (1920-1992)
59. Taqi Raheem (1920-1999)
60. Zahra Daudi(1923-2003)
61. Shakoor Ahmad (1924-1981)
62. Syed Hasan (1924-2016)
63. Yunus Lohia (1925-2019)
64. Ghulam Sarwar (1926-2004)
65. Syed Shahabuddin (1935-2017)

A Brief about Author:


Prof Mohammad Sajjad teaches late-colonial and post-independent Indian history at the Centre for Advanced Study in History, Aligarh Muslim University. He has written several books including Muslim Politics in Bihar: Changing Contours; and Contesting Colonialism and Separatism: Muslims of Muzaffarpur since 1857.

His articles are published in reputed academic journals from Routledge, Sage, EPW etc. and also in anthologies from the Oxford University Press and Cambridge University Press.

Bihar Collective:
It is a platform of artists, intellectuals, journalists and activists to promote diversity, pluralism and constitutional values. It aims at bridging the gap between people working in various fields such as media, culture, law, science, arts, human rights, gender equality, films, music, etc.
Email: biharcollective@gmail.com
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/biharcollective

source: http://www.indiatomorrow.net / India Tomorrow / Home> Society / by India Tomorrow / February 21st, 2019

Maulana Azad’s Profound Legacy in Education at Ranchi Facing Extinction

Ranchi, JHARKHAND :

It is ironical that, just in the year of its centenary, the historic Madrasa Islamiya of Ranchi, founded by Maulana Azad (1888-1958) in 1917, is facing extinction. The BJP government of Jharkhand is reportedly contemplating to strangulate it to death by withdrawing its affiliation/recognition as well as fund. Much of the land of the institution has either been encroached upon or been sold out, by the self-serving Muslims, influential in the management of the Anjuman-e-Islamiya, which runs almost 12 subsidiary institutions, including the Madrasa Islamiya. In 1987, it formed a subsidiary called, “Muslim Higher Education Society”, which added a degree college named after Maulana Azad. This Muslim minority college is recognised and funded by the government of Jharkhand. It has got around 500 students.

The management of the Anjuman-e-Islamiya stands divided between two warring factions, respectively by Haji Ibrar and Haji Nesar. The latter is supposed to be making too much of interferences into the functioning of the Anjuman-e-Islamiya. Sections of local population admire Haji Ibrar for having done a lot for the Anjuman; they are supposed to have recently purchased a land few kilometres away from Ranchi, where the Azad College is likely to be shifted.

Because of this dispute, mainly around composition of the electoral college of the Anjuman, election for the managing committee of the Anjuman has not been held since last November. According to the bye-laws of the Anjuman, every three years elections are supposed to be held.  Convenor for the election from the provincial government is the Chairman, Jharkhand Waqf Board. The government has not appointed any Chairman since 2014. In its place, an ad hoc CEO is there for the Waqf Board. He has not shown much interest in resolving the dispute, and convening elections, as per the bye-laws of the Anjuman-e-Islamiya. There are various petitions lying before the CEO regarding the composition of the electoral college. The factionalism is also around caste (Biradri). Haji Ibrar is supposed to be representing the Ashrafiya Muslims, whereas Haji Nesar is supposed to be representing Pasmanda (mainly the community of Kalaal) Muslims.      

The property (including the buildings) of the Anjuman-e-Islamiya, located in the commercially significant, prime location of the city of Ranchi, has got around 200 shops. Because of self-serving factionalism within the Anjuman-e-Islamiya, the rent of the shops is kept so very nominal and unrealistic that the Anjuman deprives itself of huge revenue. The Anjuman-e-Islamiya also runs a 60 bed, relatively better-furnished, hospital, besides the Rahmaniya Musafirkhana, existing since the days of Maulana Azad. This is a separate (now a four-storey) building. Few years ago, with some fund from the Local Area Development Scheme of the local Parliamentarian, this building has been renovated. It has added a library, a study circle, etc.

There has been some efforts towards getting the main building of the Anjuman-e-Islamiya declared as National Monument, but to no avail, as yet.

The Madrasa Islamiya, at present, has got 900 students, some of them are boarders too. This is an educational institution recognised and funded by the government of Jharkhand’s body, the Jharkhand Academic Council (JAC). Before the creation of the province of Jharkhand in 2000, this was recognised and funded by the Bihar State Madrasa Education Board (BSMEB, Patna), a statutory body of the government of Bihar. There were 126 such madrasas falling in what became Jharkhand. All the 126 madrasas continue to get fund from the Jharkhand government.  

After the creation of the province of Jharkhand in 2000, the Anjuman-e-Islamiya, with its ‘autonomy’, has been functioning under the administrative supervision of the Jharkhand Waqf Board.     

A Proud History of Anti-colonial Assertion

It is worth re-visiting the historical context in which the Madrasa Islamiya was founded and the ideal objectives its founder envisioned. For this, let us benefit from some historians, such as S. Irfan Habib and Rizwan Qaiser.

For his revolutionary activities, he was into, right since his early ages, Azad was externed from Calcutta in March 1916 under the Defence of India Regulation. In April 1916 he was sent to Ranchi. Influenced with Shyam Sundar Chakravarty (1869-1932) and Aurobindo Ghosh (1872-1950), the Maulana was involved in revolutionary struggle and was preparing for a violent overthrow of British rule. His “continuous exhortation of the Muslims towards education including political education which essentially meant building up self-confidence to resist British rule”, was inviting anxious watch of the colonial regime on him, says Qaiser.

During his internment at Ranchi, for nearly four years (1 April 1916-31 December 1919), Azad established an organization Anjuman-e-Islamiya in August 1917 which started the Madrasa Islamiya. In a list of thirty one donors, headed by Rai Saheb Thakur Das, Rais-i- Ranchi and Babu Jagatpal Sahai, vakil, were also there, among other people, from all walks of life, including Sheikh safdar Ali of Milki (Gaya), informs Prof. Rizwan Qaiser, in his research on the subject. He says that behind all these activities of Azad, the guiding motive was to spread the Islamic education among the less fortunate co-religionists at Ranchi and to mobilise his co-religionists towards the freedom movement. According to Qaiser, Maulana Azad had been thinking around the issues of education in sciences, and also on the medium of instruction, since as early as in 1902, as it comes out of some of the correspondences of Azad. 

