Can a stable and just democracy flourish on foundations of wilful amnesia and erasure?
A c. 1800 painting showing the last stand of Tipu Sultan, ruler of Mysore in 1799 at the end of the Anglo-Mysore Wars with the East India Company. Photo: Henry Singleton/Public domain.
Many will ask why a book about Muslims who fought for India’s freedom? There’s no answer to such questions except another question. Had we been better memory keepers as a nation, could we have avoided the peak disinformation and stupidity which normalises reviling ordinary Muslims as outsiders, infiltrator and insurgents?
Muslim Freedom Fighters of India is a two-volume biographical compilation by Salim Khan on less-known, mostly forgotten and hardly known Muslim figures. The books aim to clear the fog around Muslim freedom fighters whose names are heard of without them being extensively known and this requires us to understand why this fog exists. Written in an extremely readable and accessible format, these biographical accounts embed the historical figures in the context of their times, responding to unprecedented events with foresight, clarity and conviction that sealed their fate and shaped and the nation’s destiny.
Whether we are reading about Generals of 1857 – Bakht Khan and Khan Bahadur Khan – or the Cambridge-educated Rampur scion Mohammad Ali Juahar of Khilafat moment and his fiery mother Bi Amma, the larger questions seething beneath the stories keep rising to surface. Who does a society and nation choose to remember and celebrate? Whose memories are deemed worthy of preserving? History is always shaped by those who control archives, narratives and memorialisation and hence memory.
Reading about Tipu’s dazzling reign through the three Anglo Mysore wars where he proved superior to British forces, I was reminded of the controversy sparked by the late Girish Karnad’s suggestion of naming the Bengaluru airport after Tipu Sultan. Karnad had said, “It is true that Tipu Sultan was not born in Bengaluru, but he was a son of this soil and a freedom fighter. Had Tipu been a Hindu, he would have achieved the status of Shivaji, and the airport would have been named after him.” I recalled Karnad because his play Dreams of Tipu Sultan echoes the same theme that this two-volume tribute to erased, obscured and deliberately unremembered historical figures echoes: that when politics lays down who should be forgotten, remembering the erased becomes a duty, an affirmation and a political act.
It is important to clarify that this is not a compilation of eulogies but well-researched fact based account of people who had the uncommon clarity to resist colonial domination even before the nationalistic narratives took shape. That they happened to be Muslims is important today because of the distortions that have obscured and erased them. But back then when they fought and resisted, they were simply rallying for the cause of their soil and their watan. From the earliest times they understood that freedom from foreign domination required Hindus and Muslims to put up a united front as in the war of 1857, the Khilafat movement, and the period between 1919 and 1924. Back then too, traitors cut across religious lines – Jagat Seth, Mir Jafar, and Ilahi Baksh.
Muslim Freedom Fighters of India: Part 1 and Part 2’, Salim Khan, Qalam Aur Kaagaz Books.
From Siraj ud Daulah to Tipu to Shahzada Firoz Shah, the book shows how the fog around these personalities is not accidental but meticulously designed – initially by the colonial mind, then picked up by early nationalists and woven into simplistic narratives. The macabre dance of history further stifled Muslim voices. Cataclysmic events like the ‘end’ of the Mughal Dynasty in 1857 and the Partition in 1947 sundered clans, erased family histories, legacies crumbled with no one is around to defend and uphold them. Today, even people who don’t know history have heard of Lakshmi Bai, but many who read history may not have heard about Shahzada Firoz Shah, the Mughal Emperor’s grandson who in August 1857, led a band of armed soldiers to rally the rebels in Rohilkhand and Malwa and who fought alongside Tatia Tope and called for a united Hindu-Muslim front against the Company.
The British understood the dangerous potential of popular memory and subverted any potential for memorialisation of hugely influential figures. No one knows if Shahzada Firoz died in battle or escaped to West Asia. The Maulavi Ahmadulla of Faizabad whose authority and fearlessness scared the British so much that they kept a reward on his head, was likewise interred in an unmarked grave. Knowing that even his memory could become a node to unite the rebels, the British saw to it that no commemoration was permitted or possible. Zafar, the last Mughal was exiled to Rangoon for the same reasons.
