Dr Rakhshanda Roohi Mehdi, prominent fiction writer and a teacher of Syed Abid Hussain Senior Secondary School, Jamia Millia Islamia New Delhi has bagged the prestigious Hamid Saeed Khan Award of Madhya Pradesh Urdu Academy for her Urdu short story collection titled “Monsoon Store” and will receive Rs.51,000/- as award money.
This award recognizes the efforts of progressive women and the exceptional achievements of women who have broken barriers and demonstrated outstanding skills in their respective fields.
JMI Vice Chancellor Prof. Najma Akhtar congratulated Dr Rakshanda Roohi for her great achievements and wished her good luck for her future endeavours.
Dr. Rakhshanda said, “I am deeply honored and grateful to have been selected for this award. I am passionate about my writing and this award truly reflects what I believe in – a woman’s courage and her strong role in improving lives. I am committed to continue my efforts and empower women in the society”.
Apart from “Monsoon Store”, Rakhshanda has also penned another Urdu short story collection “Magar aik shaakh e nihaal e gham”. She has also written “Aik khwab jaagti ankhon ka”, a Hindi short story collection and one Book on Sufism named “Alakhdas.”
She has also translated two novels namely “Aakhri Swariyan” and a Pakistani novel titled “Naulakhi Kothi” in Hindi from Urdu.
Earlier, DD Urdu has broadcasted a tele film “Chilman k paar” which was based on her story named “Bahut sambhala wafa ka paiman magar…”.
A play “Kahan hai Manzil e Raah e tamanna” on her story has been staged in Ram Lal Bhawan New Delhi.
In addition to this, she has authored many articles which have been published in renowned magazines and newspapers. She is a regular participant of talk shows and story narrations of All India Radio and DD Urdu.
She has been honored with many other awards for her literary work.
source: http://www.ismatimes.com / Isma Times / Home> Country> National / by Afzal Shah Madudi (headline edited) /May 03rd, 2023
Maulana Yaseen Akhtar Misbahi, a renowned Islamic scholar who was affiliated with the Ahle Sunnat Barelvi organization Raza Academy, passed away on May 7th, Sunday.
Misbahi was a prominent figure in the Indian Muslim community, who held several important positions throughout his career. He served as a member of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board and was in charge of the Darul Qalam Madrassa. Additionally, he founded the Qadri Mosque in Zakir Nagar, New Delhi and was previously an Urdu journalist who edited the Kanzul Iman monthly magazine in Delhi.
During the Shah Bano case in 1985, Misbahi was elected as the vice president of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board, where he advocated for the protection of Shariat. He led various political and social demonstrations to safeguard the rights of Indian Muslims.
Furthermore, Misbahi was a prolific writer who authored numerous books on various Islamic and Muslim issues in India.
source: http://www.muslimmirror.com / Muslim Mirror / Home> Indian Muslim> Religion / by Muslim Mirror Staff / May 08th, 2023
Ebrahim Ismail Ebrahim served time on Robben Island as a political prisoner alongside Nelson Mandela.
Dr Aboubaker Ebrahim Dangor is known for his ground-breaking physics research.
National Orders winners (Photo | Presidency | South Africa Twitter)
Johannesburg :
Two South African Indian-origin citizens, the late struggle icon Ebrahim Ismail Ebrahim and scientist Dr Aboubaker Ebrahim Dangor, were among the many recipients of National Orders when President Cyril Ramaphosa hosted the annual event in Pretoria on Friday.
National Orders are the highest awards that South Africa country bestows on its citizens and eminent foreign nationals who have contributed towards the advancement of democracy and have made a significant impact on improving the lives of South Africans.
The National Orders also recognise the contributions made by individuals towards building a non-racial, non-sexist, democratic and prosperous South Africa as envisaged in our Constitution.
Popularly known as ‘Ebie’, Ebrahim passed away after a long illness in December 2019, shortly before his autobiography ‘Beyond Fear — Reflections of a Freedom Fighter’ was released by his wife Shannon.
Ebrahim served time on Robben Island as a political prisoner alongside Nelson Mandela, Ahmed Kathrada and others.
After his father was arrested twice for defying laws that restricted the movement of Indians in South Africa, he joined the liberation struggle at the age of 13.
Ebrahim often shared how he had been inspired by the Satyagraha style of Mahatma Gandhi, which he used in his passionate representation of the ANC in global conflict situations in Sri Lanka, Palestine, Rwanda, Kosovo, Bolivia and Nepal.
After his release, Ebrahim went into exile to continue his work with the ANC, but was abducted by apartheid-era security police from neighbouring Swaziland, tortured and sentenced to a second term on Robben Island. He obtained two university degrees while on Robben Island.
After the release of all political prisoners and the election of Mandela as South Africa’s first democratic president, Ebrahim served in various capacities, including as Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs and Parliamentary Counsellor to Mandela.
Ebrahim’s citation said he was receiving the Order of Luthuli in Gold for his lifelong commitment to the liberation of all South Africans. “He lived by the courage of his conviction and became a formidable opponent to the repressive apartheid government,” it read.
Shannon Ebrahim described her late husband as a “gentle giant, even to his family.”