For the Madrasa Islamiya, a 200 page long document of curricula was prepared by the Maulana Azad; the subjects such as English, mathematics, Indian geography, Indian history, history of Islam and sciences had to be introduced to bring it at par with the government run schools. Azad was very clear about the fact that no system of education could be complete unless the elements of Government University system were also to be introduced. Maulana Azad highlighted the importance of producing more educationists (Mutallemeen), rather than teachers (Muallemeen) alone. The education had to inculcate mazhabi ham-aahangi (mutual religious understanding) and rawadari (tolerance). He addressed from the Jama Masjid on every Friday, teaching them in Hubb-ul-Watani (patriotism), qaumi yekjahti (integration of nationalities), and Mushtareka Wataniyat (composite nationalism). The curricula were actually a part of the one prepared by Maulana Azad for the Madrasa Aliya of Calcutta (established in 1780 by Warren Hastings, mainly to study Arabic, Persian and Muslim Law; during 1826-36, it also taught medical sciences till the Calcutta Medical College was established in 1836;  in 2007 it was upgraded as University)

S. Irfan Habib tells us that under Ibn Khaldun’s influence, unquestioning acceptance of theology was something Azad wanted to rectify. Azad found the curricula in the pre-existing Islamic madrasas fundamentally narrow. Its significant omission was mathematics, which is the basis of science and technology. Azad agreed with Rousseau in his advocacy of the children’s necessity and ability to grasp the truth through their own insight.

Another significant influence on Maulana Azad, in the context of science and education was Sir Syed Ahmad Khan Bahadur (1817-98), which attracted Azad towards modern education and modern science for the Muslims, as admitted by Azad, in his very eloquent convocation speech (February 1949) in the Aligarh Muslim University. This is another matter that on political questions, Azad had sharp differences against Sir Syed.

By way of recollection and re-dissemination, Azad’s profound contributions were put together when the National University of Education Planning and Administration (NUEPA), New Delhi, convened a seminar in 2009, and the essays were published in 2010. In the seminar, the then Speaker, Lok Sabha, Somnath Chatterjee, had described that Maulana Azad had re-emphasized the fivefold programme for the expansion of education in the country: These were (a) Universal compulsory basic education for all children of school age, (b) Social education for our adult illiterates, (c) Measures for improvement in the quality of and expansion of facilities for secondary and higher education, (d) Technical and scientific education on a scale adequate to the nation’s needs, and (e) Measures for the enrichment of the cultural life of the community by encouraging the arts and providing facilities for recreation and other amenities.

It is not without any reason that Nehru preferred to take Azad along, as his Education Minister, where he served with great distinction till his death in 1958. It is a lesser known fact that ever since Gokhale proposed in 1910 for right to compulsory free education, it was Azad who pursued it in the Constituent Assembly. Though, it was only as late as in 2009-10, that such a legislation (RTE) could actually be enacted.

During the colonial period unlike Uttar Pradesh, in Bihar, essentially speaking, there was not much of a difference between the votaries of modern education and those of the traditional learning. The Muslim elites of both the streams in Bihar cooperated with each other in imparting both kinds of education. Thus, a modern educated elite, a judge, Nur-ul-Hoda (1854-1935; son of Shams-ul-Hoda) set up the Madrasa Shams-ul-Hoda, at Patna in 1912. It endures till date with buildings constructed in colonial architectural styles, and have got good hostels too. It was recognised by the Government of Bihar in 1919, which affiliated Madrasas across the province, in the capacity of serving as the Bihar State Madrasa Education Board, BSMEB, Patna; the Board was made a statutory body by the Karpuri Thakur led government during 1977-79 ). In 1927, it affiliated the Madrasa Islamiya, Ranchi as well. Ever since then, this Madrasa remains a government recognised and funded institution.

Its syllabi, till Fauqaniya (class X), has all the modern subjects of Natural Sciences, Mathematics, Social Sciences and Literatures of Indian and English language. It has board examination at Middle (Wastania) level as well, which is class VIII. After Independence, this Board became a statutory body.  

Interestingly, both the Madrasas (of Patna and of Ranchi) had one person in common, in preparing the curriculum—-Syed Sulaiman Nadvi (1884-1953).  The Madrasa Shams-ul-Hoda of Patna produced many students and teachers who participated in the Quit India Movement; after independence some of its students joined the Indian Administrative Services and Indian Police Services.  

Another Gift of Maulana Azad’s Stay at Ranchi    

Besides the Madrasa Islamiya, another enduring gift of Azad’s stay at Ranchi is the foundation of Imarat-e-Shariah (in 1921, at Phulwari Sharif, Patna) in collaboration with Maulana Sajjad (1880-1940), and the Anjuman-e-Ulema-e-Bihar (founded in June 1917), a precursor of the Jamiat-ul-Ulema-e-Hind. The Sufi shrines—Khanqah-e-Rahmaniya (Monghyr) and Khanqah-e-Mujibiya (Phulwari Sharif, Patna) extended its support.

Maulana Azad elaborated upon this scheme of mobilizing Muslims against the anti- colonial struggle in his Urdu weekly, Paighaam (November 25, 1921).

The Imarat-e-Shariah went on to unwaveringly resist the communal-territorial separatism of the Muslim League. Azad’s protégé, Maulana Sajjad, also talked of confining religion into private spaces, and wrote many letters to Jinnah raising serious questions against his divisive [Pakistan] Resolution of Lahore, 23 March 1940.

