Tag Archives: Freedom Fighters of India

There is no history of India’s freedom without its Muslims

INDIA :

At 80, revisiting the Muslim lives, movements and sacrifices that shaped India’s struggle for freedom, and the politics of forgetting them.

Stroll through the pages of India’s history, because academia has failed to acknowledge some names and contributions in the Indian freedom struggle. From the Taj Mahal, Red Fort, Qutub Minar, Humayun’s Tomb, Gol Gumbaz, Charminar, to Fatehpur Sikri and the bustling lanes of Chandni Chowk, they all speak volumes louder. But the cultural pattern of ‘selectively remembering’ and ‘selectively forgetting’ has downplayed nation’s history into one-dimensional narratives , while external sources of learning like cinemas, textbooks, public places re-branding, etc,  are getting colored with contemporary political dynamics, to legitimize their plans and policies. 

To fathom India’s past sincerely, we must be willing not only to learn but also to unlearn. Learning involves discovering forgotten contributions, while unlearning requires shedding inherited biases, political narratives, and simplified versions of history. Because, as eminent historians have speculated, the past is constantly reinterpreted in the light of new evidence and new questions. Consequently, the framing of our past will affect the present, which will further be read as a past in the future, thus entrusting us with sheer responsibility of weaving a lineage of conscience, not insidious storytelling.

The lost dots of the Indian freedom movements

Revisit in Indian history afresh because erasure never happens all at once, it happens slowly and systematically.

Independence Movements did not count from the very battles fought, but from the conditions laid down before and after to formulate and fixate Indian society and culture altogether. Resistance to the economization, politicisation, and, ultimately, colonization by the Britishers was confronted by the collective plurality which our country possessed with pride. Testifying that resistance was not always born on the battlefield, often it began with communities refusing to harbor animosity for one another. 

Hindu sanyasis and Muslim fakirs whom the British Company wanted to fragmentalise, chose each other instead. Naga ascetics of the Dashnami order like Pandit Bhabani Charan Pathak stood beside Muslim fakirs of the Madari and Burhana sects, Majnu Shah Fakir, Chirag Ali, Musa Shah, and together resisted the oppressive taxation and economic exploitation the Company had imposed. It was one of the earliest organized rebellions against British rule in India, and yet how many of us have even heard these names?

Tipu Sultan

That same defiance carried into Mysore, Tipu Sultan, a name antagonized in recent years that people even slipped away from the fact that he is the man who invented Missiles in India, a ruler who terrified the British. He built iron-cased rockets before most of the world imagined such a weapon, and fought the British across four wars, refusing again and again to let his kingdom bow. And what do we do with that legacy today? 

Islamic gallantry didn’t halt there. Moulvi Ahmadullah Shah, one of the key leaders of the First War of Indian Independence in 1857 was called the lighthouse of rebellion in Awadh, an epitome of the Ganga-Jamuna culture of Faizabad. The rebel army of Awadh was led by Barkat Ahmad and Maulvi Ahmadullah Shah, with Barkat Ahmad declared Chief Army Officer of the rebels after the Battle of Chinhat. ​​​​​​

Moulvi Ahmadullah Shah

At the head of that same uprising stood Bahadur Shah Zafar, lending his name and his throne to the rebellion we call the Sepoy Mutiny. He gave everything a king could give, and the British broke him in the cruelest way. After his surrender, his sons Mirza Mughal and Mirza Khizr Sultan, and his grandson Mirza Abu Bakr, were stripped and shot in cold blood by Major William Hodson at what is now called Khooni Darwaza, and their severed heads were brought before their own father as a trophy. So many lives were lost in that struggle, so many families broken, and it is widely said that nearly 5 lakh Muslims were martyred, close to 50,000 of them ullema who chose the battlefield over silence. After rotating around 79 years of India’s independence, we are still cynical over the contributions carved by Indian Muslims.

Bahadur Shah Zafar

Another buried name is of, Ashfaquallah Khan, was hanged on 19th December 1927, at just 27 years old, along with other Kakori comrades who were sent to the gallows. This Kakori robbery was to pull back the wealth of Indian soil to channelize it for the national struggle. Khan revolutionized nationalist movement with his participation in Hindustan Republican Association (HRA), founded by Ram Prasad Bismil along with two others. Like Kakori robbery, many other raids were rolled out to confront with required force rather than abstracting the notion of peace towards the gruesome tortures.   Have we ever lent an ear to these lines of Khan’s  ‘Hasrat’ poem- “Kuch aarzoo naheen hai, hai aarzoo to yeh hai, Rakh de koi zara si Khaak-e-watan kafan men” who as his last whim, recited this poem soaked in patriotism. Are we made to remember these lines by a Muslim freedom fighter when we are reminded about the terrified misapplication of the divine slogan “Allah-u-Akbar” to polarize the Islam?

Ashfaqullah Khan

Walking further, Abdul Habeeb Yusuf Marfani, gave away his entire estate for a freedom he’d never see honoured. His courage was never separate from the cause, it was central to it, and it’s long overdue we remember it that way.

Abdul Habeeb Yusuf Marfani

Muslim participation in India’s freedom struggle was not boxed in a specific time or way, it encompassed armed resistance, societal reforms, mass mobilization, revolutionary events, and non-violent protests. The hurls on the invasions done by Muslims are widely made, but onlookers of the contributions by very same people, are tactfully airbrushed.

Sacrifices for the Indian motherland were proven on silent or loud battlefields,  not by the mere recital of ‘Patriotic Songs’ such as Vande Mataram as a contemporary reference. That is turned down by Indian Muslims lyrically, not soulfully, because of the religiosity which the Indian Constitution guarantees them. When did the recital of patriotic songs begin to outweigh the very acts of sacrifice they were meant to spring up?

Freedom fighters such as Maulvi Ahmadullah Shah, Begum Hazrat Mahal, Fazl-e-Haq Khairabadi (clarified the Jihad term through his war against the British), and Azimullah Khan were also important in the 1857 uprising. Barely, we learn or are made to learn about them? While vilifying other names of this very same community. 

The Ali brothers, Shaukat Ali (1873-1938) and Mohamed Ali Jauhar (1878-1931)

Even the popular moments like the non-cooperation movement and the Khilafat Movement were helmed by some unheeded names: Mohammad Ali Jauhar and Shaukat Ali. Erected on the former’s name, there stands a university in Rampur, U.P. which recently has fallen prey to the communal politics, staking Indian youth’s future at darker stage, thus disregarding the blood of these freedom fighters.

Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan

Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan who spent three decades in prison and headed the non-violent Khudai Khidmatgar Movement among Pashtuns against British rule, wherein he combined social reform, service, and discipline. His demise took place during his house arrest in Peshawar. 

Abid Hasan Safrani

Without a single community-led leader, ideologies often find a loose hand to wrestle for their individual existence rather than collective results. Abid Hasan Safrani,  prominent INA member, mobilized the Muslim youth and committed to Subhas Chandra Bose’s movement (Azad Hind Fauj), which underpinned armed resistance in the Indian Freedom Struggle rather than non-violent means, brewing the unity for winning back the motherland.

Having said that, the famous Ghadar Party, founded in 1913, was pioneered by one more buried name- Maulana Barkatullah Bhopali. He was the first Prime Minister of the Provisional Government of India (Government-in-Exile), which was established in Kabul in 1915. He traversed across Europe, Asia, and North America to usher in the momentum for the Indian freedom struggle. His death took place in the US, leaving him deprived of bidding adieu to his motherland one last time.

Maulana Barkatullah Bhopali

Then, “Inquilab Zindabad”, the popular hymn echoed at Jantar Mantar very recently, was originally coined by Urdu poet-politician Hasrat Mohani at the Congress’ Ahmedabad session, while Bhagat Singh solely made it popularized. Mohani had been a soulful Krishna Bhakt, leaving him writing eulogies for ‘Hazrat Krishna’ (Hazrat is not a religious tag; it is an honorary title).  He, being the co-prisoner of Gandhi ji, presented him with the USSR idea of federalism for empowering the localized and regional pockets of the agglomerate India. His courage and values proved his patriotism in the debates of the Constituent Assembly and confrontations with the Britishers. 

Hasrat Mohani

We remember Mahatma Gandhi more than any other freedom fighter, but are we mindful of the fact that the man who saved him was Batak Mian Ansari during the Champaran Satyagraha in 1917? He was the cook deployed by the Britishers, who then ordered Batak Mian Ansari to serve venomous milk to Gandhi ji. His integrity made him stake his life to save Gandhi ji. He sneakily warned Gandhi ji, and, as anticipated, he was kicked out of his job by the Britishers, further leaving him battered by the villagers and ousting him and his family from his residence. To date, his family couldn’t receive what was promised for his courage by India’s first president, Rajendra Prasad. Questioning how much we have honoured the honorable personalities on the ground?