In her book, India, 5,000 years of history on the subcontinent, Audrey Truschke, elucidates how Muslim rulers like Nawab Siraj ud Daulah and Tipu Sultan to Zafar felt a responsibility for their subjects no matter what their religion. For example, Siraj ud Daulah actively intervened in times of famines and drought in Bengal. But after the British took over they did nothing to alleviate human suffering, so that 20% of Bengal’s population died in the famine of 1768 and the small-pox epidemic of 1769-70 following it. This had never happened during earlier episodes of failed harvests. Truschke says, British historians initiated the custom of categorising Indian rulers as tyrannical, effete and incompetent, reducing them to their religion and writing in terms of Hindu rulers and Muslim rulers. The British needed to demonise Muslim rulers who were their immediate predecessors in subcontinent so that they might look good by comparison, Truschke notes. It was a part of the colonial propaganda.
Another pattern Salim Khan’s compilation brings out is that from mid-18th century onwards, the first responders and the most committed crusaders resisting colonial domination – the kings, queens, princes, preachers, noblemen – were Muslims. Not only because the British had wrested from them the power they had wielded for centuries (howsoever fragmented or diluted it may have become); but also, because they were looked upon as leaders. In Awadh, for example, the Shia elite took it as their moral-ethical duty (see Chapter 7, volume I: Shia Ullema and Noblemen of Awadh)
Even in the 20th century, Muslim freedom fighters like Hasrat Mohani of the Inquilaab Zindabad fame and Asfaqullah Khan of the Kakori conspiracy who was an icon for Bhagat Singh, remain in the shadows, seen only in a hazy half-light. Were their contributions any less or only less remembered? One of the most important projects post-Independence should have been to restore memory and affirmation to those whom the British put on the wrong side of history, no matter what their religion or caste. But we know this is not what happened.
Since the arrival of the political controversy over Tipu Sultan, we have entered in an era of deliberate distortion of history. The larger question that these accounts refrain from asking but that jumps to any thinking person’s mind is this: can a stable and just democracy flourish on foundations of wilful amnesia and erasure? Should the memory of Muslim freedom fighters be kept only by the Muslims? The heritage and memory of Indian Muslims needs to be reclaimed by them. But equally, these volumes are required reading for the casually miseducated, hopelessly disinformed or simply ignorant Hindus who have been stupefied into denying and distorting their composite history.
Varsha Tiwary is a Delhi-based writer and translator. She has recently published 1990, Aramganj a translation of the best-selling Hindi novel Rambhakt Rangbaz.
More than seven decades after India achieved independence, the role of innumerable martyrs and freedom fighters who gave their blood and offered lives for the motherland, needs to be remembered.
Many of them got harsh punishments, didn’t get proper last rites, remain forgotten and even those whose sacrifices are known, don’t have monuments or memorials built in their memory.
The martyrdom of Nawab Kadar Ali, and his companions, who planned attack on residency and to take on the East India Company forces in Nagpur, also needs to be recalled. They were hanged here for their role in 1857–the first war of independence.
Though there is no monument named after them and no big memorial, they remain heroes in public memory. The fort that had been a base of 118 Infantry Battalion for years, is opened on three days including August 15 and January 26. Thousands of people arrive on these days, and also pay visit to the grave and offer their respects.
The flame for independence was already lit. History books mention that soon after Meerut, the anger was palpable among soldiers and citizens in this region too. On June 13 1857, a large gathering took place near Mission High School. The soldiers too were anxious and ready.
Scared, some of the East India Compnay officials ran towards Kamptee Cantonment, while others went inside the Sitabuldi Fort. It was due to treachery that the attack plans had been leaked and the news reached British officers. More EIC forces were called from other places to control and overpower the rebels.
Rani Baka Bai, wife of late Raghoji II, was supporting the British and issued a warning that anyone abetting or aiding the revolutionaries would be arrested and handed to the East India Company. It’s a long story and how the soldiers and citizens suffered, refused to name the leaders of the movement.
Historical texts say that the signal of a fire balloon was decided. But after the traitors gave information to East India Company officers, Plowden, the commissioner, ordered a regiment to move into the city. The irregular calvary at Tali was dismayed. Major Arrow tried to get information from ring leaders but no one gave names.