“He inspired us with his undiluted moral values, his absolute commitment to transform South Africa for the better (even beyond political liberation), and his willingness to engage warring factions in conflicts around the world as a peacemaker. He was the essence of humility and never expected recognition for any of the hardships he endured throughout his life in the cause for freedom,” she said.
His one hope was that South Africans would read his memoir “Beyond Fear” to better understand what revolutionaries of his generation went through to bring about a new South Africa, his wife added.
“(Our children) Sarah, Kadin and I miss him dearly, but will always cherish his legacy,” she said.
“Dr Dangor was awarded the Order of Luthuli in Silver — for his admirable and distinguished contribution to the field of science through his ground-breaking research in physics,” his citation read.
Dangor has been based in the UK since he went there to continue his studies after getting his first Honours degree at Wits University in 1961.
He could not return home permanently because the white minority apartheid government denied entry to his wife from Bermuda, as she was of Black descent.
Widely published in academic journals, Dangor has also overseen scores of doctorate candidates in his career.
“It is particularly humbling for me that the first recipient of the Award was Nelson Mandela, our first post-apartheid president. I hope that being the recipient of this award will encourage the youth in the sciences in South Africa,” Dangor said.
Dangor’s niece, Zubeda Dangor, founder and director of Nisaa Institute for Women in Johannesburg, said he was very shy and did not like the limelight.
He could not attend the ceremony and his award was accepted by his grandnephew Mohammed Raees Dangor.
source: http://www.newindianexpress.com / The New Indian Express / Home> World / by PTI / April 30th, 2023
Vidhana Parishad Speaker Basavaraja C.Horatti releasing Book on ‘Contribution of Muslims in Kannada literature’
Basavaraja C.Horatti, Hon’ble Speaker of Vidhana Parishad of Karnataka Government has released a new book in Kannada, Kannada Sahityadalli Muslim Samvedane which means ‘Contribution of Muslim Writers to Kannada Literature’.
The book was released at a colourful function at the ‘Cochin Kannada Cultural Festival 2023’ which was promoted by joint auspices of Kannada Sangha Cochin, Kasaragod District Kannada Journa lists Association, Karnataka Border Area Development Authority, and Karnataka Working Journalists Association.
Kannada speaking masses in Ernakulum and various parts of kerala and Karnataka attended the festival in large.
The convention featured symposium, many cultural programs and a parade.
source: http://www.muslimmirror.com / Muslim Mirror / Home> Indian Muslim> Literature / by Muslim Mirror Network / May 08th, 2023
Muslims in Indian Cities: Trajectories of MarginalisationEdited by Lauren Gayer and Christophe Jaffrelot (London: Hurst & Company.
This book puts together researches on Muslims in India in a dozen Indian cities bringing out their sociological as well as topographical profiles. Various case studies in the volume locate Muslims in Indian cities and examine the ‘ghettoisation thesis’ and look into the Muslim localities and the way they relate to the wider reality of their city. The studies employ both qualitative and quantitative methods; some provide ethnographic profiles of the urban settlements. The profiles outline the marginalization of Indian Muslims in terms of economic deprivation aggravated by physical insecurity and their increasing socio-spatial segregation.
The studies clarify that Muslims in India do not form an internally homogenous block. The research is able to disaggregate the community in terms of caste and class as well as in terms of urban/rural divide. The Dalit Christians, the Dalit Muslims are not officially recognized and therefore do not benefit from the state’s affirmative action extended through reservations. The charitable donations in the form of zakāt lead to some redistribution, but this does not replace or make up for state intervention.
The ‘Unwanted in My City’—the making of a ‘Muslim Slum’ in Mumbai (Qudsiya Contractor) is an account of the formation of a Muslim Slum as a peripheral life space in Shivaji Nagar in terms of the ethnography of everyday life. The focus is laid on how the blurring of the boundaries between the everyday spatial practices of the state and the Hindu right takes place via the experiences of the people. The paper further describes how these exclusionary practices are countered by the Muslim community.
There is an unintended (not so negative) consequence of the process of ghettoization in the ‘riot-city’ of Ahmedabad (Christophe Jaffrelot and Charlotte Thomas). It placed Muslims in a majority position, where they could elect their representatives and, secondly, the regrouping of Muslims from different backgrounds has endowed the local commoners with a local elite who could campaign around safety and organize themselves for self-help development involving education. This account has parallels in the city of Ramganj, Jaipur (Gayatri Jai Singh Rathore), where the lower class were able to mobilize themselves to address issues in the field of education and politics by starting up schools and creating their own political party. Such mobilization could earn official recognition as well as gains in education and political awareness.
The account of the Shiʿa of Kashmiri mohalla, Lucknow (Gilles Verniers) highlights how the draining away of the new Shiʿi elite has contributed to the marginalization of those who stay behind. This transformation may be interpreted against the backdrop of the Shiʿa–Sunni divide. Those who emigrate escape their minority status and disperse without identity within the wider population. Another city, Aligarh, also riot-prone on account of the Hindu–Muslim divide, has a heterogeneous Muslim population and defies simple conclusions regarding its residential pattern. In some sense, Aligarh’s Muslim population in Shah Jamal is compared with Ahmedabad. Aligarh represents the political and economic domination of the Hindu community, yet the city connects symbolically with Islam and the Indian Muslim community. The interface between the majority and the minority communities of the town is susceptible to political violence. Each round of communal conflict is followed by further fragmentation of the old city: Hindus living in Muslim-dominated areas and Muslims living in Hindu-majority localities emigrate, thereby supporting the communal segregation of the town.