Batak Mian Ansari

The last Nizam of Hyderabad, Mir Osman Ali Khan, is also in this queue of the buried names. Independence movement is not merely the swing between direct confrontation with colonial regime, it too laps over the pre and post period that either nudged the movements or repaired the damages caused to India. He has reportedly granted mammoth donations across educational and religious institutions. From BHU, AMU, IISc, publication of critical editions of Mahabharata, Golden Temple, Amritsar and many more places . We rewind through cruel rulers who demolished Indian structures, to attack their community and make them accountable in the present, but are we awakened with these submerged realities as well? One-sided history or evolving history, rationality comes with the choices citizens make to discern their roots.

Mir Osman Ali Khan

The history of Muslim resistance to British colonial rule also travelled deep into Malabar in Kerala, where Variyankunnath Kunjahammad Haji, Ali Musliyar , and Sayyid Fazal Pookoya Thangal emerged as formidable names in a long tradition of anti-colonial mobilisation. Fazal Pookoya Thangal, the 19th-century Mappila spiritual leader of Malabar, became an influential voice against British authority and the oppressive agrarian order sustained under colonial rule, eventually being forced into exile in 1852. Decades later, that inheritance of resistance found powerful expression in the 1921 Malabar uprising, with Ali Musliyar, a religious scholar and Khilafat leader, and Variyankunnath Kunjahammad Haji becoming among its most prominent leaders. Haji challenged British authority in parts of Malabar and established a parallel administration in areas under rebel control, while Ali Musliyar mobilised people against colonial rule before being captured and executed by the British. Haji, too, was eventually captured and executed by firing squad in January 1922.

Ali Musliyar

Culture can marginalise women, but religion pours courage 

“Khoob Ladi Mardani thi, Wo Jhansi Wali Rani thi”, Whenever we speak of women who took up arms for this land, Rani Lakshmibai of Jhansi is the name that comes to every tongue, and she deserves every bit of that memory. But here’s what gnaws: she was not alone. There were other women just as fearless, standing in the same fire, and history simply didn’t bother to write their names down. 

Begum Hazrat Mahal

Begum Hazrat Mahal was one of them, and she wasn’t a side character, she was one of the rebellion’s most formidable forces. Even William Howard Russell, a British correspondent writing for his own side, couldn’t deny her fire. In his My Indian Mutiny Dairy, describing her as a woman of remarkable energy who had stirred all of Oudh into rising for her son’s cause and had herself declared undying war against the British. At Musa Bagh in Lucknow, she didn’t issue orders from a distance, she personally fought alongside and rallied nearly 9,000 rebel soldiers, moving from camp to camp, lifting morale with speeches that set entire camps on fire.

Abadi Bano Begum

And then there’s Abadi Bano Begum- the woman history remembers, if at all, only as “Bi Amma.” A widow with six children, one of the sons Maulana Shaukat Ali, and the other Mohammad Ali Jauhar, above-mentioned together known as the Ali Brothers. She could have used every excuse the world hands a woman to stay silent. widowhood, motherhood, the weight of raising children alone. She used none of them. When the country needed people brave enough to stand up to the British, she stood up too. She became the first woman to address a political rally while wearing a burqa and let that sink in for a moment. She didn’t have to remove a part of her identity to be taken seriously in public life; she broke the idea that a veiled woman couldn’t also be a fighter, a leader, or a voice loud enough to move a crowd. She urged women to stop hiding at home and join the struggle, organizing funds and meetings where they were addressed as political beings for the first time, and taught why boycotting foreign goods mattered. She convinced them to donate to the Tilak Swaraj Fund, set up by Bal Gangadhar Tilak to finance India’s freedom struggle.

Kulsum Sayani

Not every battle was fought with a sword, some were fought with pen and paper. Kulsum Sayani, awarded the Padma Shri in 1960, waged her own war against illiteracy through the Jan Jagran movement, teaching under “each one, teach one” and leading centres for Muslim women that grew from 50 to 600 by sheer will. Begum Rokeya, a fiercely prolific feminist writer at a time when a woman dreaming was seen as rebellion, imagined a world turned upside down in Sultana’s Dream, then built that vision into reality, founding a girls’ school in 1909 and the Muslim Women’s Association in 1916, giving women space to learn and speak.

Begum Rokeya

80th Indian Independence Day’s call to unwind the narratives 

As the author of ‘Sare Jahan Sai Achcha, Hindustan Humara’– Allama Iqbal penned- “The freedom lovers of the nation stepped forward with such dignity that even those long imprisoned by deprivation watched in admiration.” It has been shouldered on the present generations to soak in the evolving history to sanitize the present from groans of hatred, rotting the Indian society. 

These lost chapters from Indian history wouldn’t have been possible to muster without the effulgent works of Salim Khan, Romila Thapar, Ramachandra Guha, S. Irfan Habib, Mushirul Hasan, A. G. Noorani, Rana Safvi, etc. Grinning us with the fact that the pluralistic framework of India is not only designed by the constituent makers, but it is also originally earned by all the freedom fighters, from pre- to post-independence.

Adeena Navaid is a law student and writer covering legal, social, and feminist issues, with work published in Maktoob, Bar & Bench, The Quint, Siasat, SheThePeople, and other platforms. Aiman Tabassum is a final-year LL.B. student at the University of Mumbai who writes on constitutional law, legal history, and socio-political issues, with work published in Bar & Bench.

source: http://www.maktoobmedia.com / Maktoob Media / Home> Opinion / by Adeena Navaid & Aiman Tabassum / August 14th, 2026

A grandson discovers his freedom fighter grandfather through letters

Mumbai, MAHARASHTRA :

Barrister Mohammed Yaseen Nurie who served as a Minister in B.G. Kher’s cabinet

The lane leading from the iconic Mahim Dargah to Mahim police station has an important address: Nurie Villa. But you may never know it unless you enter the haveli-like home and meet its owner Owais Shakir Nurie. At the house’s delightfully decorated drawing room, Owais, 54, pores over a heap of old letters carefully kept in folders.

Look carefully as these letters, mostly typed but many handwritten too, reveal a lot about what Owais calls “the unsung hero, the forgotten freedom fighter who took Pakistan founder Muhammed Ali Jinnah head on.” These letters are addressed to Barrister Mohammed Yaseen (M Y) Nurie (1895-1971), Owais’s grandfather who lies forgotten in the saga of freedom struggle.

If our freedom movement, especially the years after Quit India Movement leading to Independence pockmarked by partition, was strikingly eventful, Nurie must occupy the place of an important player. Educated at Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College (Aligarh Muslim University since 1920), Barrister from England, incarcerated for two years during Quit India Movement (1942), opposed Jinnah so much that he called Nurie “my fiercest competitor”, elected MLA from Ahmedabad in the 1937 provincial elections for the Bombay province which included Gujarat, made minister of public works in the B G Kher cabinet, Nurie played multiple roles and yet remains largely unsung.

Letters written to him by luminaries like Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Lal Bahadur Shastri, Morarji Desai, Syed Mahmud (External Affairs Minister), V K Krishna Menon (Defence Minister), S K Patil (Transport and Communications Minister), testify to Nurie’s importance in national and Maharashtra’s politics.

Yet, if Nurie does not figure immediately in the national imagination created and promoted, post-Independence, through careful curation and diligent deletion, blame it on the “syndicate” within the Congress party which suffered Indira Gandhi’s wrath for opposing her politics.

“Since my grandfather was in the syndicate led by the likes of K Kamraj and Morarji Desai, he too was denied positions in the 1960s and a place in the government-backed history projects,” says Owais, a govt contractor. “My father (Shakir Nurie) had seen how his father and the family suffered for siding with the Syndicate.”

The family was evicted from its rented Colaba home. “Nobody knew that there existed a tranche of letters, photographs and other documents related to my grandfather’s role in the freedom struggle and his interactions with so many important leaders till I opened the cloth bundle dumped at our Bewar (Rajasthan) haveli,” says Owais.

In his handwritten letter (November 17, 1956), Nehru profusely thanks Nurie for his birthday wishes. Through a 31st July, 1954 letter from Istanbul (Turkey), a director friend informs Nurie how Mehboob Khan-directed, Dilip Kumar-starrer Aan (1952) was a huge success in Egypt and he wants to show it in Turkey too.

Among the Nurie papers is a detailed protest letter Nurie lodged against a proposal to turn the historic Khilafat House in Byculla into a musafirkhana for Haj pilgrims. “It was due to his protest that the Khilafat House did not become the Haj House (it came up much later near Crawford Market).  Nurie sahab had served the Khilafat Movement and knew its importance in our national life,” observes Khilafat House’s trustee Rauf Pathan, currently engaged in the redevelopment of this iconic building.