He consistently remained in touch with the masses and also edited an Urdu weekly, Naqeeb, (after its fortnightly Imarat was gagged by the colonial state during the Civil Disobedience Movement 1930-34). On 14 April 1940, he wrote in Naqeeb against Jinnah’s scheme of dividing India, Muslim India aur Hindu India Ki Scheme par Ek Aham Tabserah (reprinted in the Naqeeb, 10 January 1946). The Patna historian, Papiya Ghosh (1953-2006), wrote an elaborate academic essay (1997) on the history of Imarat-e-Shariah, 1921-47.

Maulana Sajjad wrote letters to Jinnah asking pertinent questions. Jinnah never responded back. Sajjad, therefore, brought the letters in public circulation, specifically of 26 December 1938 and of 23 January 1939.

Maulana Sajjad also advocated the idea of confining the religious processions and rituals into private spaces rather than a public display of it causing disharmony and group violence. His pamphlet to this effect was captioned, Firqa Warana Ma’amlaat Ka Faisla Kin UsuloN Par Hona Chahiye? (Naqeeb, 20 February 1940)

He launched a political outfit, Muslim Independent Party (MIP) in 1936, with agrarian issues being its chief concern. In 1937, in collaboration with the Congress it contested the provincial elections and emerged second largest party. As the Congress, the largest party refused to form ministry on certain issues of discretionary powers vested in the Governor according to the Act of 1935, it was MIP which formed a provisional ministry, which ran for four months (April-July 1937). Barrister Md. Yunus (1884-1952) was the premier. In its short tenure, it performed very well on all counts, including its agrarian concerns such as irrigation facilities, soft loans, river embankments, etc.

Today, the Imarat-e-Shariah runs charitable institutions of education and health. In its self-proclamation, its jurisdiction extends to Jharkhand and Orissa as well. Should not it look upon the Madrasa Islamiya, Ranchi, in order to resuscitate and revitalise it?

However, this is also a puzzle for the local population that ever since Maulana Azad left Ranchi in 1920, he never looked back towards it. It is something like Gandhiji’s visit to Champaran in 1917. Even though he did re-visit, yet, the three schools established by Gandhiji in Champaran could not survive. As against this, the Madrasa at Ranchi did survive and endures till date.

The Maulana Azad Educational Foundation (MAEF) of the Union government in its existence of about three decades (founded in 1988 to commemorate Azad’s birth centenary) is doing a lot in the stated direction of education. Should not it make an intervention into it to rescuing this wonderful legacy facing extinction? Recognizing the historical significance of Azad’s stay at Ranchi, the then Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi, had inaugurated Maulana Azad Research Centre, on the Tagore Hills, Ranchi. It subsequently disappeared with no traces even of the stone plaque testifying the inauguration by Rajiv Gandhi. In January 2015, however, the then Chancellor (of the Ranchi University) cum Governor of Jharkhand, took note of it and persuaded the Ranchi University to establish Maulana Azad Research Centre. Its incumbent Director, Prof. Manzar Husain, has now made it functional, with a library in its building. Besides, the Senate Hall of the University is also named after Maulana Azad, as a token of gratitude.   

In 2009-10, Qaiser had also highlighted the sorry state of the institution and gross negligence of the Madrasa by the Muslim dominated management. Yet, it continues to languish in disarray. Qaiser concluded, “There are people who swear by Maulana Azad and his association with Ranchi but have not been able to accord the level of respect that an institution such as Madrasa-i-Islamia deserves”.

Mention may be made specifically of Najma Heptullah, claiming to be a descendant of Azad. Till very recently she was the Union Ministry of Minority Affairs in the cabinet of Narendra Modi. Shall she really make a meaningful intervention to draw attention of the provincial and the Union governments to rescue this dying institution? The then Chairman, Jharkhand State Minority Commission, had approached the minister, Najma Heptullah. She sent her emissary to obtain first-hand knowledge about the state of affairs and requirements of the institution. Nobody knows what really happened to this. Then she no longer remained the minister. People have also been approaching Najma Heptullah’s successor, Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi.

The problem afflicting the Anjuman-e-Islamiya is not convening election of its management committee.  The government of Jharkhand and its ad hoc functionary, Hasib Akhtar (CEO, Jharkhand Waqf Board, who is by rules, Convenor of election for the Anjuman-e-Islamiya), rather than convening election, is now contemplating to just withdraw the funding (and recognition) of the historic educational institution, Madrasa Islamiya, sources in the ministry of education, confide.

It is worthwhile recalling that delay in granting affiliation by the government of Jharkhand had compelled the Muslim minority managed Kabir Women’s Degree College (Jamshedpur) to close down. It had more than sufficient infrastructure in comparison to most of the other constituent colleges in the state. But it was forced to pull its shutter down, after having functioned for over two decades.

The local Muslims feel helpless at this attitude of the BJP government of Jharkhand. With a sense of hopeless-ness, they say, ‘this is the kind of era we are living in’. Local media, particularly, ETV Urdu, has been exposing all these details, which fall on the deaf ears of the government of Jharkhand. Let it be said that even the Union government of BJP is keeping such bodies head-less. For instance, the National Commission for Minorities, had become defunct, owing to vacancies. It is only few weeks ago that the Chairman and its members have been appointed. The National Commission for minority Educational Institutions (NCMEI) has got no Chairman, with vacancy of one member too. Yet another testimony that the dominant political wisdom of the day believes in peripheralising the minorities!

(This article was first published in August 2017. It is being republished because of PM Modi’s Madrasa modernisation push)

source: http://www.beyoundheadlines.in / Beyond Headlines / Home> History / by Mohammad Sajjad / June 19th, 2019

Nehru, Muslims and India’s Freedom Movement

INDIA:

A new book questions political wisdom about competitive communalism before and after Independence.

Former Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. Image Courtesy: PTI

The prevailing political wisdom of the day is to chastise Jawaharlal Nehru, his Congress party, and their inclusive vision for the republic. Given this, one is caught in a fix if a published work subjects the Congress-Nehruvian performance to criticism. The republican and constitutional vision of India, and its plans and goals were outcomes of a prolonged anti-colonial mass agitation, which multiple ideological and identitarian political formations joined, complemented and contested.