The story of Muslims being pushed to the social periphery in Bhopal (Christophe Jaffrelot and Shazia Wulbers) resulted in the marginalization of Urdu and forced the old elite to join new professions, but they failed to remain well-represented in the elite groups. This decline is analysed in relation to the influx of Hindu newcomers and the rise to power of the Hindu nationalists, which spurred the communal riot in 1992. Against the background of Muslims’ suffering discrimination in the job market, they also harbour a feeling of victimization which confines them within the old city. This produces a situation where the Muslims in the walled city lag behind, while the mainstream population expands southward in Bhopal.
One variation upon the above account is to be found in Hyderabad (Neena Ambre Rao and S. Abdul Thaha), where Muslims seem to be ‘landlocked in the walled city’. In the background of its characteristic history, its economic and intellectual elites have left the scene. The political elite, however, seems to persist as the old city became a stronghold of the MIM (Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen) which has a decisive influence in the municipal elections. The riots during the 1980s to 90s stimulated the unmaking of the Hindu–Muslim mix areas, thus the old city became communally ‘pure’ in its Muslim population. The old city, being high on communal security, decays on account of its poor living conditions and lack of government provisions. The emerging elite that pledges to represent the people is hardly able to keep its promises regarding the improvement of the area. However, a growing awareness is built around the importance of education, leading to the emergence of the newly educated middle class. These changes in various directions internally produce a tension: on the one hand, MIM dominates politically, and on the other hand, Muslims suffer discrimination outside the old city. This situation awaits a proper assessment.
The account (by Laurent Gayer) of Abul Fazl Enclave in South Delhi shows that the middle-class Muslims who opt to settle in the area, represent a case of self-segregation rather than ghettoization. The area offers, in the perception of the community, greater physical and residential security. Living in a mixed locality, outside, evokes the issue of security in the experience of the community. This needs to be seen in the wider context of the experience of risk. At the same time parents send their children to schools outside the locality, in an attempt to follow a ‘counter-segregative’ strategy. This calls for a multifaceted interpretation in the making of an enclave in the locality.
The story of Muslims in Cuttack in the State of Orissa is different from the usual account, where Muslims feel unsafe and insecure in communally sensitive areas. The Muslim communities in Cuttack are able to coexist with non-Muslims through the practice of an age-old tradition of bhaichara (brotherhood). In spite of the feelings of security and stability, a majority of Muslims of Cuttack are socially marginalized. The account of Cuttack outlines its history as well as the emergence of syncretic cultural traditions at the popular level. At the same time, the story of backwardness and under-representation of Muslims in various spheres of society directs attention to the dynamics of internal reasons for social inequality, a case of a minority within the minority. One such section of the community, the Muslim butchers (qasai), engage in community initiatives and organize themselves against the apathy of the state as well as the caste hierarchy of the community. An interesting exception to the story of marginalized Muslim localities in urban India is brought out from Kozhikode, in the state of Kerala. Radhika Kanchana points out how the enclave of the Muslim community is part of the city’s foundational design and the medieval practice of spatial groupings of different communities on the basis of occupation and social status. The locality of Kuttichira remains a Muslim cluster without the negative tag of decline or marginalization. Here, Muslims choose to extend into the city’s mixed localities without leaving their specific cultural and geographic identity.
Aminah Mohammad-Arif’s account of Muslims in Bangalore, in relation to the data gathered from Shivaji Nagar, questions the notion of a ‘ghetto’ insofar as different communities belonging to different classes respond to different interests and do not exhibit a common pattern arising out of a self-conscious choice of living in ghetto. This is influenced by Shivaji Nagar’s religious diversity that spawns interactions across the communal divide.
In conclusion, the editors discern complex patterns in the state of marginalization among India’s urban Muslims. Ghettoization has its own dynamics. Socially, a new middle class is emerging along traditional economy lines but also beyond, say in the areas of agribusiness, information technology, pharmaceuticals, real estate, etc. Successful Muslim entrepreneurs hail from the lowest sections of Muslim communities. In some places ‘petro-dollar’ colonies have emerged. The trajectories of marginalization represent different patterns of segregation: mixed areas, enclaves, slums and ghettos. These patterns are formed along the lines of voluntary and enforced segregation. The element of choice becomes difficult to interpret especially where considerations of insecurity and discrimination are taken into account.
The collection of essays is helpful in providing a contemporary account of India’s urban Muslims and the extent to which the patterns respond to the way the Indian state, the majority community and the dynamics of the internal urge to move upward intertwine. The diverse accounts add to the social mosaic of Muslims in India. The volume is an important reference for researches on Muslims in contemporary India.
by: Mohammad Talib, Journal of Islamic Studies, Volume 26, Issue 1, January 2015, Pages 88–91
source: http://www.academic.oup.com / Oxford Academic – Journal of Islamic Studies / by Mohammad Talib / September 29th, 2014
Wealth of Muslim community and government spending on the rituals of Islam for centuries would have been better utilized for establishing universities and technical and research institutes.
