Puttagram (North Arcot District, TAMIL NADU / NEW DELHI :
Moulana Syed Jalaluddin Umri
Renowned Islamic scholar Maulana Syed Jalaluddin Umri has passed away in Delhi at 8:30 pm Friday. He was 87.
Maulana Umri was president of Jamaat e Islami Hind for consecutive three terms( 2007-19).
Maulana Umri was born in 1935 in a village called Puttagram, District of North Arcot, Tamil Nadu, British India. He was a graduate of Jamia Darussalam, Oomerabad, Tamil Nadu. He recieved a master’s degree in Islamic Studies from Jamia Darussalam. He also received a bachelor’s degree in English literature from Aligarh Muslim University
Maulana Umri began his association with Jamaat-e-Islami Hind during his student years. After completing his studies, he dedicated himself to its research department. He officially became its member in 1956. He served as the city Ameer of Jama’at of Aligarh for a decade, and the editor of its monthly Zindagi-e-Nau for five years. Later, the Jama’at elected him to its All-India deputy Ameer, which he served for four consecutive terms (sixteen years). In 2007, the Jama’at’s Central Council of Representatives elected him its Ameer (Chief). He was again re-elected as Jama’at’s Ameer
Maulana Umri was elected as Ameer, Jamaat-e-Islami Hind for the fourth term (April 2015 – March 2019).
Jalaluddin Umri was widely-considered, among the Islamic circles of India, an authority on human rights and Muslim family system.
Jalaluddin Umri had written over two dozen books which were translated various languages:
Maroof wa Munkar
Islam ki Dawat
Musalman Aurat ke Huquuq aur Un par aeterazaat ka Jaiza (Rights of Muslim Women – A Critique of the Objections)
SeHat-o-marz aur Islam ki Taleemat
Islam meN khidmat-e-khalq ka Tasawwur (Social Service in Islam)
Inabat Ilallah
Sabeele Rab
Islam Aur Manav Adhikkar
State of Our Community and Nation and Our Responsibilities.
source: http://www.muslimmirror.com / Muslim Mirrror / Home> Obituary / by Muslim Mirror Desk / August 26th, 2022
The book “Aligarh Muslim University: The Making of the Modern Indian Muslim” by Mohammed Wajihuddin sheds light on AMU and its role in determining where the Muslim community stands in modern-day India.
The Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) completed a hundred years in December 2020. In December 1920, the Mohammedan Anglo Oriental (MAO) College founded by Sir Syed Ahmed Khan in 1877, was transformed into AMU. Sir Syed also established the All India Mohammedan Educational Conference to infuse the subcontinent’s Muslims with a spirit of modernism. This helped prepare the community, devastated in the aftermath of the Revolt of 1857, for new challenges.
Zakir Hussain, AMU alumnus, its former Vice-Chancellor and a former President of India, said over fifty years ago, ‘The way Aligarh participates in various walks of national life will determine the place of Muslims in India’s national life. The way India conducts itself towards Aligarh will determine largely, the form which our national life will acquire in the future.’
Read an excerpt from the book below.
With AMU turning a hundred, one is beholden to the MAO College Fund Committee’s first meeting on 10 February 1873. The fund committee was formed a year earlier, in 1872. Addressing the meeting, Syed Ahmad Khan’s son Syed Mahmood (1850–1903), had said: ‘I think what we mean to found is not a College but a university, and I hope the members will consent to my proposal that instead of the word “College”, the word “University” may be substituted.’
Since the formal opening of MAO College was getting delayed, the fund committee began a school called Madrasatul Uloom Musalmanan-e-Hind on 24 May 1875 at Aligarh. The school was a precursor to MAO College, which metamorphosed into AMU in 1920, and during whose foundation-stone-laying ceremony on 8 January 1877, presided over by Viceroy of India Lord Lytton, Sir Syed had observed:
… this is the first time in the history of Muhammedans of India that a college owes its establishment not to the charity or love of learning of an individual nor to the splendid patronage of a monarch, but to the combined wishes and the united efforts of a whole community. It has its origin in causes which the history of this country has never witnessed before.
So, what were the causes Sir Syed alluded to?
The large-scale killings and destruction in the wake of the failed 1857 Mutiny had unsettled Sir Syed, a judicial official in the East India Company. Muslims, who had borne the brunt of British repression heavily because the British held them responsible for the rebellion, had become fatalists. Irrationality, an obsession with obsolete and redundant social mores, rigidity in religious practices and a refusal to adapt to the new realities made them misfits in the era that the British Raj heralded. On close scrutiny, Sir Syed found that the reasons for the Muslims’ unfathomable desolation lay mainly in their educational backwardness and resistance to modern, scientific thinking. Therefore, he saw a panacea for the community in modern, scientific learning. He began thinking about ways and means to bring his community out of the stupendous self-pity it wallowed in.
A visit to England in 1869 enabled Sir Syed to see first-hand the education system of the West, including that at Oxford and Cambridge. With the dream of an Indian college modelled on Oxbridge before his eyes, he returned to India and set out to realize that cherished dream. He quit his job in Benares and made Aligarh, then a small mofussil town 100 miles off Delhi on the Delhi–Calcutta route, his home. Since Sir Syed had saved several family members, including women and children, of some senior British officials during the 1857 Mutiny from Indian rebels and was among the defenders of British rule in India, no roadblocks in his path to founding his college remained permanent.
In Aligarh, he set up a residential college which would become the heartbeat of Muslims, as well as of a large swathe of undivided India. Alongside the college project, Sir Syed began the herculean task of social and religious reform. For this he established the Tahzibul Akhlaq or Mohammedan Social Reformer, a magazine in Urdu, which began hitting at the obscurantist, obsolete views that fettered the community. Other magazines were specially published to counter the views spread by the Tahzibul Akhlaq. Some of Sir Syed’s religious views were unpalatable to the ulema and against accepted Islamic beliefs, and earned him the wrath of the orthodox elements in the community. He had to face the fury of fatwas. A maulvi even went all the way to Mecca to fetch a fatwa of kufr, declaring him an infidel. Sir Syed only chuckled at the serious drive to declare him a heretic, kafir or infidel, as it gave some of his tormentors an opportunity to visit Islam’s holiest places. Sir Syed’s debt to India in general and Muslims in particular lies not just in the college that he established but in the overall impact he left on the lives of Indians, especially Muslims.