Owais thanks his friend Sunil Bhatia who drew his attention to the blog created by the Ministry of Culture as part of its initiative on “unsung heroes” under the Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav. Ministry officials jumped with excitement when they saw some of the letters and requested Owais to collect and add more credible information to the project on Nurie’s life.

At a meeting in 2018 in Ahmedabad, held by businessman Zafar Sareshwala, a Hindu businessman felicitated Owais after he learnt he carried the Nurie legacy, the freedom fighter who opposed Jinnah and, as PWD minister (1937-39), must have overseen work on Queen’s Necklace , Marine Drive.

source: http://www.timesofindia.indiatimes.com / The Times of India / Home> News> City News> Mumbai News / by Mohammed Wajihuddin / May 24th, 2026

Why We Need a Book About Muslims Who Fought for India’s Freedom

Mumbai, INDIA :

Can a stable and just democracy flourish on foundations of wilful amnesia and erasure?

A c. 1800 painting showing the last stand of Tipu Sultan, ruler of Mysore in 1799 at the end of the Anglo-Mysore Wars with the East India Company. Photo: Henry Singleton/Public domain.

Many will ask why a book about Muslims who fought for India’s freedom? There’s no answer to such questions except another question. Had we been better memory keepers as a nation, could we have avoided the peak disinformation and stupidity which normalises reviling ordinary Muslims as outsiders, infiltrator and insurgents? 

Muslim Freedom Fighters of India is a two-volume biographical compilation by Salim Khan on less-known, mostly forgotten and hardly known Muslim figures. The books aim to clear the fog around Muslim freedom fighters whose names are heard of without them being extensively known and this requires us to understand why this fog exists. Written in an extremely readable and accessible format, these biographical accounts embed the historical figures in the context of their times, responding to unprecedented events with foresight, clarity and conviction that sealed their fate and shaped and the nation’s destiny.

 Whether we are reading about Generals of 1857 – Bakht Khan and Khan Bahadur Khan – or the Cambridge-educated Rampur scion Mohammad Ali Juahar of Khilafat moment and his fiery mother Bi Amma, the larger questions seething beneath the stories keep rising to surface. Who does a society and nation choose to remember and celebrate? Whose memories are deemed worthy of preserving? History is always shaped by those who control archives, narratives and memorialisation and hence memory. 

Reading about Tipu’s dazzling reign through the three Anglo Mysore wars where he proved superior to British forces, I was reminded of the controversy sparked by the late Girish Karnad’s suggestion of naming the Bengaluru airport after Tipu Sultan. Karnad had said, “It is true that Tipu Sultan was not born in Bengaluru, but he was a son of this soil and a freedom fighter. Had Tipu been a Hindu, he would have achieved the status of Shivaji, and the airport would have been named after him.” I recalled Karnad because his play Dreams of Tipu Sultan echoes the same theme that this two-volume tribute to erased, obscured and deliberately unremembered historical figures echoes: that when politics lays down who should be forgotten, remembering the erased becomes a duty, an affirmation and a political act. 

It is important to clarify that this is not a compilation of eulogies but well-researched fact based account of people who had the uncommon clarity to resist colonial domination even before the nationalistic narratives took shape. That they happened to be Muslims is important today because of the distortions that have obscured and erased them. But back then when they fought and resisted, they were simply rallying for the cause of their soil and their watan. From the earliest times they understood that freedom from foreign domination required Hindus and Muslims to put up a united front as in the war of 1857, the Khilafat movement, and the period between 1919 and 1924. Back then too, traitors cut across religious lines – Jagat Seth, Mir Jafar, and Ilahi Baksh.

Muslim Freedom Fighters of India: Part 1 and Part 2’, Salim Khan, Qalam Aur Kaagaz Books.

From Siraj ud Daulah to Tipu to Shahzada Firoz Shah, the book shows how the fog around these personalities is not accidental but meticulously designed – initially by the colonial mind, then picked up by early nationalists and woven into simplistic narratives. The macabre dance of history further stifled Muslim voices. Cataclysmic events like the ‘end’ of the Mughal Dynasty in 1857 and the Partition in 1947 sundered clans, erased family histories, legacies crumbled with no one is around to defend and uphold them. Today, even people who don’t know history have heard of Lakshmi Bai, but many who read history may not have heard about Shahzada Firoz Shah, the Mughal Emperor’s grandson who in August 1857, led a band of armed soldiers to rally the rebels in Rohilkhand and Malwa and who fought alongside Tatia Tope and called for a united Hindu-Muslim front against the Company. 

The British understood the dangerous potential of popular memory and subverted any potential for memorialisation of hugely influential figures. No one knows if Shahzada Firoz died in battle or escaped to West Asia. The Maulavi Ahmadulla of Faizabad whose authority and fearlessness scared the British so much that they kept a reward on his head, was likewise interred in an unmarked grave. Knowing that even his memory could become a node to unite the rebels, the British saw to it that no commemoration was permitted or possible. Zafar, the last Mughal was exiled to Rangoon for the same reasons.

In her book, India, 5,000 years of history on the subcontinent, Audrey Truschke, elucidates how Muslim rulers like Nawab Siraj ud Daulah and Tipu Sultan to Zafar felt a responsibility for their subjects no matter what their religion. For example, Siraj ud Daulah actively intervened in times of famines and drought in Bengal. But after the British took over they did nothing to alleviate human suffering, so that 20% of Bengal’s population died in the famine of 1768 and the small-pox epidemic of 1769-70 following it. This had never happened during earlier episodes of failed harvests. Truschke says, British historians initiated the custom of categorising Indian rulers as tyrannical, effete and incompetent, reducing them to their religion and writing in terms of Hindu rulers and Muslim rulers. The British needed to demonise Muslim rulers who were their immediate predecessors in subcontinent so that they might look good by comparison, Truschke notes. It was a part of the colonial propaganda.

Another pattern Salim Khan’s compilation brings out is that from mid-18th century onwards, the first responders and the most committed crusaders resisting colonial domination – the kings, queens, princes, preachers, noblemen – were Muslims. Not only because the British had wrested from them the power they had wielded for centuries (howsoever fragmented or diluted it may have become); but also, because they were looked upon as leaders. In Awadh, for example, the Shia elite took it as their moral-ethical duty (see Chapter 7, volume I: Shia Ullema and Noblemen of Awadh

Even in the 20th century, Muslim freedom fighters like Hasrat Mohani of the Inquilaab Zindabad fame and Asfaqullah Khan of the Kakori conspiracy who was an icon for Bhagat Singh, remain in the shadows, seen only in a hazy half-light. Were their contributions any less or only less remembered? One of the most important projects post-Independence should have been to restore memory and affirmation to those whom the British put on the wrong side of history, no matter what their religion or caste. But we know this is not what happened.

Since the arrival of the political controversy over Tipu Sultan, we have entered in an era of deliberate distortion of history. The larger question that these accounts refrain from asking but that jumps to any thinking person’s mind is this: can a stable and just democracy flourish on foundations of wilful amnesia and erasure? Should the memory of Muslim freedom fighters be kept only by the Muslims? The heritage and memory of Indian Muslims needs to be reclaimed by them. But equally, these volumes are required reading for the casually miseducated, hopelessly disinformed or simply ignorant Hindus who have been stupefied into denying and distorting their composite history.

Varsha Tiwary is a Delhi-based writer and translator. She has recently published 1990, Aramganj a translation of the best-selling Hindi novel Rambhakt Rangbaz.

Remembered in files, erased in life: Jharkhand’s forgotten martyrs of 1857

JHARKHAND :

The Banyan tree on which the execution took place. Photo: Ghulam Ahmad Raza

During the 1857 revolt against British rule, Jharkhand too witnessed armed resistance. The rebellion had spread across regions including Ranchi, Hazaribagh, Ramgarh, Palamu and Singhbhum. In the dense forested border areas of Ranchi and Hazaribagh, the rebel forces were led by Shaheed Sheikh Bhikhari Ansari and Tikait Umrao Singh. From the dense jungles of the Chuttu Palu valley, their army fought British troops and prevented Ranchi from falling under colonial control. Both leaders were captured by the British forces on January 6, 1858 and were publicly executed by hanging on January 8, 1858, in the same Chuttu Palu valley.

The banyan tree on which they were hanged still stands today. The Jharkhand government has developed the surrounding area as a martyr memorial with the stated aim of preserving history and keeping alive the legacy of the region’s sites of resistance. Yet even today, many residents of the Chuttu Palu village where the memorial stands remain unaware of who these martyrs were.

Fifty-eight-year-old Nirmal Kumar, who works as a stone breaker near the memorial, often rests inside the premises during breaks. He says he has been coming here since childhood. Despite this, he is unaware of the historical significance of the site and does not recognise the names of Sheikh Bhikhari Ansari or Tikait Umrao Singh.

“I only know that blankets are distributed here every year on January 8,” he said. On the martyrdom anniversary, social workers and officials visit the site to pay tribute and distribute essentials among the poor.