Title: The Scientific Muslim: Understanding Islam in a New Light
Author: Mohammad Aslam Parvaiz
Publishers: Konark Publishers
Pages: 184
Price: Rs 595
These are undoubtedly troubled times for India. Never before were the minorities, Muslims in particular, made to face such vicious communal hostility. The Hindu rightwing is at its aggressive best, combining facts with fiction to attack almost everything Muslims hold dear – their prayers, festivals, dress, even cuisine. Muslims are constantly provoked. If they respond even verbally, they face more wrath. It could not have been worse.
Hats off to Mohammad Aslam Parvaiz for coming out with his book on the problems Islam faces now. No, this is not a book about how to deal with Hindutva forces; far from it. A man of science, Parvaiz complains that Muslims across the world have jettisoned Islam’s true nature by sticking to parts of the Quran while ignoring much of what it says on how one must lead one’s life.
As a student of spirituality, I am convinced that the book will make waves in India and much of the Islamic world.
Ignoring Quran
The Quran, the author says, tells people how to lead a peaceful and meaningful life. While it asks those who read it to understand and explore nature, these intellectual pursuits are almost missing in those who claim the Quran to be their guidebook.
Parvaiz moans that Muslims born in Muslim households are taught to ‘read’ Quran without understanding it. Over the last many centuries, Muslim society has cherry-picked certain verses of Quran as binding on them. These include five-time prayers, fasting during Ramzan, offering ‘zakat’ and making a pilgrimage to Mecca. The Quran, he says, is much more. By deserting the Quran, “we ‘Muslims’ have deserted Islam”.
This is the main reason the Muslim society seems to have turned its back to scientific principles in which it once excelled, giving a tough competition to Europe. A sizeable section of Muslims even feels that contemporary education churns out atheists. The result? Ignorance about Quranic teachings coupled with limited ‘religiosity’ has led to the curriculum which is followed in most madrasas today.
In the process, Muslims are widely misunderstood by others. Non-Muslims think a Muslim must be one who sports a beard and a skull cap, goes to a mosque to pray five times a day and slaughters animals to eat. But these are visible symbols. Parvaiz contends that the one who follows the guidance given in the Quran and grooms himself accordingly is alone a true Muslim.
Also, some Muslim rulers had a knack of not tolerating any criticism about themselves or their religious beliefs. Consequently, wars and persistent battles rendered the once-prized academic atmosphere unfavourable.
Based on the Quran, Muslims must draw a road map for acquiring knowledge in every sphere and put it to the service of humanity. Parvaiz details what all the Quran says for human betterment. For instance, it underlines that one must meet his needs judiciously and avoid extravagance. As long as the Muslim followed the divine way, they ruled over the world and promoted justice, equity, peace and public welfare. When they began to neglect the Quranic system, it led to their disgrace and humiliation.
Islamic decline
Unfortunately, Muslims are at present unable to understand or act on the Quran. According to the author, the wealth of the Muslim community and government spending on the rituals of Islam for centuries would have been better utilized for establishing universities and technical and research institutes.
The absence of these is a key reason for the decline of Muslims as a productive part of the society or country where they live. “Their love for wealth, progeny and glory have made them indifferent to patronizing knowledge… It is time that we transcend sectarianism and shed false notions about our understanding of Islam and our intellectualism.”
According to the author, one reason why Muslims were hooked to a ritualistic lifestyle is because of the birth of a plethora of confusing and contradicting literature based on different sects that began to flourish. Slowly, Islam began to get diluted.
Also, some Muslim rulers had a knack of not tolerating any criticism about themselves or their religious beliefs. Consequently, wars and persistent battles rendered the once-prized academic atmosphere unfavourable. Muslim mobs in 1857 plundered the library of Delhi College, tearing apart books on English and science; Arabic and Persian books were looted.
Parvaiz without doubt has complete faith in the Quran. Yet he tears to shreds those who he feels are following it selectively, ignoring all that it has said about how to be in tune with Divine creations. “Soulless rituals cannot provide any food for thought. These may arouse our sentiments. Yet they cannot produce those Muslims who may lead communities of the world.”
He goes on: “Today, Muslim localities are notorious for their filth and rubbish. We throw all rubbish outside our homes and shops. The drainage system is rotten. We encroach upon roads, making life difficult for everyone. We erect all sorts of barriers on roads. We generate various forms of disorder. The industrial smoke coming out of small- scale work units in every house and alley adversely affect the entire atmosphere. All this amounts to disobeying God’s commands.” (It is another matter that much of what the author says about Muslim neighbourhoods can be said to be true for areas populated by other communities in India too.)
Way forward
Parvaiz explains what needs to be done. “Water, air, earth and all that is inside the planet are God’s signs. As Muslims we should not even think of disrespecting or destroying these signs.” His complaint is not directed at one section or country of Muslims. “No group, community or country of Muslims has ever prepared its progress model which is in accordance with the Quranic principles of justice, equity and selfless service.”
God, he says, has subjected everything to His laws. Indeed, all creatures who abide by divine commands can be called believers. Lip service and verbal claims alone will not and cannot help Muslims discharge their duty towards God. In real life, humans who are blessed by God seek to hold and hoard resources provided to them. Ownership and monopoly, he warns, are satanic concepts.