Over 123 years after his death, Sir Syed is not considered a heretic, a naturi (one who propagated the belief that Islam is compatible with nature), a British stooge—epithets that some of his own community members hurled at him in his lifetime. Today, the orthodox ulema publicly say that Sir Syed, like any other person, is merely accountable to God for his lapses, and that his achievements and noble works outweigh his shortcomings and will pave his way to paradise.
Tomes have been penned on Sir Syed, MAO College, AMU and the movement Sir Syed and his associates like Mohsinul Mulk, Viqarul Mulk, Maulana Shibli Nomani, Maulana Zakaullah, Altaf Hussain Hali, Nazir Ahmad, and Chiragh Ali launched. This was called the Aligarh Movement, and it can only be described as the trigger for the Muslim renaissance in the subcontinent in late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It is easy to do a panegyric while evaluating the 100-year-long journey of a university which was born in the tumultuous times of India’s freedom struggle of the 1920s.
The circumstances in which Jamia Millia Islamia came up deserve some detailing. In 1920, Mahatma Gandhi gave a call for the boycott of government and government-aided schools and colleges. Muhammad Ali opposed MAO College as it was pro-government, since it received government grants. Gandhi, Muhammad Ali and Shaukat Ali tried to persuade the pro-government elements at Aligarh to join the nationalist movement and turn the college into a nationalist institution. The pro-government group at Aligarh opposed the presence of Gandhiji and the Ali brothers at the campus as they were trying to persuade students to join their movement. On 12 October 1920, Mahatma Gandhi addressed the students and left. But the real drama happened on 13 October, when the Ali brothers suddenly appeared at a meeting being held at the students’ union. Since they had been witness to Gandhiji being hooted and booed the previous day, the Ali brothers didn’t speak but said they had only come only to say goodbye to the students of their alma mater. And they wept too because they had seen Gandhiji being booed. Present there was also Zakir Hussain, who had done his MA in economics from AMU and was a part-time teacher at the university. Zakir Hussain had arrived from Delhi the same day; he was running a fever and didn’t want to speak. But he couldn’t hold back his own tears when he saw the Ali brothers weeping. He stood up and declared that he had decided to resign from his teaching assignment at MAO College and forego the scholarship being given to him. This tilted the balance and changed the mood. Many students joined him in boycotting government institutions. In his biography Dr Zakir Hussain, M. Mujeeb, a colleague and friend of the professor, says that Hussain went to Delhi, where he met Dr M.A. Ansari, Hakim Ajmal Khan, Muhammad Ali and many others and ‘assured them that a large number of teachers and students would leave the MAO College to join a national institution, if one was established. The leaders could ask for nothing better. On 29 October 1920, the Jamia Millia Islamia came into existence, and Maulana Mahmudul Hasan of Deoband delivered an address indicating its aims and ideals.’
Excerpted with permission from Aligarh Muslim University: The Making of the Modern Indian Muslim, Mohammed Wajihuddin, HarperCollins India. Read more about the book here and buy it here.
source: http://www.thedispatch.in / The Dispatch / Home> Book House / by Mohammed Wajihuddin / January 25th, 2022
Published by the Popular Front of India, “The Unsung Heroes of Indian Freedom Struggle” features the heroes and heroines who gave their blood and sweat for the country’s freedom, in brief but comprehensive illustrated biographies.
The book “The Unsung Heroes of Indian Freedom Struggle”, being released at a function in Kerala.
A book on lesser-known freedom fighters was released on August 15 in Kozhikode, Kerala.
The book features 75 heroes and heroines from the history of the Indian anti-colonial struggle, who gave their blood and sweat for the country’s freedom, in brief but comprehensive illustrated biographies.
Named “The Unsung Heroes of Indian Freedom Struggle”, the book, a befitting tribute to the 75th anniversary of India’s independence, was published by the Popular Front of India national committee as part of the organisation’s celebration of the 75 years of Independence.
Releasing the book at a function at IOS Hall, Meenchantha, Kozhikode, Popular Front of India Chairman O M A Salam said that the celebration of Independence Day should be about commemorating the legendary history of our forefathers who achieved freedom with their life and blood.
“It is not just a ritual to be performed. Celebration of the Independence Day should convey a message to society,” he contended.
Pointing out the attempts being made to distort the freedom struggle are rampant, he said, “Even the freedom fighters are being deliberately forgotten and erased from history through discrimination. At this stage, people must unite to reclaim the true freedom that we have lost.”
Expressing his deep anguish at the state of the nation, he said, “Even as India is growing, there is concern about the path the country is taking. The Sangh Parivar is trying to commemorate the partition of India as the entire country is celebrating Independence. The RSS says that Gandhi was behind the partition of India, and the BJP says that Mohammad Jinnah and Jawaharlal Nehru were behind the partition.”
He called on society should be vigilant against such sinister moves that spoil the spirit of the Independence Day celebrations.
Salam concluded his speech by extending Independence Day greetings to all countrymen.
Kerala state leaders Abdul Hameed, A Abdul Sathar, S Nizar, P K Abdul Latheef and K K Kabeer also addressed the gathering.
source: http://www.clarionindia.net / Clarion India / Home> India> Spotlight / by Clarion India / August 20th, 2022
Adil Meraj: Co-founder of Gurucool. | Photo: By arrangement
The Padhai app will provide academic space for learning and to make quality education accessible for the underprivileged.
New Delhi :
Gurucool, a Delhi-based EdTech startup launched the Padhai app on Friday. The app seeks to provide an academic space for learning and to make quality education accessible for the underprivileged by providing more than 3500 curated open-source educational courses offered by platforms like MIT open courseware, Khan Academy, YouTube educators, and many more.
Adil Meraj and Khansa Fahad, the two alumni of Jamia Millia Islamia (JMI) started Gurucool in 2019. Gurucool is an educational networking platform that offers a suite of phygital (physical+digital) tools to connect learners and educators. The founders of Gurucool got into the limelight when they secured pre-seed funding of $150,000 (around 1 crore rupees) in November 2021.
“The Padhai app counters the price-tagged digital education offered by other ed-tech platforms while making digital education accessible and free for all,” Meraj told TwoCircles.net.