Baka Bai summoned all her relations, and dissuaded them with threats. This chilled the spirit of public. However, later when Company officials’ strengthened their hold, the rebels were identified. Arms were collected and after inquiry, Dildar Khan, Inayatullah Khan, Vilayat Khan and Nawab Kadar Ali were tried and executed.
KILLED, HANGED, BURIED IN A COMMON PIT
The Gazetteer briefly mentions that ‘tucked away between the easter walls of the inner fort and the barracks is a large grave known as Nav Gazah Baba…the grave of Nawab Kadar Ali…and his eight associates..who were killed and hanged by the ramparts of the fort due to their role in the war of independence”.
“They were all buried in a common pit, nine yards long. The fort recalls to our mind the memory of the brave soldiers who fought in an attempt to preserve the independence of the mother land”. It was treachery that was responsible for the arrests and the punishment. Those who helped the British, got ‘jagirs’ as rewards.
Ghulam Rasool ‘Ghamgeen’, the poet, wrote these lines in Farsi :
Choo.n Qadar Ali Khan Ameer Kabeer Shud-az-tohmat, ahl-e-balwa aseer
Duaa’e shahaadat ba-raahe Khuda shab w roz mi kard aa.n mahtada … … Khirad guft ee.n misra-e-silk-e-noor Za-daar-e-jafaa shud ba-daar-e-suroor
The last couplet of this long Persian verse, brings out the ‘tarikh’, the year of execution. The complete verse is mentioned in Dr Mohammad Sharfuddin Sahil’s book ‘Tarikh-e-Nagpur’. It shows the impact of the hangings on the people in the region. Nagpur is geographillcally considered to be a part of Central India and is the biggest city in Vidarbha region of Maharashtra.
The fort for a long period remained the base of 118 Infantry Battalion of Territorial Army. Every year, on August 15 and January 26, fort is opened for public so that it can pay respect to the freedom fighters. It’s also opened on May 1 i.e. Maharashtra Day. [Illustration is representive]
source: http://www.newsbits.in / NEWS Bits / Home> Top News / by Shams Ur Rehman Alavi / August 15th, 2021
Zakia Jafri, wife of former Congress MP Ehsan Jafri – the Legal Crusader who became a Symbol of Resistance, died at her residence in Ahmedabad Saturday February 01, 2025.
Mumbai:
Zakia Jafri, wife of former Congress MP Ehsan Jafri – the Legal Crusader who became a Symbol of Resistance, died at her residence in Ahmedabad Saturday February 01, 2025.
Zakia Jafri was 86.
Zakia Jafri is survived by sons Tanveer and Zubair, and daughter Nishrin. “Mom passed away at around 11:30 AM”, she told media.
Zakia Jafri’s sad demise was later shared with the world by Rights Activist, Journalist and Author, Teesta Setalvad.
“Zakia Appa a compassionate leader of the Human Rights Community passed away just 30 minutes ago!” Teesta Setalvad wrote on her X account around 01:30 PM Saturday.
“Her visionary presence will be missed by the nation, family. friends & world! Rest in Power and Peace Zakia appa!” Teesta wrote while condoling Zakia Jafri’s death.
Originally from Khandwa district of Madhya Pradesh, Zakia Jafri had shifted to Ahmedabad, Gujarat in 1971. This after living in a refugee camp after her home in Khandwa was burnt during the 1969 communal riots.
Zakia Jafri’s husband Ehsan Jafri was a freedom fighter and Member of Parliament.
Ehsan Jafri and his family had provided shelter to dozens of Muslim families at their Gulbarg Society in Ahmedabad during the 2002 Gujarat riots.
But, the society, considered to be a safe haven because of Jafri family’s stature, too was targeted by the rioters who burnt alive and killed at least 68, including Ehsan Jafri.
Zakia Jafri later fought a long legal battle to seek justice for the 2002 Gujarat riot victims. She had also challenged the SIT clean chit given to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who was Chief Minister Gujarat, during the riots.
During the long legal battle she was threatened and later cajoled by different means and tactics. She however remained firm.