Parvaiz feels that the time has come to free Muslim educational agenda from religious and sectarian bias. Muslims should welcome all beneficial branches of knowledge. Character development has to be encouraged. One needs to train and produce Muslims who will follow Islam in full and not confine it to only a mosque or prayers.
“Islam will be their guide and mentor in every activity of life. This is the Muslim community which lost its way one thousand years ago.”
Non-Muslims too must read this eye-opener of a book as much as Muslims.
(The reviewer is a veteran journalist and author)
(Published under an arrangement with South Asia Monitor)
source: http://www.thenewsagency.in / The News Agency / Home> News Pops> India / by M R Narayan Swamy / April 28th, 2022
Indian Muslims are having their own ‘spring’. It may not have the shape of an organised movement, and we may not see people going around waving banners or picketing ‘mullahs’, but it is genuine, widespread, and it looks like it is here to stay.
pic: Amazon
Editor’s note: Firstpost contributor Hassan Suroor has written a book that looks at the Muslim community in India today. He explores and dismantles the stereotypes and holds up a mirror to their reality. Here’s an excerpt from Suroor’s India’s Muslim Spring: Why is Nobody Talking About It?
Let me confess that this is not the book I set out to write. The book I had in mind was about the unchanging face of Muslim fundamentalism in India. But barely a few weeks into research, I discovered I was completely on the wrong track. The big story staring me in the face was quite the opposite— far from flourishing, Muslim fundamentalism was actually dying a slow death. As I travelled across the country and spoke to people, I found that over the past decade there had been a profound change in the Muslim mindset. Today’s Indian Muslim, I discovered, was altogether a different species—educated, aware, wiser, less sectarian and more pragmatic ….
Away from the sensational headlines about Islamic extremism, a quiet revolution is taking place. The Muslim discourse has moved on from an obsessive focus on sectarian demands (does anyone remember the last big debate on Muslim Personal Law, for example?) to the more secular bread-and-butter issues. Where once the dinner table talk in Muslim households was unremittingly negative and pessimistic (it was all about how Muslims were being ‘crushed’ and trampled upon, and had no future in India), today it is about change and looking forward. There is a new optimism abroad that is hard to miss. What is significant is that the change is being urged upon not by the usual suspects—the agnostic left-wing Muslim intellectuals…— but by ‘gold-plated’ practising Muslims, deeply conscious of their Muslim identity and unapologetic about flaunting it.
There is a new generation of Muslims who want to rid the community of its insular and sectarian approach by concentrating on things that affect their everyday lives: education, jobs, housing, security. They despair of mullahs and self-styled Muslim ‘leaders’. And they speak a language that is modern and forward-looking. Their interpretation of Islam stresses inclusion and tolerance. They abhor the use of violence in the name of Islam. They may not be wildly enthusiastic about the western notion of free speech and … some even tend to share the conspiracy theories about Salman Rushdie’s alleged motives [behind writing The Satanic Verses], but they condemn the campaign of intimidation and harassment to which he has been subjected in the name of ‘defending’ Islam and the Prophet. They are embarrassed by such antics which, they say, bring shame to the community and, indeed, Islam itself. There is a feeling of having been let down by previous generations—their parents, grandparents—who they believe were too timid to challenge the fundamentalists. ‘We want to draw a line under all that and move on,’ is a common refrain.
Notably, it is the young women, often in ‘hijab’, who are driving the change. Contrary to the stereotyped image of the ‘Muslim woman’, they are educated, articulate, conscious of their rights and have aspirations that are no different from those of any other modern Indian woman. I found them more progressive in many respects than their male peers. And their struggle is greater as they are engaged, simultaneously, on two fronts—challenging the male Muslim orthodoxy and fighting for a wider change in the community that they hope would alter the prevailing negative perceptions of Muslims.
Paradoxically, at one level this is also perhaps the most religious post-independence generation of Indian Muslims … . More Muslim youth wear beards today than ever before and young Muslim women proudly show off their ‘hijabs’. … Yet, it is also the most open-minded and self-confident generation; and—most importantly—optimistic about its future in India. India is their home and this is where they see their future.
‘It is the best place in the world,’ is a phrase that I heard over again and again. For all the talk of Muslim ‘alienation’, today’s young Muslims are remarkably well-integrated … . Today’s young see no contradiction in being proud practicing Muslims and proud secular Indians. They find it insulting to be asked whether they regard themselves as Muslims first or Indians first. To them the question smacks of the questioner’s own prejudices. On the Muslim street, it is dismissed as a ‘bogus’ debate contrived to force Muslims to choose between their religion and their country—a choice that Hindus are not asked to make.
‘It is a false choice that we are asked to make. Call me an Indian Muslim or a Muslim Indian, it makes no difference. When I’m abroad and people ask me my nationality I simply say I’m an Indian, but when they ask me my religion I say I’m Muslim. It’s as simple as that. There is no question of one taking priority over the other,’ said Ishrat Jahan, a hotel executive.
… Indian Muslims are having their own ‘spring’. It may not have the shape of an organised movement, and we may not see people going around waving banners or picketing ‘mullahs’, but it is genuine, widespread, and it looks like it is here to stay. The media has largely ignored the change that is sweeping India’s Muslim community and continues to play up the extreme voices because they make ‘news’. Yet, five or ten years from now, it might realise that it missed the biggest story of its time unfolding right under its nose.