Besides the aligned or contending forces, intellectuals and activists of various 19th and 20th-century hues also provided inputs. Privileged Muslims articulated some strands, including the exclusionary right-wing politics of communal separatism. Though represented by the Muslim League, and its sole spokesman MA Jinnah, they straddled nearly every shade of political articulation, ranging from Left to Centre, from those who advocated separatism to its vociferous opponents.

Unfortunately, the academic and popular domains popularise Muslim separatism more than their resistance to separatism. Academic studies also focus too much on Uttar Pradesh (earlier the United Provinces of Agra and Awadh). Gyanesh Kudaisya (2002) characterised this province as India’s heartland in terms of population and geographic size but also narrative-making for the Indian polity.

The former landed elites of the Muslims of this region, whom David Lelyveld (1978) called the “Kutchery Milieu”, were in the forefront and mainstay of the Muslim League. An important Muslim League leader from Lucknow, Chaudhry Khaliquzzaman (1889-1973), candidly and proudly proclaimed this in his 1961 memoir, Pathway to Pakistan. Quoting Maulana Azad, he writes, “All students of Indian politics know that it was from the U.P. that the League was reorganised. Mr Jinnah took full advantage of the situation and started an offensive which ultimately led to Pakistan.” Interestingly, in the late 1930s, Khaliquzzaman was the mayor of Lucknow and allied at least once with the Hindu Mahasabha. After Partition, it took him a long time to migrate to the other side of the border.

Against this backdrop, Aishwarya Pandit’s Claiming Citizenship and Nation: Muslim Politics and State Building in North India, 1947-1986, published by Routledge in 2021, is a critical intervention. She writes, “Given the demographic dominance of U.P. Muslims in some constituencies, the threat of revival of ‘Muslim communalism’ continued to impact their politics. In the colonial period, the United Provinces had remained central to Muslim politics around issues of representation, minority safeguards and language.”

Pandit disagrees with Kudaisya and proposes in her introductory chapter that the Uttar Pradesh Congress opposed the Centre’s move to “introduce minority and cultural safeguards after 1947”. Her book examines the intersections of law, identity and property and notes region-specific Muslim—and anti-Muslim—politics and articulations. Notably, she includes in her work the tensions that prevailed within the Muslim community over contemporary concerns.

Pandit says the new Muslim leadership that emerged after independence articulated the weaknesses of Nehruvian secularism, particularly concerning their religious, cultural and identitarian concerns. Further, from the mid-1970s onward, “Fatwa and Ulema politics acquired the centre stage”. Her study ends in 1986, a period that, according to her, “signaled the continuation of Hindu counter mobilisation, which set in the 1950s around the [Babri] Masjid-[Ram] Temple issue [of Ayodhya], the issue of minority appeasement and personal law and also coincided with the dipping fortunes of the Congress party in Uttar Pradesh”.

In her effort to discover reasons for the Congress party’s decline in Uttar Pradesh, she argues that Muslims here [and in Bihar] “made some surprising alliances including those with the Jan Sangh in the 1960s and 70s”. Pandit attempts to absolve Muslims of the responsibility for this, and “challenges the widespread view that Muslims acted as a secure and stable ‘vote-bank’ for the Congress after independence”.

This is where the book would provoke many to raise a few questions that have been left unasked or unanswered. Terminating the study in 1986—and not a few years later—may have excluded the author from raising some crucial questions. Hindu counter-mobilisation got massive support from the Shah Bano issue that raged from May 1985 to April 1986, other than the ‘nationalisation’ of the local Ayodhya dispute, which Pandit chooses not to examine. Scholars, even those not inclined to the right, often sidestep Muslim contributions to communalising narratives that fed Hindu majoritarianism, weakening India’s fragile pluralist secularism.

On 15 January 1986, at a Momin Conference session at the Siri Fort Auditorium in Delhi, then prime minister Rajiv Gandhi announced his intention to amend the law to nullify the Supreme Court’s April 1985 verdict in favour of Shah Bano. Driven out of her home in 1975, 43 years after her marriage, Bano had approached the courts seeking maintenance. Given instant triple divorce in 1978—inside a trial court in Indore—the case moved from the High Court to the Supreme Court. In May 1986, the Rajiv Gandhi-led government passed the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act following strident Muslim protests in January that year against the progressive judicial verdict that granted Shah Bano alimony. The law passed in Parliament reversed the maintenance the court had said she was entitled to.

The Urdu memoir, Karwan-e-Zindagi, published in 1988 by Maulana Abul Hasan Ali Miyan Nadvi (1914-1999), makes the conservative Muslim approach to this issue pretty clear. In Volume 3, Nadvi triumphantly writes about how he persuaded Rajiv Gandhi not to accept the proposition that many Islamic countries had reformed their personal laws. He rejoices in accomplishing his effort to stymie similar reforms in India. He says his arguments had a particular psychological impact on Rajiv Gandhi—“Woh teer apney nishaaney par baitha—My arrow hit its target”. Nadvi includes a candid confession: “Our mobilisation to protect the Shariat in 1986 complicated the Babri Masjid issue and vitiated the atmosphere in a big way—“Iss ney fiza mein ishte’aal wa izteraab paida karney mein bahut bara hissa liya,” he writes.

Nadvi admits in his memoir that he had promised to Rajiv Gandhi he would persuade the Waqf Boards to make an endowment available to maintain abandoned women. But this issue remains unaddressed until today. Aishwarya Pandit, rather than exploring the clergy politics of Lucknow’s Nadvi, jumps over to Delhi’s “Imam” Bukhari and his demagoguery and rhetoric.

Nadvi’s politics of 1985-1986 needs to be read with Nicholas Nugent, who writes in his book, Rajiv Gandhi: Son of a Dynasty, published by BBC Books in 1990, that the Congress High Command decided in early 1986 to play the Hindu card like the Muslim women’s bill played the Muslim card. Nugent writes, “Ayodhya was supposed to be a package deal…a tit for tat for the Muslim women’s bill…Rajiv played a key role in carrying out the Hindu side of the package deal by such actions as arranging that pictures of Hindus worshipping at the newly unlocked shrine be shown on television.”