Zakia Jafri is likely to be laid to rest beside her husband in Ahmedabad.
Condolences pour in
Meanwhile, condolences are pouring in from different circles after the demise of Zakia Jafri.
Kerala Chief Minister, Pinarayi Vijayan, in his condolence message said, “Zakia Jafri, an unwavering voice for the victims of the 2002 Gujarat riots, is no more. The widow of former MP Ehsan Jafri, who was brutally murdered by a Sangh Parivar-led mob, she dedicated her life to the pursuit of justice. Her relentless fight leaves behind a legacy of courage and resilience. Her memory will continue to inspire us in our fight against communalism and divisive forces.”
Congress Spokesperson, Pawan Khera, wrote, “Zakia Jafri died today. Her Hope for justice had died in her life time. She chronicled the history of ‘New India’ through her tears, her sobs, her fight and her defeat.”
Hyderabad MP and AIMIM Chief Asaduddin Owaisi in his condolence message wrote, “Zakia Jafri watched her husband being murdered by a mob in 2002. For nearly two decades, she fought a lonely legal battle against some of India’s most powerful men, never showing fear. She passed away today. May Allah grant her peace and strength to her loved ones.”
Sanjiv Bhatt (IPS) who was posted in Gujarat during the 2002 Godhra Riots condoled Zakia Jafri’s death in these words.
“Zakia Jafri Ji was an unshakable voice of truth against power. For decades, she fought not just for justice, but for truth, dignity and the very soul of our democracy. Her strength in the face of unimaginable loss will forever inspire us. Today, India has lost a true warrior, but her courage will live on! Rest in power, Zakia Ji!!”
Condoling the death of Zakia Jafri, Journalist and TV Anchor Rajdeep Sardesai worte: “Sad news: Zakia Jafri, whose husband and former Cong MP Ehsan Jafri was brutally killed in the 2002 Gujarat riots passed away today. For years, she fought a valiant battle for justice. When even an MP’s wife struggles to be heard, imagine the plight of an ordinary citizen. And yet, she remained steadfast and courageous till the end. Refused to give up.”
Mumtaz Patel, daughter of Congress leader Ahmed Patel, condoled Zakia Jafri’s death in these words.
“Zakia Jafri ji, symbol of resilience and an unwavering voice for justice, is no more. Her fight for truth and accountability in the face of unimaginable tragedy will always be remembered. May she rest in power.”
My heart goes out to the brave lady #ZakiaJafri who fought against these devils and those three judges who betrayed you . But they all will have to pay for their karmas before they depart from this world,this also includes the supreme leader . pic.twitter.com/JQUZTueTuI— Ravinder Kapur. (@RavinderKapur2) February 1, 2025.
“Zakia Jafri, widow of former parliamentarian Ehsan Jafri, who was killed by a Hindutva mob in the 2002 Gujarat genocide, Zakia Jafri Survived in genocide and become the relentless voice of Justice”, Noor Mahvish, a lawyer, wrote on X.
“Zakia Jafri . A life time of a fight for justice 23 years out of the 85 she spent on this earth ,waiting for justice for the killing of her husband along with the people they tried to protect inside Gulberg Society in Gujarat 2002”, a social media user, who identifies her as Realm of Bohemia, wrote.
“Brave and fearless, she fought for Justice till the end”, an activist wrote.
“She left this world fighting for justice and showing the whole world how to never give up”, Razia Pathan, an activist, wrote.
source: http://www.ummid.com / Ummid.com / Home> India / by ummid.com News Network / February 01st, 2025
Badruddin Tyabji, the grandson of freedom fighter and third Congress President by the same name, was entrusted with arrangements for the inaugural Republic Day celebrations in 1950.
HISTORIC: National Stadium during the first Republic Day Parade. Old Fort is also visible
Every year on January 26, the Tyabji family sit together in their posh West End Colony house (near Vasant Vihar) to watch the Republic Day Parade which holds special significance for them.
Their late patriarch Badruddin Tyabji, a 1936 batch Punjab cadre Indian Civil Service officer, was responsible for looking after the arrangements of January 26, 1950 functions: first at the President House and later at Irwin Stadium (now Major Dhyan Chand National Stadium).