Living through the worst phase of Indian Muslim fundamentalism from the 1970s through to the 1990s, I never thought I would live to write its obituary. The depressing prospect of having to live the rest of my life in a climate of competitive Muslim-Hindu fundamentalism, feeding on each other in a toxic double act, was one reason why at an age when many migrants contemplate returning ‘home’, I decided to take a break from India and moved to Britain. I simply couldn’t take it anymore.
At one extreme, there was the creeping ‘Hindutva-isation’ of India with a resurgent Hindu Right flexing its muscles, and at the other, a wave of Muslim fundamentalism dragging the whole community into a long dark tunnel of isolation… . With such friends, Muslims didn’t need external enemies. … The Babri Masjid fiasco was as much the doing of chest-thumping Muslim ‘leadership’ as it was a calculated act by the right-wing Hindu middle class, to humiliate Muslims. Arbitrary ‘fatwas’ based on the most regressive of interpretations of Islam were commonplace. I heard of more fatwas in the 1990s than I had in the previous half century. Those who didn’t agree with the fundamentalist view were denounced, portrayed as closet ‘RSS stooge’, and hounded.
That was then. A decade later, there is a sea change, thanks to the coming of age of a new generation of Muslims—less excitable and wiser—having learnt from the follies of their predecessors. And certainly more realistic about their place in a Hindu-majority India. All you need to do is to get out a bit more, talk to people, listen to the voices around you, and you’ll discover how refreshing the air smells today … .
India’s Muslim Spring: Why Is Nobody Talking About It?, by Hasan Suroor (Rupa, Rs 395).
source: http://www.firstpost.com / First Post / Home> Living / by Hassan Suroor / January 24th, 2014
Abdul Bari is not a name that many Indians remember, but Munawwar, a committee member of the Tata Motor Workers’ Union in Jamshedpur, Jharkhand, holds the name in high esteem.
“I don’t see a leader like Abdul Bari [coming up] in the near future,” he said. “It is because of his efforts that we still get high tea at just six paisa.”
“Once, Bari went to the Tatas and he was offered tea. He asked them to first offer it to the workers, and then made an agreement which is still benefitting us. Upma, aloo chaap, samosa all for six paisa in the company’s canteens.”
Asked how they pay six paisa when currency that small no longer exists, he says, “We get token of Rs 2 or more and keep using it for weeks.”
Munawwar visits Bari’s grave every year on March 28, the death anniversary of the pre-independence labour leader, to offer flowers. This duty, he says, was assigned to him by the Tatas.
Thinking of labour in the days of capital
Despite the large numbers of workers who struggle to earn a square meal a day, major political parties remain hostile towards them. In the 55-page Congress manifesto, the words ‘worker’ or ‘workers’ appear 15 times; in the BJP’s 45-page manifesto, the words appears only five times – four while referring to Asha and anganwadi workers. ‘Labour’ figures 21 times in the Congress manifesto, and only twice in the BJP’s.
The Congress does talk about ending the workers’ exploitation and improving working conditions. The party’s manifesto details new schemes and promises to implement old ones related to organised, unorganised and contractual labour. But it is anyone’s guess how schemes that have been on hold for so long will suddenly spring to life.
Dilip Simeon, a founding member of the Association of Indian Labour Historians and former professor of history at Ramjas College, says that nobody talks about labour now because “in today’s context, the labour movement is influenced by communal sentiments”.
“If labour is with the BMS [Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh] and Shiv Sena, then this is the weakness of the movement; if the labour movement wants to regain its power, then it has to face this challenge.”
Before independence, Simeon says, regardless of community, “leaders came together to advance the struggle of workers in India. Abdul Bari, Maneck Homi and Hazara Singh were their leaders. A Muslim, a Parsi and a Sikh could all be leaders of a workers’ movement.”
“Abdul Bari was so trusted that workers would start their protest first and then ask –what’s our demand?”
Bari was born in 1882, in Bihar’s Shahabad district. He was a student at Patna University in 1919 and was later appointed as a professor of history there, before he started studying law.
He quit to join the Khilafat movement, and actively participated in Gandhi’s civil disobedience movement and salt satyagraha. Bari did not restrict himself to the cause of one social group; he supported several political parties, including the Socialist Party and Swaraj Party, in parallel with the Congress. In addition, he was the voice of the labour movement in India and president of the Jamshedpur Tata Workers’ Union.
What Gandhi said about Bari
The journalist Afroz Alam Sahil has written a book on Abdul Bari, Professor Abdul Bari: Azaadi ki Ladaai Ka Ek Krantikaari Yodhha (Professor Abdul Bari: A Revolutionary Warrior of the Freedom Struggle). The author reveals several stories which won’t be found Indian history books. One such story is around Bari’s mysterious murder, and Gandhi’s reaction to it.
According to a report published by the Times of India on March 31, 1947, Bari was shot dead in the evening of March 28 while on his way home from Khushrupur, 24 miles from Patna. He was then the president of the Bihar Provincial Congress Committee. Following his death, a complete strike was observed, and Tata closed all its plants except essential ones.