On 1 February 1986, within an hour of the Faizabad district court judgment, the lock of the Babri Masjid was opened. The “deal” between the Prime Minister, the Muslim clergy and the Momin Conference’s Ziaur Rahman Ansari, who died in 1992, had been struck a month earlier. Ansari’s biography, Wings of Destiny, written by his son Fasihur Rahman and published in 2018, refers to this series of events. Yet, nagging questions remain: who wanted the locks opened and why? After all, elections were four years away, and Rajiv Gandhi did not have a direct electoral stake in the event, except for a few reverses in by-elections for the Congress party.

A sizeable section of Hindus was peeved after Nehru reformed, though more symbolically than substantively, Hindu Personal Laws in the 1950s, but left out Muslim Personal Laws. This aspect is brought out by Reba Som in February 1994, in “ Jawaharlal Nehru and the Hindu Code: A Victory of Symbol over Substance ?

Put another way, what the votaries of Hindutva call Muslim appeasement is the State appeasing the conservative and patriarchic Muslim clergy. Quite often, liberal and left scholars and activists hold the position that reforms must emerge from within the Muslim communities. Nevertheless, competitive communalism adversely affected the Congress party in the electoral sphere. First, the ex-Socialist forces, comprising the backward classes and Dalits, replaced Congress with the Bharatiya Janata Party. Pandit disappoints on this count in her sixth chapter despite delving into primary archival sources on all issues raised in her immensely readable book.

In the third chapter, Pandit discusses Hindi-Urdu battles and blames the ruling Congress for the deficits in State support for Urdu. She misses out that the protagonists of Urdu in Uttar Pradesh also share some blame for the idioms and methods of political mobilisation they didn’t employ for the Urdu cause. Selma K. Sonntag (1996) provides a more informed comparative assessment of the Urdu politics of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh.

Besides Urdu and personal laws, another central controversy has been the minority status of the centrally-funded Aligarh Muslim University. Pandit touches upon this subject but leaves out too much. She does not concern herself with the academic performance or research at the university, which has refrained from examining Muslim concerns such as communal strife, caste among Muslims, patriarchy, and Muslim under-representation. Just a few months before his unfortunate death in 2010, Omar Khalidi candidly raised these issues. Could these deficits possibly have contributed to the disjunctions between State and society as also between India’s Muslims and the Aligarh Muslim University?

Quite often, the ruling party had to yield to pressures from Muslim conservatives and reactionaries, perhaps because despite massive funding to the university, it did not foster enough progressive Muslim opinion-makers and leaders. If true, this would limit the university’s contribution to resisting competitive communalism and can explain why the support base of the ruling Congress deserted it, eventually leading to the rise of what scholars such as Edward Anderson, Christophe Jaffrelot and Deepa Reddy call Neo-Hindutva.

Possibly because of this omission, this book does not help figure out why Uttar Pradesh Muslims could not throw up the kind of ‘Pasmanda movement’, or the short-lived Left-inspired gender movement Tehreek-e-Niswan, which emerged in adjacent Bihar in the 1990s.

Why Muslims in Uttar Pradesh failed to strengthen post-independence movements for citizenship rights and confined themselves to emotive religious, cultural and identitarian issues is a vital but unanswered question. Thus, this book ignores this pertinent question: to claim citizenship, and for the secularization of the state and society, how to strike a balance with rights for religious communities? This approach of the author doesn’t allow her to deal, even when discussing Muslim assets, with why Uttar Pradesh Muslims did not employ their wealth for capacity-building of their community, as South Indian Muslims did and still do, in the spheres of education, and health? Why did they remain highly dependent upon the State?

Notwithstanding these limitations of perspective, Pandit’s considerably well-researched book delves into untapped and under-tapped primary sources. Her analysis of a wide range of evidence and her articulation is lucid. True to its claim, it is a valuable contribution toward understanding post-independence Uttar Pradesh.

The author teaches modern and contemporary Indian History at Aligarh Muslim University. The views are personal.

source: http://www.newsclick.in / News Click / Home> India> Politics / by Mohammad Sajjad / February 20th, 2023

Why India Must Remember its First Muslim Jurist

Delhi, Mughal Period / Sitapur, British India:

The first Muslim judge of a high court in colonial times, Syed Mahmood’s professional conduct offers a counterpoint to the declining standards in Indian judiciary.

WHEN Justice Abdul Nazeer addressed the 16th national council meeting of the RSS-affiliated Akhil Bharatiya Adhivakta Parishad at Hyderabad last December, he said, “Great lawyers and judges are not born but made by proper education and great legal traditions, as were Manu, Kautilya, Katyayana, Brihaspati, Narada, Parashar, Yajnavalkya, and other legal giants of ancient India.” In the symposium on “Decolonisation of the Indian Legal System”, Justice Nazeer also said the “continued neglect of their great knowledge and adherence to the alien colonial legal system is detrimental to the goals of our Constitution and against our national interests…”.

Perhaps Justice Nazeer should have also recalled 19th-century jurist Justice Syed Mahmood (1850-1903). A pioneer in bold assertions against the colonial judiciary, he produced incisive legal commentaries that reflect an audacious dissenter’s point of view. Writing in an Urdu newspaper, his father, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, narrates Mahmood’s resignation from the Allahabad High Court in 1893 to “protect the self-respect of Indians against the racism of British judges”.

In that era, conceptions of nationhood were still evolving in India. Indian judges would not muster the courage to contest the racism of the imperial power or fellow European judges. But Mahmood did, in intrepid ways. Khan founded the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental (MAO) College at Aligarh in 1877 and figures prominently but contentiously, stereotyped as a British loyalist and separatist in debates on contemporary nationalism. Mahmood supported his father’s modern education project, but unfortunately, his contributions are largely ignored by historians and the legal fraternity.