Sanjay Munda, a resident of Chuttu Palu village, said that even today, most villagers do not know about the martyrs or the memorial’s history. “Members of the surrounding Scheduled Tribe (ST)  and Scheduled Caste (SC) communities refer to the site in the local language as Fasiyahi Bar (tree where the hanging took place). Most people do not know about the 1857 revolt or the sacrifice of Sheikh Bhikhari and Tikait Umrao Singh,” he told Maktoob.

Despite the lack of awareness, locals often bow their heads in respect when passing the site.

The memory of these two revolutionaries who laid down their lives fighting British rule is slowly fading. Their history has largely been reduced to government files and digital web pages. On martyrdom days, ministers, officials and locals pay tributes, but beyond symbolic gestures, little is done. While the Jharkhand government has taken some steps to acknowledge them, no substantial initiative has been taken by the central government to formally recognise or honour their contributions.

Dr Muzaffar Hussain, researcher and author of Jharkhand ki Muslim Vibhutiyaan, says Muslim, SC and Adivasi martyrs have not received the recognition they deserve. “Jharkhand has produced many revolutionaries who sacrificed their lives for India’s freedom, but recognition has been limited largely to Birsa Munda only,” he said.

He points out that the 1857 revolt took place nearly 40 years before Birsa Munda’s Ulgulan (revolt). “Names like Nadir Ali, Imam Ali, Jatra Tana Bhagat, Sidhu–Kanhu, Phulo–Jhano, Nilambar–Pitambar, Sohbat Miyan, Chandan Miyan, Jaggu Miyan and Najahat Hussain are a part of Jharkhand’s resistance history during the 1857 revolt, yet they remain largely forgotten.”

Hussain argues that the Jharkhand government must project its revolutionaries on a larger scale for the central government to take meaningful steps. “Even platforms like Google and Wikipedia carry very limited information about them,” he said.

He suggests state-funded research, naming welfare schemes and government buildings after revolutionaries and honouring their descendants are ways to restore their place in public memory.

Ruchi Kujur, an activist working on SC and ST rights and a member of the Jharkhand State Commission for Protection of Child Rights, said every state has its own history, and Jharkhand is rich with stories of courage and resistance. “The list of Adivasi and SC heroes is long,” she said.

“People need to be made aware of their ancestors’ sacrifices. When these revolutionaries are honoured, it inspires the younger generation to work for society and the nation.”

Situated amid a valley rich in natural beauty, the martyr memorial complex (Shaheed Sthal) has been developed with basic amenities. Yet, several factors discourage people from visiting the site, further deepening the lack of public awareness about the martyrs. Surrounded by dense forests and hills, the memorial lies in an isolated location, with no human habitation within a radius of nearly five kilometres. This isolation is a major reason why people hesitate to visit the site, either alone or with their families.

The premise includes resting sheds, benches and toilet facilities. However, due to poor maintenance, thick shrubs have grown across the complex. Lights installed in the area and doors of the toilets have reportedly been stolen. Although the police conduct patrols from time to time, the absence of adequate security continues to deter visitors.

Ghulam Ahmad Raza is a Jharkhand-based freelance journalist with over four years of experienceHe has worked as a City Reporter with Pratah Awaz and as a Sub Editor with Prabhat MantraHis reporting focuses on marginalised communities, forgotten histories and grassroots political narratives.

source: http://www.maktoobmedia.com / Maktoob Media / Home> East India / by Ghulam Ahmad Raza / January 29th, 2026

Less known Muslim Women Freedom Fighters

INDIA :

Sultana Saleem was one of the officers of Azad Hind Fauj, or INA, of Subhas Chandra Bose.

It is a concise compilation of a few of less known Muslim women who took part in the Indian Freedom Struggle. 

Begum Mahboob Fatima: On 13 April 1932, two women were arrested at Chandni Chowk in Delhi by the police for commemorating the anniversary of the massacre at Jallianwala Bagh. These two were Begum Mahboob Fatima and Satyawati. On 21 April 1932, Begum Mahboob was sentenced for six months of Rigorous Imprisonment and Rupees 50 of fine. With this she became the first Muslim woman to have been sentenced during the freedom struggle in Delhi.

Sultana Saleem: Sultana Saleem was one of the officers of Azad Hind Fauj, or INA, of Subhas Chandra Bose. Her husband Colonel Saleem, whom she met during the war, also served the INA and Sultana was an officer of Rani Jhansi Regiment. Sultana reached India as part of the first contingent of captured soldiers of Rani of Jhansi Regiment in February 1946. The Indian Express reported on 22 February 1946, “Mrs Sleem felt that there was only one country for her- Hindusthan – and only one nation – Hindustani. She did not believe in either communalism or provincialism. It was the oneness of India that appealed to her most. In East Asia, she said there was no consciousness at all of religious or provincial differences and no untouchability problem. She believed that if India had freedom her many problems could be solved without much difficulty.”

Asghuri Begum: In 1857, when somewhere else Rani of Jhansi and Begum Hazrat Mahal were fighting against the colonial army of the English East India Company, in Muzaffarnagar and Shamli, peasant women had organised themselves in armed bands. The leader was Asghuri Begum. The region had been liberated by the Indian revolutionaries where the women contingent was being led by Asghuri. When Major Sawyer conquered Thana Bhawan, a town in Shamli, in October 1857, Asghuri was also captured. British troops tied her to a pole at a public place and set fire to her alive. 

Nishat-un-Nisa: “I appeal to the youth of this country that they sit at the feet of this goddess (Nishat un Nisa Begum) to learn the lessons of independence and perseverance.” These were the words of famous Urdu poet Pandit Brij Narayan Chakbast. Nishat was the first Muslim woman to address a Congress Session and that too without a purdah. Hasrat Mohani, who coined Inquilab Zinadabad, was her husband. Nishat attended the public political meetings without her husband. She wrote articles, led delegations to Viceroy, participated in strikes and was the first woman to move a resolution for complete independence at a Congress session.

Saadat Bano: Saadat Bano whose husband Saifuddin Kitchlew is known as the hero of Jallianwala Bagh was a writer, poet and political activist much before her marriage. She wrote extensively for women rights, patriotism and education. It is a well known fact that people gathered at Jallianwala on 13 April 1919 to protest the arrest of Saifuddin but it is often overlooked that they came to listen to a public address by Saadat. Saifuddin was in jail but Saadat did not sit at home in those times. She used to address meetings, meet political leaders, attend Congress sessions, write in papers and take part in All India Women Conference activities. She was considered orator par excellence.

Amjadi Begum: How important a person would be if Gandhi himself wrote in one of his articles that this ‘brave woman’ led the ‘fundraising campaigns’ from the front ? Almost no history student in India knows Amjadi Begum. They know her as the wife of Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar. Gandhi in one of his articles wondered whether she could teach her husband the art of public oratory, where one impressed upon the hearts of the audience in a few words. She is believed to have single handedly led the fundraising campaigns and managed affairs of Jamia Millia Islamia when her husband was in prison.

Moondar:  Rani of Jhansi’s movement had an important Muslim woman, viz. Moondar. She was a close aide and assisted her during battles. Robert Hamilton, agent of Governor General to Central India, informed the British government on 30 October 1858, “Rani was riding a horse. There was another Muslim woman riding with her, who used to be her servant as well as companion since many years. Both fell down from the horse with the bullet wounds simultaneously.” Another British officer John Venables Sturt claimed that the body recovered by the British was not of Rani but Moondar’s. 

Nani Hakko: Nani Hakko was a jolaha (weaver) woman from Panipat who was impressed by Mahatma Gandhi’s idea of boycott and swadeshi. The she first heard him, Hakko started weaving her own shroud. She willed to be buried in a khadi shroud. When someone asked her what she was weaving, she would reply, ““I am weaving a kafan (shroud) for myself”. 

Hakko left this world only the day after completing this khaddar ka kafan. She asked people to bury her in this handwoven shroud (khaddar ka kafan) and boycotted the foreign made cloth even in her death. According to Khwaja Ahmad Abbas, she was the first person to have been buried in khaddar ka kafan as a result of Gandhi’s call to charkha. Khwaja wrote, “she was the first one to be buried in a khaddar ka kafan — a patriot unto death!”

source: http://www.heritagetimes.in / Heritage Times / Home / by Saquib Salim / March 08th, 2025

What Days They Were: Memoir sheds light on events before India’s partition and its aftermath

Bayara Village (Basti District), UTTAR PRADESH :

Kazi Jalil Abbasi was a leader, freedom fighter and politician who witnessed key events of twentieth century–not just as an observer but as someone who took active part in public life, participated in movements and after independence went on to fight elections and become a legislator, minister and Parliamentarian.

When a large number of Muslims from Uttar Pradesh including elite and the community leaders, were leaving the country, he remained committed to his political ideology, kept opposing communalism and led from the front–fighting and raising his voice democratically in independent India.