Gandhi, in a speech on March 29, 1947, mentioned that he was struck by Bari’s simplicity and honesty. Gandhi added that he was planning to be more closely associated with Bari, and make an appeal to keep his short temper in check as it was not befitting of the highest office in Bihar. Gandhi referred to Bari in the same speech as “a very brave man with the heart of a fakir”. He declared that Bari’s death was the result of an altercation that had ensued between Bari and one Gurkha member of the anti-smuggling force, who was a former member of the Indian National Army.
The author mentions in this book that Bihar’s first Prime Minister (Premium) Barrister Muhammad Yunus had disclosed in an interview to the Orient Press of India that Bari had threatened to disclose the names of some prominent Congress leaders who were involved in the Bihar carnage – just three days before he was killed.
Yunus also said that Gandhi’s statement was given in haste. In his speech, Gandhi had told the audience that there was no politics of any kind in the death, and that it would be unjustified to associate the whole Indian National Army with Bari’s killing just because of one man’s actions.
In another incident discussed in the book, Gandhi arrives at Fatuaha station near Patna in the early morning of March 5, 1947. He travelled from Calcutta to Patna. Bari, chief minister Srikrishna Sinha and others welcomed him on the platform. As soon as Gandhi saw Bari, he laughed and said, “How is it that you are still alive?”
“This book is an attempt at bringing back his identity not just as a leader of the labour movement but a prominent leader of the freedom struggle of India,” the author says. “Professor Bari was one of the biggest leaders of the labour struggle in India. But limiting his role to even that would be unjust, because he was present in every chapter of the independence movement….The speciality of Abdul Bari is that he questioned his own party Congress when it came to the rights of workers.”
In a speech, Bari said, “We are in Congress to serve the poor of this country not to respect Gandhi, Rajendra Babu and Shri Krishna Babu…Lakhs of Indians who walk with them are not there to make them kings but to achieve freedom for this country.”
According to Sahil, “He criticised Gandhi and Rajendra Prasad many times because he was wholeheartedly committed to this struggle. He wanted to organise an all India conference for workers. He had formed the All India Mazdoor Sevak Sangh. He mentioned this in a letter written by him to Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel on 22 June 1946.”
Why commemorate leaders like Bari today? Sahil has the answer. “Today when Muslim youth talk about Muslim representation, they must read more about Bari, the symbol of Hindu-Muslim unity, in order to understand their own political history and determine how it influences their future.”
Afshan Khan is a Delhi-based freelance journalist.
source: http://www.thewire.in / The Wire / Home> Analysis> Labour / by Afshan Syed (headline edited) / May 01st, 2019
Guru Dutt’s masterpiece ‘Pyaasa’ (1957), just before its soulful dirge on relationships, shows two poets reciting ‘shers’.
The elder one later also politely reprimands a guest for his snide remark at the “servant” (Dutt), who had begun humming “Jaane woh kaise log the..”, declaring: “Mian, shayri koi daulat-mando ke jagir thodi hai”. Though unnamed, his appearance, sher, and comment were enough to identify him.
Urdu Poetry and Social Reach
The unnamed actor was representing Ali Sikandar ‘Jigar Moradabadi’, who, in his heyday, was so known by his persona – an intense gaze but an air of absent-mindedness too, groomed beard but slightly unkempt long hair, traditional garb and courtly behaviour, as well as poetry, that he could be shown without being named.
‘Jigar’ is seen as the last standard-bearer of the classical ghazal, or the ghazal’s classical tradition, but was rather a ‘bridge’, between its highpoint in the mid-19th century and its transition to the 20th century and beyond.
He was also a connecting link between Urdu poetry and its widening social reach as the dialogue the character utters shows – and is followed by him encouraging Dutt to continue:
“Tum kuch keh rahe the, barkhurdar. Chup kyun ho gaye. Kaho, kaho..”
Jigar Moradabadi – Real Life
This was true in real life too – a young Jigar took instruction from Nawab Mirza Khan ‘Dagh Dehlvi’ – who had participated in mushairas with Ghalib and Zauq – and himself later, mentored poets like Asrar-ul-Hasan Khan ‘Majrooh Sultanpuri’, Jan Nisar Akhtar, and others.
And then like many contemporaries, he did not write for films, yet his work willy-nilly figured in them. While “Kaam aakhir jazba-e-beikhtiyar aa hi gaya/Dil kuch is surat se tadpa unko pyaar aa hi gaya” was used in ‘Pyaasa’, in ‘Daag’ (1952), the Hasrat Jaipuri-written “Ham dard ke maaron ka, itna hi fasana hai/Peene ko sharaab-e-gam, dil gam ka nishana hai” seemed inspired by his “Ham ishq ke maaron ka itna hi fasana hai/Rone ko nahi koi hasne ko zamana hai”.
Then, ‘Be-Raham’ (1980) used this sher – along with most of its ghazal which begins: “Ik lafz-e-mohabbat ka adna yeh fasana hai/Simte to dil-e-aashiq phaile to zamaana hai”. Another master sher in this is “Yeh ishq nahi aasan itna hi samajh lijiye/Ek aag ka darya hai aur dub ke jaana hai.”
Before that, Shyam Benegal’s ‘Junoon’ (1979), the 1857 drama starring Shashi Kapoor, used his ghazal, “Ishq ne todi sar par qayamat.”
How Jigar’s Prime Couplets became popular in films?