By 1920, MAO College, now Aligarh Muslim University, was the most prominent residential university in the country. Its history department has been a premier centre for advanced studies for a half-century. In 1889, primarily on Syed Mahmood’s initiative and his gifts in terms of books, journals and cash, AMU established a law department. Yet, he was neglected in its research. Only in 1973, seven years after the centenary of the Allahabad High Court, the Aligarh Law Journal brought out Mahmood’s contributions, and legal scholars reflected on his high calibre as a lawyer and judge.

The good news is, in 2004, Alan M. Guenther did his doctoral thesis on Mahmood at McGill University, Canada, which is available online for the public to access. His meticulous and well-researched account touches almost every aspect of Mahmood’s public life. Guenther also published an extended essay in 2011on Mahmood’s views on English education in 19th-century India. (In 1895, Mahmood had written a book on the theme for his speeches at the Educational Conference.)

In 1965, Asaf Ali Asghar Fyzee (1899-1981) complained, “Syed Mahmood’s contributions to the transformation of Muslim law in India have been largely neglected by historians and survive primarily as footnotes in legal texts on Muslim law.” Guenther, too, observes, “…overshadowed by the life and writings of his illustrious father, Ahmad Khan, his legacy has not received the attention it deserves. A large part of his father’s achievements in the reform of education, in fact, would not have been possible without the assistance of Syed Mahmood. But when he reached the age at which his father had made his most significant achievements, [Mahmood] had his life cut short.”

Mahmood had laid out his life plans clearly. S. Khalid Rashid, writing in 1973, reports that Mahmood decided early on that, like his ancestors, he would devote the first third of his life to educating himself, the second to earn a living, and the last to “retired study, authorship and devotion to matters of public utility”. But Guenther writes about how Mahmood’s health had deteriorated through alcohol abuse and disease. He died before he turned 53, broken by forced retirement, estranged from his father (who had died five years previously), stripped of responsibilities at the college he had helped found, separated from wife and son, and in poverty. He was selling personal items to repay debts. “His father’s numerous writings and letters are still republished, but Syed Mahmood’s contributions to Muslim thought are hidden in bound volumes of the Indian Law Reports and brittle files of government correspondence,” Guenther writes.

One aspect of Mahmood’s last years is captured by Prof. Iftikhar Alam Khan’s Urdu books, Sir Syed: Daroon-e-Khana (2006, 2020) and the recent Rufaqa-e-Sir Syed: Rafaqat, Raqabat wa Iqtidar Ki Kashmakash. These accounts expose the smear campaigns of the three companion successors of Sir Syed—Samiullah, Mohsin-ul-Mulk and Viqar-ul-Mulk—against Syed Mahmood as they vied for the secretary’s post at MAO College. Often European members of MAO College conspired with them. Exploiting his weaknesses and eccentricities, they ousted him to get a hold over college affairs, compounding his hurt during his tragic final years.

SYED MAHMOOD’S ROLE IN SIR SYED’S EDUCATIONAL ENTERPRISE

Having returned to India in 1872 after studying in England, Mahmood took time out of his budding legal career to assist his father’s reform work, particularly setting up MAO College. He prepared a detailed plan along the lines of his experiences in Cambridge. His specific aim, explained in February 1872, was to produce future leaders of India through an educational institution whose residential nature would be “as indispensable an education as the course of study itself”. The aim was to create a society of students and teachers quite different from the rest of society.

He travelled with his father to Punjab in 1873 and spoke at a rally to promote the project. In 1889, Sir Syed introduced a motion to nominate Mahmood as joint secretary of the board of trustees of MAO College by highlighting his assistance despite the opposition he faced. In particular, he considered his son’s influence the primary factor that persuaded European professors to come to India and teach there.

European staff members confirmed this around six years later when there was renewed opposition to Mahmood continuing as joint secretary. The principal, Theodore Beck (1859-1899), testified, “Syed Ahmad….acknowledged his reliance on Syed Mahmood for advice in all matters, and his imprint could be noted in the correspondence relating to the school. He declared his firm conviction that Syed Mahmood was the one person who shared his vision for the college, and apart from him, no one would be able to administer the school in keeping with that vision.” However, Samiullah (1834-1908) disagreed with Sir Syed on this count. As a result, a tussle for power began in the college management. The power-play could explain why AMU felt inhibited in bringing out a biography of Mahmood, a research gap that Guenther’s doctoral thesis fills. He has extensively relied on important correspondences of Mahmood preserved in the London India Office (British) Library.

SYED MAHMOOD’S TRYST WITH MUSLIM LAW

Mahmood is a forgotten pioneer of the transformation of Muslim law in modern South Asia. In 1882, at just 32, he became the first Muslim judge of the high courts in British India. He delivered numerous landmark decisions that shaped Muslim law, the law in general, and its administration.

Earlier, he blazed a trail his younger contemporaries followed in their judicial roles in British India. He was one of the first Indian Muslims to study in England and train in the English system of jurisprudence, the first Indian to enrol as a barrister in the High Court of Judicature at Allahabad in 1872, the first appointed as a district judge in the restructured judicial system of Awadh in 1879 and the first Indian assigned as a puisne judge to the High Court at Allahabad. He was the first Muslim in any High Court of India. He cleared a path for Indian Muslims to participate in administering justice in India. But his contribution is not limited to creamy career opportunities for Muslim youngsters. His lasting legacy is how Muslim law is perceived and administered in South Asia today.

CHAMPION OF ACCESSIBLE JUSTICE

An abiding concern of Mahmood was the cost of administration of justice. Court procedures were lengthy and expensive, and the “mass of law” was complicated. Distance from courts was another concern, for which he proposed a network of village courts for “on-the-spot” adjudication. He sought to make justice accessible through unpaid tribunals and honorary munsifs. He prepared a comprehensive draft for this, Guenther informs.