“The Padhai app provides information on scholarships, educational short videos similar to YouTube shorts called BITS, and other things of importance to learners. It offers curated courses in 8 regional languages,” Meraj said, adding that the app has live classes, study material, test series and questionnaires for K-12, competitive exams, and the skill India program.
The higher education department of the government of Bihar approved the Padhai app as a pilot project, he said. Conversations are on with several other governments to start the Padhai app on a pilot project basis.
Gurucool is an educational networking platform offering over 25 tools and a vast content pool for educators and learners to learn, network, and have fun with them. Gurucool aims to digitize education while not compromising on the need for physical classrooms. We are making education phygital, said Meraj.
Gurucool got pre-seed funding from the Indian-American angel investor, Parvez Jasani (CEO, Zulie Venture Inc.) and Aqib Hussain of FreeFlow Venture Builders. The ed-tech platform is estimated worth $ 2 million.
“When I spoke to Adil and Khansa for the first time I was super impressed with their vision and passion, and that made me invest in Gurucool instantly”, Parvez Jasani told TwoCircles.net.
Gurucool offers a vast content pool, empowering educators, schools, and colleges with minimal financial support and which are functioning especially among the marginalized groups. The schools and colleges can potentially build their digital infrastructure using Gurucool’s content.
The Ed-Tech platform follows the model of personalized learning by creating educational centres which implement the concept of a conference-based teaching ecosystem that has a 12:1 student-teacher ratio. These education centres have a club system, library, workshops, sessions, and smart classes among other things.
Gurucool aims to launch 50 centres in 15 cities across India in the upcoming year with each centre having an accommodating capacity of 600 students.
www.gurucool.xyz
Mohd. Umair Yunus is a fellow in the SEEDS-TCN mentorship program.
source: http://www.twocircle.net / TwoCircles.net / Home> Lead Story / by Mohd Umair Yunus, TwoCircles.net / August 13th, 2022
“The Musalmans of India are, and have been for many years, a source of chronic danger to the British Power in India.” – W W Hunter, an English official posted in India, in his famous book ‘The Indian Musalmans’, published in 1871.
After 1947, Indian scholars wrote a ‘nationalist’ history of the Indian freedom struggle and for unknown reasons, they excluded Muslims. For the last seven decades, we have been reading a history of the Indian Freedom Struggle that has largely overlooked the contribution of Muslims. The generations brought up over this narrative believe that either the Indian Muslims were pro-British or aloof from the freedom struggle.
Such falsehoods propagated in the name of history should be challenged.
The British imperialism in India was resisted by the Indians right from its outset and the Muslims were the flag bearers of this resistance. The British took over Bengal administratively and economically after defeating the royal armies at the Battle of Plassey (1757) and the Battle of Buxar (1764). With their win over the Nawab of Bengal, the British started exploiting the Indians of Bengal province in an unprecedented fashion. Their ruthless loot resulted in a famine in 1770, which accounted for the deaths of one-third of the total population of Bengal.
No wonder the first popular national resistance to foreign colonial rule arose in Bengal. A united front of Hindu Sanyasis and Muslim Fakirs rose up in arms against the British. The man who led this fight was, Majnu Shah, a Muslim sufi from Kanpur (Uttar Pradesh). Majnu was a devotee of Shah Madar, Kanpur, and took up the cause of poor peasants on the advice of another Sufi saint, Hamiduddin. Almost 2000 Fakirs and Sanyasis, under his command, would loot the treasures of the British and British-backed landlords to distribute the money and food among poor exploited masses. From 1763 till his death in 1786, Majnu was the most dangerous threat to the British Empire in India. Fakir and Sanyasi forces killed several officers and soldiers of the British in guerrilla wars. After his death, Musa Shah took up the leadership of the movement. Hindu Sanyasi leaders, like Bhawani Pathak, were also there and fought alongside but the colonial records considered Majnu as the most threatening leader because under him Hindus and Muslims fought a united war. The ruthless British suppressed this movement a few years after the death of Majnu but the spirit of nationalism could not be killed.
The suppression of the movement led by Fakirs in Bengal did not mean that they accepted defeat. Fakirs changed their strategy and joined Marathas and other anti-British forces at the turn of the 18th century. The first major mutiny by the Indian sepoys of the English East India Company Army in 1806 at Vellore, which is said to be the inspiration behind 1857, was planned by Holkars, sons of Tipu Sultan and brother of Nizam of Hyderabad with the help of Fakirs. In every cantonment in South India, Fakirs propagated the message of nationalism through religious sermons, songs and puppet shows. When the revolt broke out at several places including Vellore the Indian revolutionaries were led by Fakirs like Shaikh Adam, Peerzada, Abdullah Khan, Nabi Shah, and Rustam Ali. Scholar Perumal Chinnian writes, “the Southern conspiracy was supported by Fakirs and other religious mendicants. The conspiracy was established in all the army stations by them.”
Within a few years, the British faced another challenge in the form of three distinct movements led by Syed Ahmad Barelvi, Haji Shariatullah and Titu Mir respectively.
Born in Uttar Pradesh, Syed Ahmad toured a large part of the country and gained followers in Bihar, Bengal, and Maharashtra. His followers took up arms against the British and its allies in the areas adjacent to Afghanistan. The movement posed a challenge to the British for decades. The British painted the movement as a work of religious fanaticism while in reality, Syed Ahmad tried to forge an alliance with Marathas against the foreign rulers. After he died in 1831, Enayat Ali and Wilayat Ali, both from Patna, took up the leadership of the movement. The wars they led in the frontier region caused the death of thousands of soldiers of the British army.
Haji Shariatullah and his son Dudu Miyan took up arms in Bengal to resist the tyranny of rich landlords. They led peasants to revolt against the indigo planters and other British agents. The movement they led is known as Faraizi movement.
Titu Mir also led a movement of poor masses against the British-backed landlords. He formed his army and set up a popular administration. In 1831, Titu was killed during a battle with the British. Hundreds of his supporters were arrested and hanged, including his deputy, Ghulam Masum.
Meanwhile, the Movement started by Syed Ahmad remained a grave danger to British rule in India. Enayat Ali, Wilayat Ali, Karamat Ali, Zainuddin, Farhat Husain, and others led an armed struggle against the British. In Patna, as soon as the news of the revolt of 1857 reached, all the prominent leaders were arrested before they could act. Still, Pir Ali launched a revolt in Patna. Though not a part of the larger movement himself the British believed that he had their support. Pir Ali, Waris Ali, and other Muslim revolutionaries were executed in Bihar during the revolt of 1857.