Tyabji’s painter wife Surayya Tyabji made the prototype of the Tri-colour on paper based on which the flag of cloth for Republic Day was made in Connaught Place.
“Just a couple of weeks before the first Republic Day, Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru entrusted me to look after the arrangements of the January 26 functions,” Tyabji told this writer in his south Delhi house in 1994.
He was also member secretary of the Constituent Assembly.
“I was called by Pt. Nehru and he gave me the huge responsibility for the historic day. I used to live at Sujan Singh Park during those days.”
From that day onwards, the tall and gracious Tyabji moved from the President House (now Rashtrapati Bhavan) to Irwin Stadium several times a day to finalise the arrangements as time was running out for the big day.
HAPPY FAMILY: The Tyabji clan including Laila Tyabji (centre, front row), who is a social worker, designer, writer and crafts activist
The big day for which Tyabji had worked so hard was also hectic for Rajendra Prasad, the soon-to-be first President of independent India. He marked the momentous occasion with a visit to Raj Ghat to pay homage to Gandhiji. He remained there for around 15 minutes.
But before the would-be President of India could get to the President House, C Rajagopalachari, the Governor General of India, had already reached there. The latter used to live in the double-storeyed bungalow at the then 10, Hastings Road, which was later renamed after him as Rajaji Marg. Edwin Lutyens, the chief architect of New Delhi, also lived in the bungalow, and so did Pranab Kumar Mukherjee, who also lived in that house after demitting his office of President of India.
“Dr Rajendra Prasad was sworn in as the country’s first President at around 9 am by the Governor General of India, C. Rajagopalachari. Rajvanshi Devi, his wife, and other family members were also there. The swearing-in ceremony was attended by over 500 guests, who had assembled inside the Durbar Hall. President Sukarno of Indonesia and several members of the Diplomatic Corps, members of the Constituent Assembly and prominent citizens had graced the occasion. The President was dressed in black achkan, white churidar and a white Gandhi cap. Pandit Nehru and his other Cabinet colleagues were sworn in soon after Rajendra Prasad,” recalled Tyabji, who was named after his grandfather, the third President of Indian National Congress.
Immediately after returning from Raj Ghat, Rajendra Prasad was sworn in. The Chief Justice of India, Sir Hiralal Kania, read the oath of office in Hindi. President Prasad repeated it sentence by sentence.
“The outgoing Governor General, C. Rajagopalachari; our first Prime Minister, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, beaming with pride and joy; the Deputy Prime Minister, Sardar Patel; cabinet ministers, judges of the Supreme Court and the Auditor-General of India, were present in the hall to witness the historic moment of India’s history. Pandit Nehru and his other cabinet colleagues were sworn in soon after.”
The national emblem of Ashoka Pillar with three lions was placed in the Durbar Hall for the first time near the throne where the British Viceroys used to sit.
A smiling statue of Lord Buddha was also placed behind the throne for the first time. Rajendra Prasad, the President, who greeted the large gathering smilingly with folded hands, made a short speech in Hindi and English, stating that it was a memorable day in our annals.
“Let us begin by offering our thanks to the Almighty Power who has enabled us to see this day; to the Father of the Nation who showed us and to the world at large his infallible method of Satyagraha, and led us on along it to freedom and to the numberless men and women, whose suffering and sacrifice have rendered the attainment of independence and establishment of this sovereign democratic Republic possible.”
The birth of the Republic was celebrated by the masses in the Capital through Prabhat Pheries (early morning movement of people singing patriotic songs). Outside the Durbar Hall, there were unforgettable scenes of jubilation. Large crowd of men, women and children had assembled in the forecourt of President House.
People raised slogans of Gandhiji-ki-jai and Vande Mataram.
After a dignified ceremony was held at the President House, the scene shifted to Irwin Stadium. The new President travelled to the stadium in a horse-drawn carriage and Delhi’s roads were lined up with enthusiastic crowd standing along the five-mile route with the Tri-colour in their hands. A huge crowd greeted the President’s entourage when it reached the vicinity of Connaught Place. And when the first President of India reached the stadium, he was welcomed with a booming 31-gun salute.