Furthermore, he attacked the [racial] mindset and court fees and stamp duties on legal documents. He ruled in August 1884 and February 1885 that “…if justice costs the same amount [to the] rich and poor, it follows that the rich man will be able to purchase it, whilst the poor man will not.” He declared, more than once, that British judges in India were too quick to find fraud.

In a speech at the Allahabad Bar in April 1885, Mahmood raised the language issue in judicial transactions, saying laws should be in languages intelligible to the masses. He insisted on the vernacular in arguments, pleadings and justice delivery and translated verdicts so that people unfamiliar with English could rest assured that judgments are reasoned. Of course, the issue of judicial language continues to be debated, and for this, acknowledgement is due to Mahmood.

AN INDIAN DISSENTER IN THE HIGH NOON OF BRITISH COLONIALISM

Mahmood is known most for outstanding dissenting judgements. In volume 2 of his 2021 book, Discordant Notes, Justice (retd.) Rohinton F. Nariman writes that Mahmood was known for detailed judgments, some of which stand out for thoroughness and fearless language. Mahmood would refer to the original Sanskrit versions when ruling on Hindu laws and the Arabic texts for Muslim laws, rather than using interpretations of the relevant texts.

From the 1860s to 1880s, during the codification of laws, he sought limits on importing British laws and protested that the local context was getting overlooked. His concern was not just the laws but their efficacy and adaptability within India’s cultural diversity.

Guenther observes, “…throughout his life, he identified himself as a Muslim as well as an Indian and a subject of the British crown, and that he was actively involved in the education and improvement of the Indian Muslim community. At the same time, Mahmood… [made] efforts to promote harmony between people of diverse backgrounds, and…[supported] initiatives that improved the situation of all Indians, regardless of religious affiliation…”

An anecdote from Altaf Hali’s Hayat-e-Javed (1901), cited by Shamsur Rahman Faruqi (2006), is worth sharing. “Contrary to the culture of sycophancy and genuflecting before the English colonial authority….Syed Ahmad Khan and his high-profile and brilliant son Syed Mahmud strived to conduct themselves as if they were equal to the English….Syed Ahmad Khan had stayed away from the [1867 Agra] Durbar because Indians had been given seats inferior to the English. A medal was to be conferred on Syed Ahmad Khan at that Durbar. Williams, the then Commissioner of Meerut, was later deputed to present the award to Syed Ahmad Khan at Aligarh railway station. Willams broke protocol and showed his anger at having to do the task under duress and said that government orders bound him, or he wouldn’t be presenting the medal to Syed Ahmad Khan. Syed Ahmad Khan accepted the medal, saying he wouldn’t have taken the award, except that he too was bound by government orders.”

Indian democracy is an outcome of anti-colonial nationalism, and dissent is its core component: Mahmood’s dissent contributed to nationalism in his time. In 2022, the V-Dem Institute described India as an electoral autocracy where dissent is being criminalised, and the judiciary is failing to contain the majoritarian upsurge. Mahmood’s professional conduct is an encouraging counterpoint to the degeneration in the Indian judiciary.

WHAT DID MAHMOOD THINK OF THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS?

According to Guenther, though Mahmood never joined the Congress, he was “equally aloof” from the anti-Congress propaganda his father indulged in. “…a rare catholicity characterised his views on most of the controversial questions,” he writes. He adds, “His acceptance among the Hindus [elites] generally was demonstrated by the fact that they tried to send him as their representative to the Imperial Legislative Council, though he never received that appointment.”

Nonetheless, like his father, Mahmood harboured class and regional prejudices. Guenther reveals an article Mahmood wrote in The Pioneer on 4 September 1875, suggesting the government must strive to with the sympathies of the “higher classes of natives”. When challenged to defend his position by “Another Native” in the same newspaper two weeks later, Mahmood responded that people in Punjab and the North-western Provinces [now Uttar Pradesh] were, historically speaking, of “much greater political significance” than those of Lower Bengal. Gunther cites his write-up: “…any educational system that succeeded in ‘attracting the Bengalee and fail(ed) to exercise any influence upon the higher classes of the Rajpoot, the Sikh, and the Mussulman’ must be regarded as a failure.”

Considering the socio-regional composition of top functionaries of AMU, even impartial insiders would testify that it still harbours regional and sub-regional prejudices. The Sir Syed Academy is releasing many publications during the ongoing centenary celebration of AMU. Publishing Guenther’s dissertation may be a fitting tribute to Mahmood, who must be regarded as a prominent co-founder of MAO College.

Mohammad Sajjad teaches modern and contemporary Indian History at Aligarh Muslim University. Md. Zeeshan Ahmad is a lawyer based in Delhi. The views are personal.

First published by Newsclick.

source: http://www.theleaflet.in / The Leaflet / Home> History / by Mohammad Sajjad and Zeeshan Ahmad / April 01st, 2022

Remembering Syed Shahabuddin – Muslim Heart, Indian Mind

Ranchi (JHARKHAND) formerly BIHAR /  NEW DELHI :

His arrival on the political scene as an articulate Muslim leader was no ordinary event in the journey of the Indian republic.

Syed Shahabuddin, 1935-2017. Credit: Youtube
Syed Shahabuddin, 1935-2017. Credit: Youtube

Writing an obituary of the writer, diplomat and politician Syed Shahabuddin is actually an exercise in writing of the journey of Muslims in the Indian republic. The much maligned gentleman was somebody who could never be ignored. As a very bright student of physics in the academically brighter phase of Patna University in the first decade of India’s independence, he drew the attention of his teachers. The memoirs of his professors, Mohsin and Kalimuddin Ahmad, describe Shahabuddin’s promise in glowing terms. Soon thereafter, he became known for the leadership he provided to a student movement in 1955, including leading a 20,000-person march to wave black flags against Jawaharlal Nehru when he visited Patna – in protest against police firing on students.

He managed to get a job as a lecturer at the same time as qualifying for the civil services in 1957. He ranked second among all the aspirants, with a particularly high score in the interview section, and joined the Indian Foreign Service. Many delicious legends were fabricated around the kind of questions he was asked and his witty responses. His success not only inspired many students, but also helped overcome the trepidation among Muslims about their place in India after Partition.