The First War of the National Independence of 1857 had a long history of planning behind it. In 1838, the English government arrested Mubariz ud-Daula for plotting a nationwide revolt against the foreign rule. The investigations revealed that Raja Ranjit Singh, Gaekwars, Satara, Jodhpur, Bhopal, Patiala, Rohilla Pathans, and several nawabs, rajas and zamindars had agreed upon the plan. Raja Ranjit Singh had actually sent his troops to help Mubariz and contacted Persian and French powers for help. The plan, because of a few traitors leaked out, Mubariz was imprisoned where he died in 1854 and the revolt took place two decades later.
The role of Muslims in 1857 is no secret. The unity of Hindus and Muslims in 1857 threatened the British like never before and they resorted to a policy of divide and rule after that. Maulvi Ahmadullah Shah of Faizabad, Fazl-e-Haq of Khairabadi, Imdadullah Muhajir Makki of Muzaffarnagar, and Azimullah Khan, an associate of Nana Saheb, were prominent in propagating the need of taking up the arms against the colonial rule. For years before 1857, they were propagating these ideas among sepoys as well as civilians.
In Bihar, Kunwar Singh was leading the revolt of 1857. Zulfiqar was one of his most trusted comrades with whom Kunwar was discussing every plan. After liberating Arrah the civil government installed by Kunwar had his most trusted allies and there were several Muslims. The government had “Shaikh Ghulam Yahea as Magistrate. Shaikh Muhammad Azimuddin, an inhabitant of Milky Tola in the town of Arrah, was appointed Jamadar (treasurer) of the eastern thana: Turab Ali and Khadim Ali, sons of Dewan Shaikh Afzal, were made Kotwals (Police officers in charge of a city)”
The revolt did not succeed. Bahadur Shah was exiled to Burma, several were hanged and many more were transported for life to Andamans. But, the zeal for freedom did not die.
In 1863, tribals in North West Frontier Province stormed the British territories and entered into a war. The British, though registered a victory, had to face one of the stiffest military challenges. They lost more than a thousand of its English soldiers. Intelligence reports pointed towards a financier in Ambala. The man was Jafar Thanesri. During the raid police found several letters which established him as the principal financier of the war in NWFP. He channelled money, men and arms from different parts of the country to the war front. Yahya Ali of Patna and nine others were also charged for waging the war against the Queen. What followed was a series of arrests and trials across India.
People were arrested in Ambala, Patna, Malda and Rajmahal. Ahmadullah, Yahya Ali, Jafar, Ibrahim Mandal, Rafique Mandal and others were arrested and transported to Andamans. These revolutionaries celebrated martyrdom over life, hence the British decided not to hang them but to send them to the Andamans. In 1869, Amir Khan and Hashmat Khan were arrested in Kolkata. Norman, the Chief Justice, sentenced them to the Andamans. The sentence was avenged by Abdullah by assassinating Norman in 1871 and after a few months Sher Ali killed the viceroy, Lord Mayo, in the Andamans.
Bipin Chandra Pal, in his autobiography, credited these trials and killings as an important influence on his political career. Another famous revolutionary, Trailokya Chakravarty, noted, “the Muslim revolutionary brothers gave us practical lessons of unbending audacity and inflexible will and also advice to learn from their mistakes”.
In Maharashtra, Ibrahim Khan, a Rohilla leader, and Balwant Phadke launched a guerilla war against the British. They provided a tough resistance through the 1860s and 70s, and threatened the British in south India.
Meanwhile, in 1885, Indian National Congress (INC) was formed to voice the apprehensions of the emerging educated middle class. Badruddin Tayyabji and Rahmatullah Siani were two of the earliest members and presidents of Congress. Later on, M.A Ansari, Hakim Ajmal Khan, Hasrat Mohani, Abul Kalam Azad, and others remained associated with the largest political outfit of India.
In 1907, peasants in Punjab started agitation against the canal colonies. Along with Lala Lajpat Rai and Sardar Ajit Singh, Syed Hyder Raza was one of its prominent leaders. The movement is seen as a precursor to later Ghadar movement.
During the First World War (1914 – 18), the British intercepted three letters written on silk cloth. The letters were written by Maulana Ubaidullah Sindhi to Maulana Mahmood Hasan and pointed towards a global plan to overthrow the British rule in India. Ubaidullah was named as one of the most dangerous Indians for the British in the Rowlatt Committee Report. He formed armed groups, preached anti-British ideas and formed a provisional government in Kabul. The Prime Minister of the government was Maulana Barkatullah. The government had to have an army as well, which would attack India to free it. But, the plan failed because of the leaked silk letters and the end of the World War. The plan was called Silk Letter Movement and 59 freedom fighters, mostly Muslims, were charged for waging the war against the Empire. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Abdul Bari Firangi Mahli, Ubaidullah Sindhi, Maulana Mahmood, Husain Ahmad Madni and M.A Ansari were few of them. Maulana Mahmood and Madni were arrested in Makkah and imprisoned in Malta.
Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, who is often seen as a token Muslim in a largely Hindu dominated Congress, was a freedom fighter whom the British feared. His name occurred in different CID reports for planning armed revolutions. At least 1700 freedom fighters took oath to die for the cause of freedom as members of Hizbullah, a revolutionary organisation formed by Azad. Al-Hilal, a paper edited and published by him, was banned for propagating the revolutionary nationalist ideas. Azad established Darul Irshad, a madarsa, to popularise the anti colonial ideas. For his organization, Hizbullah, Jalaluddin and Abdur Razzak were prominent recruiters, who also united Hindu and Muslim revolutionaries of Bengal. No wonder, Azad was jailed many times and was the President of INC when the Quit India Resolution of 1942 was passed.
The Silk Letter Movement was not the only resistance movement during the World War. Ghadar Movement was another movement in which several Muslims took part and attained martyrdom. Rehmat Ali was hanged in Lahore for trying to instigate mutiny among soldiers. The efforts bore fruit in Singapore, when, in February, 1915, 5th Light Infantry consisting mostly Muslims from Punjab revolted. The soldiers captured Singapore for a few days. The revolutionaries were later defeated, captured and shot dead.