According to Tyabji, “Rajendra Prasad made a brief speech at the stadium. Later, students from various schools of the Capital presented cultural programmes.”
Old timers still recall that there were very few policemen guarding the VIPs inside the stadium. After the programme, the leaders mingled with the people. Nehru was mobbed by his admirers. He spent a good 20 minutes with them.
Tyabji, who could not sleep for several days ahead of the big occasion, was there managing the affairs carefully with his colleagues. Following very cold weather days in Delhi, brilliant sunshine greeted the Capital on January 26, 1950.
It was India’s defining moment, the day India truly freed itself from the shackles of colonialism to become a Republic. A truly sovereign state.
The talk of the first Republic Day cannot be complete without discussing the role of Tyabji’s wife, Surayya, in the making of the first Tri-colour.
According to Tyabji, “Once the Constituent Assembly finalised our Tri-colour with Ashok Dharma Chakra inside the flag, I was asked to furnish the model of Tri-colour on both paper and cloth.”
Without wasting any time, Badruddin Tyabji went straight to his Sujan Singh Park residence and asked his wife Surayya to make the Tri-colour on paper. She did not disappoint her husband. Once she made it on paper, Tyabji carried the design to the now defunct SC Tailors at Regal building of Connaught Place and asked them to make the Tri-colour in cloth. The rest, as they say, is history.
After retirement from government service, Tyabji also served as the Vice-Chancellor of Aligarh Muslim University in the 1960s.
He finally settled in Delhi and passed away in 1999. His wife, Suraiya, had died before him.
During one of our meetings, Tyabji had told me that when he came to Delhi from Hyderabad to appear for ICS examination, he was staying in Daryaganj.
He used to take a tonga to reach Metcalfe House in Civil Lines to appear for his examinations.
“Delhi was a very small city then. Except for old Delhi and villages, there was not much here. New Delhi was coming up,” he had said.
When India was divided on the basis of religion in 1947, he was perhaps one of the only two Muslim ICS officers who opted to stay in India instead of accepting Islamic Pakistan.
OFFICER RANK: Badruddin Tyabji was a 1936-batch ICS officer of Punjab cadre. His wife, Surayya was a painter
Tyabji’s first son, Hindal Ahmad, was an IAS officer. He passed away last year.
Tyabji’s daughter, Laila Tyabji is a noted social worker, designer, writer and crafts activist. She is one of the founders of Dastkar, a Delhi-based non-governmental organisation working for the revival of traditional crafts in India.
Like in the past, the Tyabji family would watch the annual parade this year too. After all, they are the true and proud first family of India’s Republic Day. Yet, they are so self-effacing.
source: http://www.thepatriot.in / The Patriot / Home> Cover Story / by Vivek Shukla / January 26th, 2024
One print depicts Tipu’s two sons being taken hostage by Lord Charles Cornwallis, after the third Anglo-Mysore war in February 1792, and the other is a portrayal of their return to their mother.
The prints were made in 1796 by publisher Haines. / Credit: DH Photo/ B K Janardhan
A city-based art collector, Sunil Baboo, has recently acquired two rare prints of paintings from Tipu Sultan’s era. They capture significant moments in the history of the erstwhile Kingdom of Mysore.
One print depicts Tipu’s two sons being taken hostage by Lord Charles Cornwallis, after the third Anglo-Mysore war in February 1792, and the other is a portrayal of their return to their mother.
History has it that Cornwallis laid out severe conditions Tipu had to adhere to in the Treaty of Seringapatam. He demanded that Tipu hand over his sons to British custody, until the king carried out all the demands he had agreed upon.
“While there are multiple artworks depicting the moment of surrender, it is rare to come across one capturing the sons being returned to Tipu’s wife,” says 65-year-old Baboo, who has been collecting historic books, maps, aquatints and documents since 1982.
The creator of the paintings is unknown, but they were turned into prints in 1796 by publisher Haines. This was even before the defeat and death of Tipu during the fourth Anglo-Mysore war in 1799. “Many of these artists never set foot in India. They created these images based on what was described to them. While there was an artistic bent to them, it was more a way for them to document important events,” Baboo explains. Many of these prints were originally etchings and engravings that were coloured by hand, adds the Gangenahalli resident.