While a section of Hindus looked upon Muslims as potential fifth columnists, a section of Muslims was also not very confident of the inclusionary-pluralist democracy that was being built up under Nehru. Notably, even as a student, Shahabuddin too was contributing towards this task of nation-building. With some ‘socialist’ leanings, though not formally with any party, his activism allowed certain critiques of the Nehruvian consensus to be heard.

He paid a price for this activism, though a minor one. Owing to Shahabuddin’s involvement in the student agitation of 1955, he had to wait for police/intelligence clearance and therefore could join the services a little later than his other batchmates. Legend has it that Nehru himself finally cleared the file.

In the late 1970s, the hegemony of the ruling Congress came be challenged by the socialists, Shahabuddin became restless within the confines of bureaucracy. He decided to quit government service and join politics.

Until then, Indian politics lacked a pan-Indian Muslim leader with well informed and articulate views. Although Maulana Azad had occupied an important position, he was part of the Nehruvian consensus and did not challenge it. Nor were academics looking at the worrying economic and educational locations of Muslim communities and their disproportionately inadequate share in the structures and processes of power. A few exceptions existed, such as the volume on castes among Muslims edited by Imtiaz Ahmad in the late 1960s and the works of Uma Kaura and Mushirul Hasan looking at the marginalisation of Muslims by the Congress under majoritarian pressures in 1970s, but these were rare.

None of the important dissenting voices in Indian democracy, whether Ram Manohar Lohia (1910-67), the defender of the lower castes, Jai Prakash Narayan (1902-79) nor the Left were paying attention to this issue.

Shahabuddin saw this vacuum in Indian politics and adventurously jumped in to fill it. His arrival on the scene as an articulate Muslim politician was no ordinary event in the journey of the Indian republic. As he stormed in, with his enviable articulation and abilities invoking constitutional values and spirit, he was almost matchless. He could not be dismissed, but he could be maligned as a sectarian, conservative and even communal reactionary. Often, he gave his critics grounds to do so. His stand on the gender issue in the Shah Bano case, where he stood on the side of the clerics, and on free speech, by asking for Salman Rushdie’s Satanic Verses to be banned are particularly problematic as the repercussions continue to play out today. On the issue of caste among India’s Muslims too, he was dismissive of pasmanda activists, although unlike many ‘reactionary’ Ashraaf, he never denied the reality of caste-based oppression and discrimination in Indian Islam.

His critics had little time for complexities and he was frequently clubbed with people like Maulana Bukhari, the Shahi Imam of Jama Masjid in Delhi, despite there being little to compare the two in either democratic legitimacy or point of view.

Throughout the 1980s and ’90s, Shahabuddin, through his English monthly, Muslim India, a journal of “Research, Reference and Documentation”, kept articulating and disseminating the concrete (as well as emotive) issues of concern to Indian Muslims, besides contributing  extremely powerful, informed and passionate editorials. Putting together news reports and views from across periodicals, the magazine also carried parliamentary speeches, interventions, government reports, book reviews, personality profiles and statistical data demonstrating the under-representation of Muslims in various sectors of the economy and employment, and many other crucial areas. This was done with candid, coherent, persuasive prose, laced with facts and figures, and at times beautified with apt Urdu couplets.

The title of the monthly he had chosen turned out to be provocative, as this expression is said to have been used in certain documents of the Muslim League in late colonial India. But the sharp (and cunning, if I may say) mind of Shahabuddin had a very strong defence in the English grammar. He explained that in the expression ‘Muslim India’, the former is  an adjective and the latter a noun. Thus, ‘Muslim India’ would grammatically put emphasis on the Indian identity of someone just happening to be Muslim. It was more patriotic than the expression ‘Indian Muslims’, wherein more emphasis was on Muslim (who happened to be Indian). Hence, he preferred ‘Muslim Indian’ to ‘Indian Muslim’.

Besides making interventions in a range of journalistic and academic periodicals, including even the ‘provocative’ English monthly, Debonair, Shahabuddin’s Muslim India carried very powerful editorials on almost every issue which touched the Muslim segment of Indian democracy. Nobody before and after him could muster that much of courage, conviction, energy and determination to do all these, that too all alone. Yet, he found enough time to reply to all the letters he received. He religiously wrote and dispatched letters.

The editorials that had particular impact are worth recalling. In July 1994, he wrote on Lalu Prasad Yadav’s brazen Yadavisation in Bihar at the expense of his core and unflinching support base – Muslims. The argument was well made, even by the standards of Shahabuddin’s characteristic articulation, with so much data damning the Lalu regime on almost every aspect of governance. Predictably, soon after, he left the Janata Dal. In July 2000, he published another editorial on the problems of governance at the Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) and their possible remedies. This was meant as advice from a senior IFS officer to a junior one, Hamid Ansari, who had joined as the vice chancellor of AMU. Yet another important editorial was on the 1988 Act making Jamia Millia Islamia (JMI) a central university. He called the Act a “swansong” for JMI. He later expanded this editorial and wrote a long essay,  ‘How to revive the spirit of Jamia Millia ‘,  in the Milli Gazette in 2010. Focussing on the AMU Act 1981, the lawyer in him kept arguing that the legislated Act did not provide AMU with minority status, though it did have minority character.

In the final years of his life, many of his projects remained unfinished. The tragic and mysterious murder of his only son Parwez (an IIT alumnus and a promising scientist) in the US in 2005 had perhaps broken him from within, even though he did carry on with his life as bravely as ever. He never got around to finishing it but the title he chose for his autobiography was Muslim Heart, Indian Mind. Perhaps that is the best way to remember him by.

Mohammad Sajjad is an associate professor at the Centre of Advanced Study in History at Aligarh Muslim University and the author of Muslim Politics in Bihar: Changing Contours.

source:  http://www.thewire.in / The Wire / Home> Politics / by Mohammad Sajjad / March 09th, 2017