Another misconception prevalent among Indians is that the Bengali revolutionaries were Hindus. Interestingly, the revolutionary organizations with Hindu religious overtones, like Jugantar and Anushilan had many active Muslim members. Sirajul Haq, Hamidul Haq, Abdul Momin, Maksuddin Ahmad, Maulvi Ghayasuddin, Nasiruddin, Razia Khatun, Abdul Kader, Wali Nawaz, Ismail, Zahiruddin, Chand Miyan, Altaf Ali, Alimuddin, and Fazlul Kader Chowdhury were few of the Bengali Muslim revolutionaries who took up arms along with Hindus. Many of them were sent to Andamans or killed.
After the World War, the British introduced a draconian Rowlatt Act. The Indians protested against the act and many leaders were arrested. At Jallianwala Bagh people were massacred when they were protesting against the arrest of Saifuddin Kitchlew. The proportion of Muslims killed at Jallianwala was quite high. Around this time, 1919 onwards, Abdul Bari Firangimahli, Mazharul Haque, Zakir Husain, Mohammad Ali, and Shaukat Ali emerged as the mass leaders. Women like Bi Amma, Amjadi Begum, and Nishat al-Nisa also jumped into the freedom struggle.
In Tamil Nadu, Abdul Rahim organised the workers during the 1930s against the oppressive colonial rule. V. M Abdullah, Sharif Brothers, and Abdul Sattar were other prominent Muslim leaders in South India who led nationalist movements and braved torture and imprisonments.
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan led pathans posed a non-violent challenge to the British. In 1930, the British fired upon a crowd protesting against the arrest of Ghaffar Khan at Qissa Khwani Bazar, Peshawar. Hundreds of pathans laid their lives for the service of the motherland.
Faqir of Ipi, Mirza Ali Khan, and Pir of Pagaro, Sibghatullah, raised their armies in the 1930s in Waziristan and Sindh respectively to fight the British during the World War. In a larger scheme of things, Subhas Chandra Bose and Axis Powers allied with their armies in order to liberate India.
In 1941, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose escaped from house arrest. The man who played an important role in the escape was Mian Akbar Shah. Netaji reached Berlin and formed a Free India Legion. Abid Hasan, became his confidant here and served as secretary. Abid was his only associate who accompanied him on a famous submarine journey from Germany to Japan. In 1943, Netaji formed Azad Hind Sarkar and Azad Hind Fauj. Here several Muslims like, Lt. Col. Aziz Ahmad, Lt. Col. M.K Kiani, Lt. Col. Ehsan Qadir, Lt. Col. Shah Nawaz, Karim Ghani, and D.M Khan became ministers with important portfolios. Azad Hind Fauj faced reverses in war and its soldiers were taken prisoners by the British. Rashid Ali’s imprisonment became a symbol of Hindu Muslim unity when Hindus and Muslims across the political affiliations came out on Kolkata road demanding his, and other Azad Hind Fauj soldiers, release in 1946. The police fired upon the protesters killing dozens of Indians. Elsewhere, in Mumbai and Karachi, the Royal Navy revolted in support of Azad Hind Fauj. Anwar Husain was one of the prominent martyrs of this revolt as Colonel Khan led the soldiers in revolt at Mumbai port.
India gained independence on 15 August, 1947. It was a costly affair. The cost was the Indian lives. The lives we paid were neither Hindu, nor Muslim. The lives belonged to the Indians. Those who laid their lives were Indians first, and Hindus or Muslims later. Here again, Muslim leaders like Allah Bux Somroo, K. A. Hamied, Faqir of Ipi, Abdul Qayyum Ansari, Abul Kalam Azad and others fought against the divisive communal politics of Muslim League to stop the partition. Tragically, more than seven decades later people have forgotten this important aspect of our freedom struggle and try to divide this great struggle along petty sectarian lines.
(The article is an updated version of an article published last year.)
source: http://www.awazthevoice.in / Awaz, The Voice / Home> Culture / by Saquib Salim / August 15th, 2022
Indians and other historians have either tried to whitewash the revolutionary movements for freedom or presented these as disjointed localised efforts.
Even the largest movement of Azad Hind Fauj led by Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose has been narrated in a staggered manner and an episodial manner like the battle of Burma (Mayanmar) and the battle of Imphal. The picture thus presented is of an army fighting at a frontier with no support elsewhere. This history needs to be revisited.
In 1930, Sayyid Sibghatullah Shah Al-Rashidi called Pir of Pagaro, a Muslim Saint from Sindh with a huge following, was arrested by the British Government for ‘creating disturbances’. He was accused of instigating anti-colonial feelings among his followers known as ‘Hurs’ (literally meaning free). The decision to send him to a prison away from Sindh rather shaped this anti-colonial Muslim saint into a nationalist revolutionary.
In the Bengal hail, he met several revolutionaries and realised that what he had experienced in his area was the same being experienced by others. He understood that British colonialism was destroying the nation and Hindu-Muslim unity was the only weapon to fight them.
From the prison, he started preaching nationalist messages. Sarah F. D. Ansari of the University of London in her book Sufi Saints and State Power: The Pirs of Sind, 1843 – 1947, writes, “messages strongly coloured with a radical nationalist tinge were smuggled out in the form of notes written in the margins and between the lines of books and magazines. They condemned the British for treating ‘Indians like donkeys’, loading them down with ‘England’s burdens’, and pointed out that the only reason why the British were able to rule over 300,000,000 people was that Indians were ‘cowards’.”
In 1936, when he returned to his seat at Khairpur in Sindh, Pir of Pagaro had turned a revolutionary.
He started establishing links with revolutionary leaders of Bengal as well as those living in Europe, especially Germany. He started inviting Congress leadership to his area and organise Hindu-Muslim unity meetings. We must keep in mind that it was 1938 and Subhas Chandra Bose was the President of Congress. Unsurprisingly when Subhas formed Forward Bloc after his famous differences with Mahatma Gandhi, Pir of Pagaro asked his followers to back Forward Bloc and denounced the stand of Congress.