Uttar Pradesh, the heartland and the most populous state in the country, had been the battleground for Congress and Muslim League before 1947. It had seen competitive communalism, inter-religious tensions and riots. On the ground, situation in UP was complex and different from other states.

Kazi Jalil Abbasi’s autobiography is insightful and reveals a lot about the period and the struggles. Abbasi was born in Bayara in Basti district in1912. He studied in different schools in Gonda, Unnao and Basti before he joined the Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) from where he was expelled.

All these circumstances, his idealism, role in freedom struggle are part of the book. He was against the political stand of Muslim League. The books also provides information about Congress’ organisation and the politics in UP, its leaders. There are interesting anecdotes about top leaders, ranging from Rafi Ahmad Kidwai to Indira Gandhi. 

The autobiography titled ‘Kya Din The!’ was originally published in Urdu. 

Arif Ansari has now translated it in English. Ansari is settled in Washington DC. The book that runs into nearly 350 pages is a must-read for anyone who is interested in the era, important events and the post-partition situation in Uttar Pradesh.

Notionpress has published the book and it is available online

source: http://ww.newsbits.in / Newsbits.in / Home> Special / by Shams Ur Rehman Alavi, Bhopal / January 26th, 2021

Zakia Jafri, A Symbol of Resistance, Passes Away

Khandwa District, MADHYA PRADESH / Ahmedabad, GUJARAT :

Zakia Jafri, wife of former Congress MP Ehsan Jafri – the Legal Crusader who became a Symbol of Resistance, died at her residence in Ahmedabad Saturday February 01, 2025.

Mumbai: 

Zakia Jafri, wife of former Congress MP Ehsan Jafri – the Legal Crusader who became a Symbol of Resistance, died at her residence in Ahmedabad Saturday February 01, 2025.

Zakia Jafri was 86.

Zakia Jafri is survived by sons Tanveer and Zubair, and daughter Nishrin. “Mom passed away at around 11:30 AM”, she told media.

Zakia Jafri’s sad demise was later shared with the world by Rights Activist, Journalist and Author, Teesta Setalvad.

“Zakia Appa a compassionate leader of the Human Rights Community passed away just 30 minutes ago!” Teesta Setalvad wrote on her X account around 01:30 PM Saturday.

“Her visionary presence will be missed by the nation, family. friends & world! Rest in Power and Peace Zakia appa!” Teesta wrote while condoling Zakia Jafri’s death.

Originally from Khandwa district of Madhya Pradesh, Zakia Jafri had shifted to Ahmedabad, Gujarat in 1971. This after living in a refugee camp after her home in Khandwa was burnt during the 1969 communal riots.

Zakia Jafri’s husband Ehsan Jafri was a freedom fighter and Member of Parliament.

Ehsan Jafri and his family had provided shelter to dozens of Muslim families at their Gulbarg Society in Ahmedabad during the 2002 Gujarat riots.

But, the society, considered to be a safe haven because of Jafri family’s stature, too was targeted by the rioters who burnt alive and killed at least 68, including Ehsan Jafri.

Zakia Jafri later fought a long legal battle to seek justice for the 2002 Gujarat riot victims. She had also challenged the SIT clean chit given to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who was Chief Minister Gujarat, during the riots.

During the long legal battle she was threatened and later cajoled by different means and tactics. She however remained firm.

Zakia Jafri is likely to be laid to rest beside her husband in Ahmedabad.

Condolences pour in

Meanwhile, condolences are pouring in from different circles after the demise of Zakia Jafri.

Kerala Chief Minister, Pinarayi Vijayan, in his condolence message said, “Zakia Jafri, an unwavering voice for the victims of the 2002 Gujarat riots, is no more. The widow of former MP Ehsan Jafri, who was brutally murdered by a Sangh Parivar-led mob, she dedicated her life to the pursuit of justice. Her relentless fight leaves behind a legacy of courage and resilience. Her memory will continue to inspire us in our fight against communalism and divisive forces.”

Congress Spokesperson, Pawan Khera, wrote, “Zakia Jafri died today. Her Hope for justice had died in her life time. She chronicled the history of ‘New India’ through her tears, her sobs, her fight and her defeat.”

Hyderabad MP and AIMIM Chief Asaduddin Owaisi in his condolence message wrote, “Zakia Jafri watched her husband being murdered by a mob in 2002. For nearly two decades, she fought a lonely legal battle against some of India’s most powerful men, never showing fear. She passed away today. May Allah grant her peace and strength to her loved ones.”

Sanjiv Bhatt (IPS) who was posted in Gujarat during the 2002 Godhra Riots condoled Zakia Jafri’s death in these words.

“Zakia Jafri Ji was an unshakable voice of truth against power. For decades, she fought not just for justice, but for truth, dignity and the very soul of our democracy. Her strength in the face of unimaginable loss will forever inspire us. Today, India has lost a true warrior, but her courage will live on! Rest in power, Zakia Ji!!”

Condoling the death of Zakia Jafri, Journalist and TV Anchor Rajdeep Sardesai worte: “Sad news: Zakia Jafri, whose husband and former Cong MP Ehsan Jafri was brutally killed in the 2002 Gujarat riots passed away today. For years, she fought a valiant battle for justice. When even an MP’s wife struggles to be heard, imagine the plight of an ordinary citizen. And yet, she remained steadfast and courageous till the end. Refused to give up.”

Mumtaz Patel, daughter of Congress leader Ahmed Patel, condoled Zakia Jafri’s death in these words.

“Zakia Jafri ji, symbol of resilience and an unwavering voice for justice, is no more. Her fight for truth and accountability in the face of unimaginable tragedy will always be remembered. May she rest in power.”

My heart goes out to the brave lady #ZakiaJafri who fought against these devils and those three judges who betrayed you . But they all will have to pay for their karmas before they depart from this world,this also includes the supreme leader . pic.twitter.com/JQUZTueTuI— Ravinder Kapur. (@RavinderKapur2) February 1, 2025.

“Zakia Jafri, widow of former parliamentarian Ehsan Jafri, who was killed by a Hindutva mob in the 2002 Gujarat genocide, Zakia Jafri Survived in genocide and become the relentless voice of Justice”, Noor Mahvish, a lawyer, wrote on X.

“Zakia Jafri . A life time of a fight for justice 23 years out of the 85 she spent on this earth ,waiting for justice for the killing of her husband along with the people they tried to protect inside Gulberg Society in Gujarat 2002”, a social media user, who identifies her as Realm of Bohemia, wrote.

“Brave and fearless, she fought for Justice till the end”, an activist wrote.

“She left this world fighting for justice and showing the whole world how to never give up”, Razia Pathan, an activist, wrote.

source: http://www.ummid.com / Ummid.com / Home> India / by ummid.com News Network / February 01st, 2025

Rare prints from Tipu Sultan era acquired by city-based collector

Bengaluru, KARNATAKA :

One print depicts Tipu’s two sons being taken hostage by Lord Charles Cornwallis, after the third Anglo-Mysore war in February 1792, and the other is a portrayal of their return to their mother.

The prints were made in 1796 by publisher Haines. / Credit: DH Photo/ B K Janardhan

A city-based art collector, Sunil Baboo, has recently acquired two rare prints of paintings from Tipu Sultan’s era. They capture significant moments in the history of the erstwhile Kingdom of Mysore.

One print depicts Tipu’s two sons being taken hostage by Lord Charles Cornwallis, after the third Anglo-Mysore war in February 1792, and the other is a portrayal of their return to their mother. 

History has it that Cornwallis laid out severe conditions Tipu had to adhere to in the Treaty of Seringapatam. He demanded that Tipu hand over his sons to British custody, until the king carried out all the demands he had agreed upon. 

“While there are multiple artworks depicting the moment of surrender, it is rare to come across one capturing the sons being returned to Tipu’s wife,” says 65-year-old Baboo, who has been collecting historic books, maps, aquatints and documents since 1982.

The creator of the paintings is unknown, but they were turned into prints in 1796 by publisher Haines. This was even before the defeat and death of Tipu during the fourth Anglo-Mysore war in 1799. “Many of these artists never set foot in India. They created these images based on what was described to them. While there was an artistic bent to them, it was more a way for them to document important events,” Baboo explains. Many of these prints were originally etchings and engravings that were coloured by hand, adds the Gangenahalli resident.

He learnt of the prints a few months ago, and was able to edge out some of the biggest auction houses like Bonhams, UK. “They were planning to auction them in June 2024, but I was able to procure them through my contacts,” he explains. Over the years, Baboo has built a wide network of collectors and auction houses that tip him off on new discoveries. Most of this category of prints are found in family collections of descendants of French and British soldiers of the colonial period. 