But, the prime example was how the prime couplet of ‘Jigar’ became most known to film buffs after actor Raj Kumar made it a dialogue, delivered in his bombastic, drawling style: “Ham ko mita sake yeh zamaane mein dam nahi/Ham se zamana khud hai zamaane se ham nahi.”
Born in April 1890 in Moradabad, ‘Jigar’ was the son of Syed Ali Nazar, who worked in the Law Department and was inclined to poetry too, being a disciple of Khwaja ‘Wazir Lakhnavi’.
After elementary education, including in English, he worked as a salesman for a local spectacles dealer. Later, he turned to poetry full-time, settling in the town of Gonda, where he found in noted poet Asghar Hussain ‘Asghar Gondvi’ a mentor of sorts. He was a familiar face in mushairas all over the country till the mid-1950s, when he began slightly distancing himself from shayri, ahead of his death in September 1960.
‘Jigar’, as mentioned, was a paladin of the classical tradition, and as such, his shayri usually dwelt on love and other facets of the human condition. As he said:
“Un ka jo farz hai vo ahl-e-siyasat jaane/Mera paigham hai mohabbat jahan tak pahunche.”
Yet, while he used the usual tropes associated with the topic, he imparted his own stamp on them with his own stylistic variations.
One of these was paradox. Take:
“Atish-e-ishq woh jahannum hai/Jis mein firdaus ke nazaare hai”, or “Kamaal-e-tishnagi hi se bujha lete hai pyaas apni/Isi tapte huye sahra ko ham darya samajhte hai”, or even “Mohabbat mein yeh kya maqam aa rahe hai/Ki manzil pe hai aur chale jaa rahe hai” and “Usi ko kehte hai jannat usi ko dozakh bhi/Woh zindagi jo haseenon ke darmiya guzre”.
“Abad agar dil na ho to barbad kijiye/Gulshan na ban sake to bayaban banaiye” is another example.
Then, ‘Jigar’ frequently resorted to some deft wordplay and situations: “Tere jamaal ki tasveer khinch doon lekin/Zabaan mein aankh nahi aankh mein zabaan nahi”, “Suna hai hashr mein aankh use be-parda dekhegi/Mujhe dar hai na tauheen-e-jamal-e-yaar ho jaaye”, and “Aghaaz-e-mohabbat ka anjaam bas itna hai/Jab dil mein tamanna thi ab dil hi tamanna hai.”
Vivid imagery was another strength: “Baithe huye raqeeb hai dilbar ke aas-paas/Kaaton ka hai hujum gul-e-tar ke aas-paas” and “Har taraf chaa gaye paigham-e-mohabbat ban kar/Mujh se achhi rahi qismat mere afsanon ki.”
And ‘Jigar’ could use rhetorical devices, like repetition to good effect, as in: “Dil hai kadmon par kisi ke sar jhuka ho ya na ho/Bandagi to apni fitrat hai Khuda ho ya na ho”, “Kabhi un mad-bhari aankho se piya tha ik jaam/Aaj tak hosh nahi, hosh nahi, hosh nai” and sometimes, alliteration: “Hai re majbooriyan mahroomiyan nakaamiyan/Ishq aakhi ishq hai tum kya karo ham kya karen.”
At other times, he could be engagingly simple: “Garche ahl-e-sharab hain ham log/Yeh na samjho kharab hain ham log”, or “Pehle sharab zeesht thi ab zeesht hai sharab/Koi pila raha hai piye ja raha hoon main.”
And a philosophical outlook can always be discerned. It may be active like: “Kya husn ne samjha hai kya ishq ne jaana hai/Ham khaak-nashinon ki thokar mein zamana hai” and “Apna zamana aap banate hai ahl-e-dil/Ham vo nahi jin ko zamana bana gaya”, or a bit resigned: “Jo un pe guzarti hai kis ne use jaana hai/Apni hi musibat hai apna hi fasaana hai”, “Maut kya ek lafz-e-bemaani/Jisko mara hayat ne maara”, and “Yeh misraa kaash naqsh-e-har-dar-o-deewar ho jaaye/Jise jina ho marne ke liye taiyar ho jaaye.”
There is much more to enjoy in the extensive corpus of ‘Jigar’, whose own epitaph could be: “Hami hab na honge to kya rang-e-mahfil/Kise dekh kar aap sharmaiyega.”
source: http://www.ummid.com / Ummid.com / Home> International / by Vikas Datta / IANS / April 16th, 2023
Nadvi has been the president of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board for the last 21 years.
President of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board Maulana Rabe Hasni Nadvi. (Photo | Twitter)
Lucknow :
President of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board Maulana Rabe Hasni Nadvi died here on Thursday after a prolonged illness.
Senior executive member of the board Maulana Khalid Rasheed Farangi Mahali told PTI that Maulana Rabe Hasni Nadvi died around 3.30 pm at the Lucknow-based Islamic Educational Institute Nadwatul Ulama (Nadwa).
Mahali said Nadvi had been brought to Lucknow from his ancestral home in Raebareli four days ago as he was suffering from pneumonia.
He is survived by three daughters.
Nadvi has been the president of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board for the last 21 years.
His farewell prayers will be held at 10 pm in Nadwa and the body will be laid to rest in Raebareli on Friday.
source: http://www.newindianexpress.com / The New Indian Express / Home> Nation / by PTI / April 13th, 2023