In 1939, the centuries-old Hindu-Muslim unity of Sindh was severely shattered over the Manzilgah mosque dispute and the riots that followed. Pir of Pagaro ordered his large following of armed followers known as ‘ghazis’ to save Hindus from the Muslim fanatics. Sarah F. D. Ansari writes, “In his newspaper, the Pir-jo-Goth Gazette, he (Pir of Pagaro) called for Hindu-Muslim unity: ‘My forefathers’, he wrote, ‘treated Hindus and Muslims alike as a sacred trust. The same is my principle . .. Allah is the same as Parmatma, though with different names. I will be happy when I see temples and mosques together with only a wall dividing them and everyone [worshipping] according to their rights so that no one may have a grievance against the other’. In a similar vein, he denounced the Hindu Sabha and the Muslim League as divisive communal movements. Only when Hindus and Muslims combined would ‘peace . . . be achieved and satanic deeds . . . stopped’: Indians had to be ‘national minded’ and regard India as a country which belonged to all its inhabitants.”
An intelligence report dated October 1940 says, “Pir of Bharchundi is not liked by the Pir Pagaro, who disrespected the Pir of Bharchundi and sent him away from his ‘Kot’ when the Pir of Bharchundi last visited the Pir Pagaro… the reason for such treatment of the Pir to the Pir of Bharchundi was that the Pir of Bharchundi would not assist in getting the murderers of Hindus arrested.”
It further says, “Pir Pagaro has won great sympathy of the Hindus.” Sarah also points out how the Pir came out in support of a Muslim man’s right, who had earlier converted into Islam from Hinduism, to reconvert into Hinduism. “
Another intelligence report noted that Pir of Pagaro has enlisted at least 6,000 militants to fight with an oath to die for the cause. These militants were called ghazis. Ghazis had paraded and displayed their military skills in front of him during his visits to Jaisalmer and Jodhpur as well. The nationwide presence was a threat for the British. The report further noted, “the Pir was renewing his contacts with terrorists (terrorists was a term used by the English for revolutionaries) who had been in prison along with him in Bengal. His visits to Calcutta (Kolkata) were, it is said, performed for no other reason.”
The British apprehension was not wrong. Pir Pagaro had contacts with Bengali revolutionaries and Subhas. If Subhas raised an army on Eastern Front, Pir of Pagaro raised another on the Western Front. An intelligence report from 1941 noted, “He (Pir of Pagaro) has got his electric plant and radio set at which he and his followers hear Hindustani programs from Germany and then spread the German news in the villages which has a disquieting effect on the local people.” The report also pointed out that “the villainous activities of the Pir and his growing contempt of authority are becoming a byword throughout India”.
Pir of Pagaro was running an independent government in that region of Sindh with the help of his militia. The British Government arrested him in Karachi on the pretext of holding talks with him. His ghazis would not stop and kept attacking the British infrastructure. They were so much feared that the Legislative Assembly members did not want their names to become public for voting in favour of an act against Hurs (followers of Pir of Pagaro).
Sarah notes, “The level of fear which existed in Sind at the time even inside the Legislature was reflected in the session being held in camera. Members of the Assembly were not prepared to vote openly in favour of the act ‘lest they were marked down for the Pir’s future vengeance’.” The fear was not unfounded as soon after Ghazis killed the son of Hidayatullah, one of the tallest Sindh leaders in that Legislative Assembly, by derailing a train.
It did not take much time and within weeks Martial Law was declared. The British had to open a war front at the time of World War II. Sarah writes, “The area north of Sanghar and the Thar desert (Rajasthan) were thoroughly reconnoitered from the air; paratroopers and bombs were used against bands of armed men. Hur villages were raided, wells stopped up and their cattle herded into other districts.” On the other hand, the Pir was being tortured to ask his followers to put down their weapons.
Did the nationalists concede defeat? No. The Pir of Pagaro, Sibghatullah, embraced martyrdom at the gallows on 20 March 1943, after a sham of a court trial. Hurs kept fighting the British till 1946 even after their Pir was gone.
source: http://www.awazthevoice.in / Awaz, The Voice / Home> Culture / by Saquib Alim / July 23rd, 2022
A veteran diplomat Talmiz Ahmad provides a rare non-Western narrative of complex undercurrents in West Asia, where inequality, politics over oil and regional rivalries are fuelling tensions
West Asia is a strategically critical region faced with confrontation and conflict amid growing economic prosperity. In his latest book, West Asia at War, Talmiz Ahmad, a former ambassador, brings out the diverse political, religious, military, socio-economic and cultural forces shaping the region. His long diplomatic career with postings there and wide-angled view from the headquarters gave him uncommon insights, which he pieces together in this book providing a rare non-Western view of complex undercurrents.
The exhaustive work traces the origins of the troubled region to the 17th century when Britain and France fiercely fought with each other over resources and zealously guarded their colonial empires. The new states that emerged in the wake of the Ottoman Empire’s fall also fell prey to this contestation. The discovery of large quantities of hydrocarbons at the beginning of the 20th century proved to be the region’s nemesis as it exposed it to outside competition and a rivalry between superpowers.
Internal bickering
Ahmad elaborates on the rise of Arab nationalism after World War II, tracing developments leading to the nationalisation of the Suez Canal by Gamal Abdel Nasser.
He explains how regional rivalries destroyed West Asia from within. The two major Arab powers, Egypt and Saudi Arabia, representing different ideological trends — revolutionary and conservative — played against each other. Further, the Saudi-Iran rivalry deepened Sunni-Shia hostilities. In a bid to fortify its standing in the region, Saudi Arabia’s call for ‘global jihad’ unwittingly propped up Osama bin Laden and Mullah Omar, with disastrous consequences. The Palestine cause unified the Arab world, but the constant internal bickering and feuding weakened their collective resolve for Palestine.
Gulf monarchies and the Muslim Brotherhood fiercely competed for the domination of political Islam. The massive oil revenues strengthened authoritarian regimes, whose economic control often conflated with people’s livelihood issues. With about 66% of 400 million Arabs redundantly poor and 10% controlling 61% of the wealth, the region is one of the most unequal in the world. Beyond the dazzle of Dubai, Doha and Riyadh, the author observes, is pervasive poverty, inequality and injustice that are alienating people and making them susceptible to fundamentalism, drugs, terrorism and extremism, further fuelling tensions within.
Ahmad rips apart the U.S. policy towards West Asia that is anchored in the influential ‘Israeli lobby’. Its twin objectives of securing oil flows and guaranteeing the security of Israel at the cost of Iran are deeply flawed and the much-maligned Iraqi WMD (weapons of mass destruction) programme is grossly exaggerated, he writes. The causal linkage to 9/11 and the injustice meted out to Palestine by Israel, backed by the U.S., are two examples of short-sighted policies which led to Islamophobia and fomented the fictitious idea of a ‘clash of civilisations’ as a living reality in the West.