The prints, once discovered, are restored and framed. Baboo’s 16×14-inch prints came with a lot of archival tape and paper at the back of the frame. “Presumably to reinforce them. They can be kept in this condition for a long time,” he says. 

source: http://www.deccanherald.com / Deccan Herald / Home> India> Karnataka> Bengaluru / by Rashmi Rajagopal / January 24th, 2025

Profiles of Freedom Fighters from Aligarh Muslim University

Aligarh, UTTAR PRADESH :

It is well-timed and relevant to know that Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) has produced many freedom fighters who fought for independence. While we are celebrating the Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav, present-day India is going through difficult and trying times, as hate speeches against Indian Muslims are often heard from every corner of India. It is believed that most of them are not patriotic and are supporters of Pakistan.

During the last eight years we have seen some incidents of mob lynchings of Muslims and Dalits and have also heard unfortunate calls for genocide of Muslims. Knowing about the contribution of AMU towards the national struggle of independence is relevant to dispel the myth that the founder of AMU, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, advocated that Muslims of India constituted a separate nation, qaum, or that the idea of Pakistan took birth among the intellectual class of Aligarh. Moreover, the study of AMU’s contribution to freedom movement will, it is believed, strengthen Hindu-Muslim Unity.

The Mohammado Anglo-Oriental College (MAO College), Aligarh, established in 1875 (which later became AMU in 1920), produced many freedom fighters, prominent among them are Ali brothers (Maulana Shaukat Ali and Mohammad Ali), Abdul Gaffar Khan (Frontier Gandhi), Maulana Hasarat Mohani, Raja Mahinder Pratap (President of 1st Indian Government established in exile at Kabul), S. M. Tonki, Saifuddin Kichloo Kitchlew (recipient of Lenin Peace Prize), Abdul Majeed Khwaja and Qazi Adeel Abbasi, Saith Yaqoob Hasan, Ali Sardar Jafri, Shafiqe-ur-Rehman Kidwai, Rafi Ahmad Kidwai, Raja Gulam Husain, Shoeb Qureshi, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, Dr. Datu (Leader of African National Conference), Abdul Matin Chowdhry (Founder Member of Indian Civil Liberty Union), Mazharul Haque, Syed Ali Zaheer, Syed Hossain, Syed Mir Qasim, Syed Rauf Pasha, Tassauq Ahmad Khan Sherwani, Yaseen Noori Z Ahmad, and Zafar Ali Khan.

In the following pages we provide a brief profile of fifteen prominent freedom fighters who are alumni of AMU (Hakeem Ajmal Khan was not an alumni alumnus of AMU but was associated with it as a member of Trustee).

Khan Abdul Ghaffar (1890-1988)

Khan Abdul Ghaffar is one of the most important Muslim freedom fighters of India and he was also known as “Frontier Gandhi “. He started the famous Khudai Khidmatgar (“Servants of God”) movement in 1929 and it was a very successful freedom movement. The British were so infuriated by the success of the movement that they began a harsh crackdown on its supporters. The atrocities committed on Khudai Khidmatgar were one of the most severe repressions that the Indian independence Movement ever witnessed. He also opposed the All-India Muslim League’s demand for the partition of India. When the Congress Party did not consult him on partition, he felt very sad and told the Congress “you have thrown us to the wolves”. After the partition, he remained in Pakistan and started fighting for a separate Baloch province. He was jailed many times from 1948 to 1988 and most of the time was under house arrest. When he died in 1988, tens of thousands of mourners attended his funeral. At the same time heavy fighting was going on between Soviet forces and Afghan Rebel forces but both stopped their fight and paid tribute to the great leader.

Zakir Husain (1897-1969)

Dr. Zakir Husain served as 3rd President of India and he was also the first Muslim President of India. He was one of the founders of Jamia Millia Islamia, Delhi. He was deeply influenced by Gandhi’s doctrine of Non-Violence and believed that India’s struggle for freedom would only be successful when Indian Society is educated with value-based education. He acted as the Vice Chancellor of Jamia Millia Islamia for 22 years (1926-48) and made it one of the finest educational institutes in India. He was awarded The Bharat Ratna, India’s highest National Honour.

Saifuddin Kitchlew (1888-1963)

Dr. Saifuddin Kitchlew completed his studies in Europe and then returned to India to practice Law. He was appointed as Municipal Commissioner of Amritsar when the infamous Rowlatt Act was passed by the British Government. He soon left his law practice and took part in the Non-Cooperation Movement. He was arrested with Mahatma Gandhi and Dr. Satyapal for leading a protest in Punjab and to protest the arrest of the trio, a public meeting gathered at the Jallianwala Bagh where Gen. Reginald Dyer and his troops fired mercilessly upon the unarmed civilian crowd. He was also the founding leader of the Indian Youth Congress. Kitchlew spends nearly fourteen years in jail for his revolutionary activities. He strongly opposed the Muslim League’s demand for Pakistan and partition of India. India Post released a special commemorative stamp featuring him on his 100 Birth Anniversary.

Abdul Majeed Khwaja (1885-1962)

Khwaja Sahab, as Abdul Majeed Khwaja was affectionately known as, served – first as Vice Chancellor and then as Chancellor of the Jamia Millia Islamia for the longest duration in its 100 years. Jamia’s history will remain incomplete without his mention.

He was educated at MAO College, Aligarh, after which he went to Cambridge and was called to the Bar. At Cambridge his contemporaries included Jawaharlal Nehru, Saifuddin Kitchlew, Syed Mahmud and T. A. K. Sherwani, all of whom joined India’s freedom movement.

Khwaja Sahab was a committed Congressman who had joined the party in 1915 and, despite ups and downs, remained with it till his last breath. He also remained associated with Jamiat Ulama-i- Hind almost from the beginning and was in the Khilafat delegation that went to England. He was Junior Law Professor at MAO College, had served as its Trustee and was also Secretary of the MAO Old Boys’ Association.

Khwaja Sahab was a distinguished lawyer, and was quite famous in Patna High Court. But, in response to the call for non-cooperation which included boycotting the British Government supported education, he gave up his legal practice, and got himself involved in the formation and building of Jamia.

Abdul Majeed Kwaja held high offices in the Khilafat Congress and was associated with Jamait- Ulamae-e-Hind from its inception. He was a close associate of Jawaharlal Nehru and a great advocate of Hindu-Muslim unity. He took keen interest in the Khilafat movement and went to England as a member of the Khilafat delegation (1920), led by Dr. MA Ansari.

Hakeem Ajmal Khan (1868-1927)

Ajmal Khan was a prominent leader of India’s freedom struggle and was among the founders of Jamia Millia Islamia. He is also the sole person who has had the honour to be elected the President of the Indian National Congress, the Muslim League and the All-India Khilafat Committee. He was a prominent freedom fighter, respected physician and academician of India. After beginning his practice, Khan was elected as the main physician to the Nawab of Rampur from the time period 1892 to 1902. Here, he was introduced to Sir Sayyid who chose him as the trustee of the MAO College.

His life changed its course from medicine towards politics after he started writing for an Urdu weekly ‘Akmal-ul-Akhbar’ that was launched during 1865-70. Khan was also heading the Muslim team, who met the Viceroy of India in Shimla in the year 1906 to give him a memorandum for creation of AMU.

At a time when many Muslim leaders were arrested, Ajmal Khan approached Mahatma Gandhi for help. As such, Gandhiji united with him and other Muslim leaders like Maulana Azad, Maulana Mohammad Ali and Maulana Shaukat Ali in the famous Khilafat movement. Ajmal Khan resigned from AMU as its trustee when the authorities refused to accept the non-cooperation movement waged by Gandhiji and the Congress against the British government. He was elected the president of the Indian National Congress in 1921.

Hasrat Mohani (1877-1951)

Syed Fazl-ul-Hasan, known by his pen-name Hasrat Mohani, co-founder of Communist Party of India, was an Indian political activist (as he was expelled from MAO College in 1903 due to his political activities), freedom fighter in the Indian independence movement and a noted poet of the Urdu language. He coined the notable slogan “Inquilab Zindabad” (translation of “Long live the revolution!”) in 1921. Together with Swami Kumaranand, he is regarded as the first person to demand complete independence for India in 1921 at the Ahmedabad Session of Congress. Maghfoor Ahmad Ajazi supported the complete independence motion demanded by Hasrat Mohani. The demand of “complete independence” was however not upheld by Mahatma Gandhi then as he believed that “it could not be incorporated in the Congress creed until the Hindu-Muslim unity is completely achieved which also meant that the idea was premature.

Mohani was opposed to the Nehru Committee Report and left Congress to become President of the Muslim League at Ahmedabad in 1921. As a member of the Constituent Assembly, he refused to sign the draft Constitution to protest partition and India’s membership of the Commonwealth.

While he was a devout Muslim, he didn’t find it odd to be inspired by Krishna, the Hindu deity. Makkah, Mathura and Moscow were Hasrat Mohani’s popular symbols. He did not find any conflict between them. A firm believer in religious integration, he repeatedly performed hajj pilgrim as well as attended the Sri-Krishna celebration fair held annually at Mathura.

Raja Mahendra Pratap (1886-1979)

Raja Mahendra Pratap Singh was an Indian freedom fighter, journalist, writer, revolutionary, President in the Provisional Government of India, which served as the Indian Government in exile during World War I from Kabul in 1915, and social reformist in the Republic of India. He also formed the Executive Board of India in Japan in 1940 during the Second World War. He also took part in the Balkan War in the year 1911 along with his fellow students of MAO college. He is popularly known as “Aryan Peshwa”. Government of U.P. established in 2021, Raja Mahendra Pratap Singh State University, at Aligarh, to cherish his memory and legacy. Prime Minister Narendra Modi laid the foundation stone of the University on 13 September 2021.

Maulana Shaukat Ali (1873-1938)

Shaukat Ali was the elder brother of the renowned political leader Mohammad Ali Jouhar. He helped his younger brother Mohammad Ali to publish the Urdu weekly, Hamdard, and the English weekly Comrade. In 1915 he published an article which said Turks were right to fight the British. These two weekly magazines played a key role in shaping the political policy of Muslim India back then. In 1919, while jailed for publishing what the British charged as seditious materials and organizing protests, he was elected as the last president of the Khilafat conference. He was re-arrested and imprisoned from 1921 to 1923 for his support to Mahatma Gandhi and the Indian National Congress during the Non-Cooperation Movement (1919–1922). His fans accorded him and his brother the title of Maulana. In March 1922, he was in Rajkot jail and was later released in 1923.

While still a supporter of Congress and its non-violent ethos, Ali even surpassed some of his colleagues in also providing support to the revolutionary independence movement. To this end, he supplied guns to Sachindranath Sanyal.

He opposed the 1928 Nehru Report. Instead, he demanded separate electorates for Muslims and finally the Khilafat Committee rejected the Nehru Report. Shaukat Ali attended the first and second Round Table Conferences (India) in London in 1930-31. Ali served as a member of the ‘Central Assembly’ in British India from 1934 to 1938. He travelled all over the Middle East, building support for India’s Muslims and the struggle for independence from British rule in India.

Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar (1878-1931)

Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar studied in MAO College and in Oxford University. He launched non-cooperation and Khilafat movement with Mahatma Gandhi. His regular writings in leading Indian and foreign newspapers like The Times, London, The Manchester Guardian and The Observer made him look like a visionary that the Indian Muslims and the general public was waiting for decades. Later, in the year 1911 he launched his well-received magazine The Comrade in Calcutta. But Kolkata didn’t suit him much and he shifted base to Delhi, from where he launched an Urdu daily, Hamdard, in 1913. Muhammad Ali was in the forefront in the war against British Raj. He wholeheartedly supported Mahatma Gandhi’s call for a national civil resistance movement, and inspired hundreds of protests and strikes all over India. He was arrested by British authorities and imprisoned for two years for what was termed as a seditious speech at one such meeting. He was one of the founders of Jamia Millia Islamia and was its first Vice Chancellor.

He was elected the President of INC in 1923. The fearless Maulana, despite his ill-health, went to attend the first Round Table Conference in London in 1930. He told the British Government in a very clear tone that he would not return to India alive unless the country was set free. “I would prefer to die in a foreign country so long as it is a free country, and if you do not give us freedom in India, you will have to give me a grave here”, the Maulana said. The true freedom lover, Muhammad Ali died during the same journey in London on 4 January 1931. He was buried in Jerusalem in the proximity of the Dome of Rock. While speaking bluntly in the Round Table Conference, he said, “I have not come to ask for Dominion Status. I do not believe in the attainment of Dominion Status. The one thing to which I am committed is complete independence. In Madras in 1927, we passed a resolution making that our goal.”

Abdul Qaiyum Ansari (1905-1973) was a freedom fighter of India. He was known for his commitment to national integration, secularism and communal harmony. He fought against Jinnah’s two nation theory through the All-India Momin Conference of which he was the President. He vehemently opposed the very idea of Pakistan and spoke out openly to the extent of inviting attack by Muslim League supporters. While speaking in Patna during the Bihar Provincial Momin Conference on 21 April 1940, Abdul Qayyum said: “It is blasphemy to say that Islam is in danger here. It is tragedy to place orders for a Pakistan for the segregation of Islam. It is a defeat of Islam to run away from the battle of life in search of a privilege. It is a fantastic wavering of a fevered mind”.

He was impressed by Mahatma Gandhi, Maulana Azad and Ali Brothers who were the leading lights of the freedom movement. His activism in the freedom movement and social causes can be gauged by the fact that he established a national school for the students who had boycotted government schools in response to the call of the Indian National Congress (INC). For this he was arrested and imprisoned at the young age of 16 since it amounted to participation in Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movements. Abdul Qaiyum Ansari was also a champion of weaker sections of the society. He was among the top leaders of the Momin Conference and used the forum to make every effort to beat Muslim League and its divisive agenda. Besides, he also stood firmly against divisive politics of other organizations. He worked closely with the INC throughout as a youth leader and even took part in the students’ agitation against the Simon Commission during its visit to Calcutta in 1928. He was also an accomplished journalist, writer and a poet.

Ali Sardar Jafri (1913-2000)

Sardar was a rebel, freedom fighter, pacifist, radical activist, story writer, critic and documentary filmmaker at once. But, above all, he was a poet endowed with exquisite imagination, one of the brightest stars on the firmament of 20th century Urdu poetry. Like all great poets he was a prophet engaged in unravelling the mysteries and ambiguity of human drama. The principal theme of his poetry was compassion, love, perseverance and sensitivity surviving amidst the callous inhumanity of our times. In his unique style, he depicted the exemplary survival of the human spirit in face of all- pervasive adversity and defeatism. In so doing he not only carried forward the traditions of Urdu poetry but enriched its treasure with new symbols and powerful imagery. Indeed, his poetry gradually evolved into a genre of its own kind whose influence is difficult to ignore among the present generation of Urdu poets.

Sardar’s early works reflected a restless yearning for India’s independence from the colonial yoke. Equally intense was his yearning for the freedom and dignity of the proletariat. This was because of the strong impact of the Progressive Writers’ Movement inspired by Marxism and the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia in 1917. As early as 1938, he joined the movement at its conference held in Calcutta and soon became one of its leading advocates. The influence of Marxism on his poetry was thus profound and everlasting.

AMU conferred a doctorate (D. Litt.) on him in 1986, fifty years after he was expelled from the university. He was the fourth person to receive this honour, his predecessors being the notable Dr. Allama Iqbal, Mrs. Sarojini Naidu and Jigar Moradabai. His works have been translated into many Indian and foreign languages.

K.M. Ashraf (1903-1962)

Kunwar Mohammad Ashraf was an eminent historian, scholar of Islamic studies, a communist leader and crusader of Hindu-Muslim unity. During the non-cooperation movement, he left MAO College to join recently created Jamia Millia. Later he rejoined AMU in 1923 to pursue M.A. (History) and LL.B. courses. He received a Ph.D. from SOAS, London University. After teaching at AMU for a year, he gave up his academic career due to his commitment to the national movement. Ashraf came under the influence of Professor Mohammad Habib and joined socialist movement. Inspired by the Russian Revolution, he joined the Congress Socialist Party formed in 1934. During 1933-34, he led the Meo peasant struggle against the Maharaja of Alwar’s oppression and the Government had to intervene to introduce reforms. Dr. Ashraf was a trusted associate of Jawaharlal Nehru and was a member of AICC from 1934-45. He headed the Muslim Mass Contacts Campaign Cell of Congress, 1937-39, formed to wean away the Muslims from the influence of Muslim League and propagate Congress’ nationalist programmes. Ashraf exhorted the Indian Muslims to participate in the freedom movement and staunchly opposed M.A, Jinnah’s idea of Pakistan. He served as the Secretary to Jawaharlal Nehru and Maulana Azad when they were Congress Presidents. In 1948 he edited Naya Daur, the daily newspaper that denounced communalism and was distributed by the CPI. He taught at the University of Delhi and joined the Humboldt University, Berlin as a Guest Professor (Medieval Indian History) in 1960. In 1962 he died and was buried in the ‘Cemetery of Socialists’ at Berlin.

Rafi Ahmad Kidwai (1894-1954)

An Indian independence activist and a socialist to the core, Rafi Ahmed Kidwai’s ceaseless efforts in making the country free from British rule have been nothing but praiseworthy. Although a graduate from MAO College, his skills of keen observation and learning from human nature took him beyond bookish knowledge. During the crisis situations that he had to deal with during his service to the nation, he showed distinct man management skills and an innovative approach to resolve human issues. And with Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru as his mentor, there was no stopping him further. His efforts in bringing out many reforms and fighting against the unjust with utmost conviction will always be remembered. A committed freedom fighter to the very end!