India’s stand
The evolution of India’s policy towards West Asia is put in context by Ahmad. India’s leadership viewed the Palestine issue and the Suez crisis within the framework of the Arab nationalist struggle against British imperialism. Their common commitment to liberation movements drew them naturally to the Non-Aligned Movement. However, some perceptible changes in the approach in the last two decades stem from India’s newfound confidence as an emerging economy with the ability to buy large supplies of Gulf oil. India’s de-hyphenation of its relations between Palestine and Israel is pragmatic as well as in sync with the changing dynamics in the region. Closer ties with Israel also brought India the backing of the U.S. on several fronts. The strategic depth that our relations attained is attributed to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who took a personal interest through frequent travels to the region to build solid economic partnerships as well as to secure the interests of our strong resident community.
The ongoing geo-political churn in the region is insightfully covered. Bahrain, Sudan, Morocco and the UAE seeking cautious normalisation of relations with Israel would have a salutary effect on both the regional stability and the survival of Israel. The realisation that Israel’s subversive activities against Iran could neither effect regime change nor completely disrupt its nuclear programme should prompt a dialogue between them.
The Shia-Sunni sectarian binary used for mobilising hostility and rancour is also losing steam. This apart, the author underlines that the prospect of a stable and prosperous West Asia is contingent on real internal reform that goes beyond optics and palliatives.
The perception that disengagement of the U.S. from the affairs of the region would have significant implications for itself and the security of West Asia is indisputable. China-Russia working in tandem and Iran-Turkey aligning their positions pose a serious challenge to U.S. hegemony in the region.
All Gulf countries have upgraded their economic relations with China. Ahmad underscores the point that while India is a natural partner of many in the region, it needs to be diplomatically agile to manage the challenges arising out of these new alignments in West Asia.
West Asia at War; Talmiz Ahmad, HarperCollins, ₹799.
The reviewer is an Indian Foreign Service Officer.
source: http://www.thehindu.com / The Hindu / Home> Books> Reviews> Politics / byDammu Ravi / July 23rd, 2022
New Book , First ever English translation of Nizami’s invaluable Urdu book Begumat ke Aansoo
pix: amazon.in
Apart from the fifteen years that Sher Shah Suri snatched upon defeating Humayun, the flag of the grand Mughal Empire flew over Delhi undefeated for over 300 years.
But then, 1857 arrived and the mighty sword fell helpless in the face of a mightier British force.
After the fall of Delhi and Emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar’s tragic departure from the Red Fort in 1857, members of the royal Mughal court had to flee to safer places. Driven out from their palaces and palanquins onto the streets in search of food and shelter, the dethroned royals scrambled to survive. Some bore their fate with a bitter pride, others succumbed to the adversity.
Through twenty-nine accounts of the survivors of the Uprising of 1857, Khwaja Hasan Nizami documents the devastating tale of the erstwhile glorious royalty’s struggle with the hardships thrust upon them by a ruthless new enemy.
In vivid and tragic stories drawn from the recollection of true events, Nizami paints a picture of a crumbling historical era and another charging forward to take its place.
With the reminiscence of past glory contrasted against the drudgery of everyday survival, Tears of the Begums – the first ever English translation of Nizami’s invaluable Urdu book Begumat ke Aansoo – chronicles the turning of the wheel of fortune in the aftermath of India’s first war of independence.
source: http://www.amazon.in / Amazon / Home> Books> History> World / as on August 06th, 2022
Tarana Husain Khan doesn’t write women only as damsels in distress, she writes them as women who challenge.
Tarana Husain Khan.
I don’t remember when my mother first told me, “Boys will be boys.” as an explanation. But I trusted it. The 20-year-old I am now knows it’s an eraser. A cleaning towel that wipes away the grim men produce. Over our words. Over our careers. Over our bodies. It’s an explanation that deletes a lived history with a swift and casual swipe. Tarana Husain Khan’s The Begum and the Dastan resists this erasure.
Khan’s character, Ameera’s grandmother, whom she calls Dadi, tells her the dastan about Feroza Begum, Ameera’s great-grandmother. Feroza Begum attended sawani celebrations at Nawab Shams Ali Khan’s Benazir Palace, defying her family, only to be kidnapped by the Nawab. Although the premise sounds simple, Khan crafts the dastan carefully, preserving the dynamics in Sherpur, a princely state, like one would sour pickle in a jar. Her writing serves as a citation for the overused “Show, don’t tell” technique, arranging the elements of time, location and character through a nuanced understanding of history.
She weaves together the stories of three women, Lalarukh, Feroza and Ameera, with the help of three dastangos, about Kallan Mirza, Ameera’s Dadi, and herself. Each story, within another story, surrenders as a cautionary tale. Sometimes, as a spoiler, that hands you the reins to ride through the rest of the story.
Blame slithers across each story, hissing at every woman who defies and exercises her need for independence. During the forced marriage to the Nawab, women around the bride were “tut-tutting over Feroza’s heartlessness”, believing she aborted her pregnancy from her previous marriage. The blame congeals on Feroza, a victim of forced abortion by the Nawab. In the rumours, the Nawab is a man she loves, not her abuser. The cruelty of these women steps outside the realm of gossip, nipping at Feroza’s right to refuse consent to her nikah.
“‘Feroza Begum, daughter of Altaf Khan urf Miya Jan Khan, your wedding has been arranged to Nawab Shams Ali Khan Bahadur, son of Nawab Murad Ali Khan Bahadur for a sum of two lakh rupees as meher. Do you agree?’
What if she just didn’t say anything?
‘She says “yes”!’ A middle-aged woman dressed in her bridal dress, suddenly shouted towards the curtains. Feroza turned towards the woman. The old lady in charge of her elbowed her ribs.
‘Uh?’ she turned sharply towards the offending lady.
‘I heard it too. She said “yes”!’ said the old lady, then another woman joined in bearing witness to her acquiesce and then another.”
“Why wouldn’t a divorced woman who aborted her child marry the Nawab?” is the rhetoric that these women echo. It’s a form of enabling, but Khan exerts dialogue, channelling prose to amplify Feroza’s reaction, forgotten amidst placeholder approval. She choreographs the myth “she asked for it” by excluding the chorus of the maulvi asking for consent thrice, as is tradition, to exacerbate the rumours that enable, and more terrifyingly, erase. Another dialogue chimes in to note this eager “consent” by Feroza. In these instances, Khan’s narrator, Dadi, is not just a storyteller; but an advocate for forgotten history.
But Khan doesn’t write women only as damsels in distress; she writes them as women who challenge. Feroza wears what she wants, despite the word that the patriarchy will impose on her: nautch. Khan examines how the question of her attire serves as a justification for the harassment. When Bibi, Feroza’s maid, asks her to “let it be”, as she was “wearing that dress”, Feroza doesn’t surrender to the blame. Instead, Feroza asks these questions: what if she was one of the common women? What if she was a nautch?
Khan tackles clothing not only as a form of rebellion but as an identifier of communion and the dismissal of “the other”. When Feroza sights a British woman wearing a “strange gown”, she argues that she should’ve worn “our dress” because she’s in “our country”. Other times, this divide is a form of empowerment.
“Strangely, guys don’t pester scarf-wearing girls with ‘I want to be your friend’ proposals. So us scarfed girls choose to talk to guys we like and make boyfriends on our own. It’s pretty cool that way, though I long to throw away the scarf and open up my hair like I used to at St Mary’s.”
Ameera’s perception of the scarf rewrites the reputation of the vilified veil, untying the folds that make it an oppressive tool while recognising how being “the other” means a kind of protection. A woman’s scarf, her dress, and her jewellery make an argument in this novel. But the expectations that pin a scarf around Ameera’s head, and a nath on Feroza’s nose, encourage a misplaced trust in the men in their lives.
Across the three stories in the novel, protagonists expect men to protect, not because they victimise themselves, but because that’s what’s taught to women: dependence is a desired trait. Khan acknowledges how patriarchy dribbles on the men, drawing out how Lalarukh, Feroza and Ameera feel betrayed by the men in their lives for not protecting them. The cadence of this betrayal morphs across the stories as Khan manipulates language like a glassblower does glass.
“I do believe that in this day and age nobody should bully you into selling your property – these are not the Nawab’s times; but if it was Jugnu’s fees and his exams, Abba would sell off the shops and chuck the case in a heartbeat. We females always depend on our fathers or males to rescue us – our default response to a crisis. Imagine, poor Feroza Begum’s father dumped her in the harem and ran away!”
Khan wields the tone of each story, carefully grafting the premise of a woman wronged in different periods and spaces. She uses the first-person perspective to narrate Ameera’s life, crumbling with her family’s negligence towards her, using a voice akin to a teenager simmering with anger. But for Lalarukh and Feroza, Khan, or rather Dadi and Kallan Mirza, uses the third-person perspective, a voice that is omniscient and viscous, dripping of superiority.
They narrate the violence of Nawab and Tareef Khan, Lalarukh’s kidnapper, without embellishments. The abusers are not kings or sorcerers in the chapters that harrow. They are written as, to no surprise, violators. Khan’s treatment of the dynamic between the Nawab and Feroza contradicts this claim sporadically. But when Feroza reciprocates the Nawab’s ‘love’ for her, he continues to dredge her in the limitations of his harem, remaining free himself, further testifying the degree of his abuse. Feroza is a flawed character, but she is not a flawed victim, and Khan asserts that.
Like Khan, both Dadi and Kallan Mirza are biased narrators, intervening to train their listener(s) to root for the protagonist. They collectively fuel a question: How does tradition, along with law, permit the violation of women? Unfortunately, the stories, or rather the lived experiences that ask this question, are muzzled. But the dastangos, both the real and the fictitious, bite through the labour that accompanies such storytelling. The story prompts the question: How can one write history without condoning it? In The Begum and the Dastan, history is an inspiration, a tool, and an anchor, but it is not a justification.
pix: amazon.in
source: http://www.scroll.in / Scroll.in / Home> Book Review / by Isa Ayidh / (book cover image edited in, amazon.in) /June 27th, 2021
Members of SONEI along with guests pose for a group photo on the sidelines of the ‘Star Talk-12’ event held in Guwahati on Thursday.
Guwahati :
‘Star Talk-12’, an initiative of the Stars of North East India (SONEI), a registered public charitable trust and talent hunt platform, was held in Guwahati on Thursday.
The first appointed speaker of the event was Aman Wadud, a young lawyer who recently got his Masters in Law from the University of Texas under a Fulbright Scholarship. Besides sharing his American experience, Aman Wadud gave a very informative presentation of the evolution of Civil Rights in the USA.
The second appointed speaker, Suaid M Laskar, Head of Pan-India Sales, Admissify made a presentation to clear the common doubts people have about studying abroad. Laskar, who has been instrumental in facilitating overseas studies of more than 350 students from Assam, over the last five years, in countries like Australia, Germany, UK and USA, informed the audience that 93 per cent of the students who go abroad for studies belong to middle class families.
Abhishek Kumar, a graduate from Guwahati Commerce College, who is all set to study his Masters in Supply Chain Management at Cranfield University, UK also shared his experience on the occasion.
Alemoon Nessa of Bongaigaon, who recently received two national MSME awards along with a cash component of Rs eight lakh from the hands of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, was felicitated on the occasion.
Dr Faizuddin Ahmed, a physicist from Dhubri, who has made it to the Stanford list of world’s top 2% scientists, was also honoured on the occasion.
Shahnaz Islam, a budding poet whose book “Midnight’s melancholy” was launched from Sikkim recently, enthralled the audience by reciting a few poems from her book.
Mirza Arif Hazarika’s short film “Sorry” starring Barasha Rani Bishaya and Ravi Sharma is now live on Disney+Hotstar, a rare honour for an Assamese short film. Mirza shared his experiences of making the film.
Priyanka Paul Banerjee, an upcoming PR practitioner, was also felicitated along with other achievers at the event.
SONEI will complete eight years of its existence in September 2022 during which new projects will be announced in addition to its existing programmes in the field of education, promotion of skills, and social service.
The event was hosted by Samima Sultana Ali and Sharique Hussain.
source: http://www.muslimmirror.com / Muslim Mirror / Home> Education> Positive Story / by Special Correspondent / July 29th, 2022