It was by 1920 that Kidwai’s political career officially began after he had become an active force behind the Khilafat Movement and the Non-Cooperation Movement and was even jailed for the same. In 1922, he moved to Allahabad after being released from jail and served as the private secretary to Motilal Nehru. In 1926, Kidwai was elected to the Central Legislative Assembly of British India and from there on it was his political and social insightfulness that made him the Chief Whip of the Congress Legislative Assembly from 1926 to 1929. He also held the secretary position of the United Provinces Congress Committee and organized a no-rent campaign to protect Ashraf came under the influence of Professor Mohammad Habib and joined socialist movement. The farmers of the Rae Bareli district from the ongoing economic depression. For this, he was even sentenced for six months.

The Government of India Act 1935 made him a minister-in-charge of managing the revenues and jail portfolios in Pandit Govind Ballabh Pant’s cabinet in the United Provinces when congress government was set up. He was second to Pant as home minister in the 1946 government and in the same year, he became the home minister of UP. Post-independence, Kidwai became India’s first minister for communication in Jawahar Lal Nehru’s cabinet. Kidwai, along with Abul Kalam Azad, were the two Muslims in Nehru’s central cabinet. The “own your telephone” service that he launched in 1948 still goes by the name of OYT; under which a new telephone may be obtained. In the same year, he also launched night air mail service as a minister for communications.

Saith Yaqoob Hasan (1875-1940)

Saith Yaqoob Hasan (Maulana Yakub Hasan Saith) was an Indian businessman, freedom- fighter and politician who served as a cabinet minister for Public Works in the Madras presidency, under Rajaji (1937-1939). In 1916, Saith was elected to the Madras Legislative Council by the South Indian Chamber of Commerce. He joined the INC and participated in the Khilafat agitations in 1919 and was imprisoned for six months. He was arrested and imprisoned once again in 1921 for his participation in the Non-Cooperation Movement. On his return from jail in 1923, he resigned from the Congress and founded the Madras Province Muslim League. This move was prompted by Saith’s preference for Dominion Status when the Congress declared independence as its primary goal. As a result, no Muslim leader from the Presidency participated in the Civil Disobedience Movement. Saith stood for the elections and was elected to the Assembly.

Before the 1937 elections, Saith, left the Madras Provincial Muslim League and joined the Indian National Congress. Soon, he became one of the top leaders of the provincial Congress. He condemned Mohammad Iqbal’s two-nation theory and supported a united India. However, he still supported most of the other policies of the Muslim League.

Shoeb Qureshi

Qureshi edited Harijan during the detention of Gandhiji.

(Abdulrahim P. Vijapur is currently Emeritus Professor of Political Science at the University of Science and Technology, Meghalaya. Formerly he was Professor of Political Science at Aligarh Muslim University. He retired in 2020 after serving AMU for 37 years. He can be reached at: Email: arvijapur@gmail.com )

This article was first published in countercurrents.org on 26 August 2022

source: http://www.indoislamic.org / Indo Islamic Heritage Centre / Home> Article / by Abdulrahim P Vijapur / October 23rd, 2023

Lala Jaidayal & Mehrab Khan

Kota District, RAJASTHAN :

We all know about the Great War of Independence 1857. We have heard tales about Mangal Pandey, Nana Saheb and the Queen of Jhansi, Rani Lakshmibai. But there was also an uprising that took place in Kota district of Rajasthan in the same year led by Lala Jaidayal Bhatnagar and Mehrab Khan, and we have neither heard of them, nor do we have any pictures of the unsung heroes.

Lala Jaidayal was born on 4th April 1812 in Kama in Bharatpur. After completing his early education, he was appointed as an Advocate by the Kota Maharao in Hadaoti Agency. He was the prime leader of the Kota uprising. Mehrab Khan, his associate was the ‘Risaldar’ in the Kota army and was born on 11th May 1815 in Karoli. Lala Jaidayal along with Mehrab Khan had issued a circular in which they described in detail, about the new weaponry that was used by the British army that had its cartridges made up of animal flesh which was against the religious sentiments of both the Hindus and the Muslims. They also described how the flour and other eatables had the granules of human bones mixed in them. They made an appeal to the people to destroy the British who were intoxicating their lives.

The troops had started feeling the atrocities committed to them and what fuelled the fire was an advice given to the then ruler of the Rajputana state of Kota, Handa Rajput Maharao Ram Singh by the political agent of Kota, Major Burton, which somehow reached the troops. He advised Maharao to dismiss some of his non British soldiers. This message triggered the fire of discontent among the troops. Major Burton had visited Kota on 12th October 1857, with his two sons Frank who was 21 and Arthur who was 16. Maharao ordered a salute in honour of the British annexation of Delhi. The advice was given to Maharao on 14th October 1857 when Burton went to meet him along with his sons. The Kota Raj Pultan, furious with the news, decided to revolt against the King and Major Burton on the very next day i.e. 15th October 1857.

The troops, fuelled with anger, collected their swords and guns and surrounded the residency bungalow. They were also joined by the local civilians. The guards of the palace, having surrounded by around 3000 people offered almost zero resistance. The troops open fired and soon the palace was taken over. Major Burton, on hearing the commotion, thought that it was a procession that was coming out to welcome his return but he wasn’t aware of the reality. First among the victims of the mutineers were Dr. Salder, a native surgeon and a native Christian of Kota dispensary, Dr. Contemm.

A minute by minute description was given by Khoom Singh, the shooter sawar of Major Burton. He was with Major Burton and his two sons till the very end. They ran upstairs. Every Chawkidaar and Chaprasis that were appointed for the safety of Major Burton had run away when they saw the rebels coming. They climbed the ladders and killed Major Burton and both his sons. A parade was taken out by the rebels in the city with the severed head of Burton and was later fired upon with a gun.

source: https://images.app.goo.gl/JdXFRVKhBTw58ek16

The rebels took over the city and Lala Jaidayal was in charge of its administration. Maharao was captured and imprisoned in his own palace. Her queens were sheltered by Maharaja of Udaipur on the request of Maharao but five of his most trusted people were executed with guns as they refused to side with them. Gosain Maharaj, who was the religious head of Kota, acted as a mediator and Maharao had to walk into a treaty with the rebels. He was made to sign an agreement which stated that Major Burton was killed at his instance. For 6 months, the administration of Kota was under Jaidayal, and Mehrab Khan was incharge of the defence of the city. He sought help from the ruler of Sumbalgarh, Vitthal, which shows his ability as an able diplomat. Jaidayal also received a letter from the Thakur of Salumber (Mewar) in which he asked Lala to join him. They were able to win the love and support of a large number of officers in Kota state and many of them were posted in districts and were given the charge of many forts and palaces. But their rule didn’t last long and they were dislodged by the British troops along with the Maharaja of Karauli on 30th March 1858. Jaidayal left Kota and went to Bikaner. A bounty of 12000 was declared on him by the rulers of Kota and Bundi.

An analysis of the events that happened during this rebellion reveals how well planned and well
organized it was. They were hugely supported by the civilians and also by the state officials. They mostly attacked government offices and stores. The rebellion was against the British but when they came to know that Maharao was seeking help from them, they became furious and started the campaign against him. The aftermath of these events were even more heinous. The British troops burned down houses and property and plundered each and every house they came across. The ornaments that decorated the statues of lord Ganesha were also not spared. The followers of Lala Jaidayal and Mehrab Khan were put through miseries and were subjected to merciless torture. Maharao of Kota was unable to control the uprising. The native people were strongly anti-British and General Lawrence, the agent of Governor General and Maharao were aware of their feelings. They also cautioned Major Burton not to visit Kota. This was the reason why he visited Kota just with his two sons, and the rest of his family, including his wife and four other sons, were in Neemuch.

The fact that the leaders of the uprising, Lala Jaidayal and Mehrab Khan were Hindu and Muslim inspired the people of both religions to join hands against the tyranny of the British. The deep rooted dissatisfaction, the constant injustice, and the able leadership of Jaidayal and Mehrab Khan gave them the strength to stand behind their leaders and fight for the atrocities committed against them.

The greed for money has always been one of the main curses that the people of this country have faced throughout history. Same as the case with Liliya, who was responsible for the arrest of Lala Jaidayal Bhatnagar. The trial started in the court of political agent of Hadauti, W.H. Benan during April-May 1860 and he was given death penalty on 17th September 1860 in Kota.

Reference/s:

1. The people’s rising in Kota during the upheaval of 1857 by Vinita Parihar

2. The dictionary of Martyrs of the freedom struggle of India

source: http://www.sanelywritten.com / Sanely Written / Home> Freedom Fighter / by Sanely Writter / August 13th, 2020