He learnt of the prints a few months ago, and was able to edge out some of the biggest auction houses like Bonhams, UK. “They were planning to auction them in June 2024, but I was able to procure them through my contacts,” he explains. Over the years, Baboo has built a wide network of collectors and auction houses that tip him off on new discoveries. Most of this category of prints are found in family collections of descendants of French and British soldiers of the colonial period.
The prints, once discovered, are restored and framed. Baboo’s 16×14-inch prints came with a lot of archival tape and paper at the back of the frame. “Presumably to reinforce them. They can be kept in this condition for a long time,” he says.
source: http://www.deccanherald.com / Deccan Herald / Home> India> Karnataka> Bengaluru / by Rashmi Rajagopal / January 24th, 2025
It is well-timed and relevant to know that Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) has produced many freedom fighters who fought for independence. While we are celebrating the Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav, present-day India is going through difficult and trying times, as hate speeches against Indian Muslims are often heard from every corner of India. It is believed that most of them are not patriotic and are supporters of Pakistan.
During the last eight years we have seen some incidents of mob lynchings of Muslims and Dalits and have also heard unfortunate calls for genocide of Muslims. Knowing about the contribution of AMU towards the national struggle of independence is relevant to dispel the myth that the founder of AMU, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, advocated that Muslims of India constituted a separate nation, qaum, or that the idea of Pakistan took birth among the intellectual class of Aligarh. Moreover, the study of AMU’s contribution to freedom movement will, it is believed, strengthen Hindu-Muslim Unity.
The Mohammado Anglo-Oriental College (MAO College), Aligarh, established in 1875 (which later became AMU in 1920), produced many freedom fighters, prominent among them are Ali brothers (Maulana Shaukat Ali and Mohammad Ali), Abdul Gaffar Khan (Frontier Gandhi), Maulana Hasarat Mohani, Raja Mahinder Pratap (President of 1st Indian Government established in exile at Kabul), S. M. Tonki, Saifuddin Kichloo Kitchlew (recipient of Lenin Peace Prize), Abdul Majeed Khwaja and Qazi Adeel Abbasi, Saith Yaqoob Hasan, Ali Sardar Jafri, Shafiqe-ur-Rehman Kidwai, Rafi Ahmad Kidwai, Raja Gulam Husain, Shoeb Qureshi, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, Dr. Datu (Leader of African National Conference), Abdul Matin Chowdhry (Founder Member of Indian Civil Liberty Union), Mazharul Haque, Syed Ali Zaheer, Syed Hossain, Syed Mir Qasim, Syed Rauf Pasha, Tassauq Ahmad Khan Sherwani, Yaseen Noori Z Ahmad, and Zafar Ali Khan.
In the following pages we provide a brief profile of fifteen prominent freedom fighters who are alumni of AMU (Hakeem Ajmal Khan was not an alumni alumnus of AMU but was associated with it as a member of Trustee).
Khan Abdul Ghaffar (1890-1988)
Khan Abdul Ghaffar is one of the most important Muslim freedom fighters of India and he was also known as “Frontier Gandhi “. He started the famous KhudaiKhidmatgar (“Servants of God”) movement in 1929 and it was a very successful freedom movement. The British were so infuriated by the success of the movement that they began a harsh crackdown on its supporters. The atrocities committed on KhudaiKhidmatgar were one of the most severe repressions that the Indian independence Movement ever witnessed. He also opposed the All-India Muslim League’s demand for the partition of India. When the Congress Party did not consult him on partition, he felt very sad and told the Congress “you have thrown us to the wolves”. After the partition, he remained in Pakistan and started fighting for a separate Baloch province. He was jailed many times from 1948 to 1988 and most of the time was under house arrest. When he died in 1988, tens of thousands of mourners attended his funeral. At the same time heavy fighting was going on between Soviet forces and Afghan Rebel forces but both stopped their fight and paid tribute to the great leader.
Zakir Husain (1897-1969)
Dr. Zakir Husain served as 3rd President of India and he was also the first Muslim President of India. He was one of the founders of Jamia Millia Islamia, Delhi. He was deeply influenced by Gandhi’s doctrine of Non-Violence and believed that India’s struggle for freedom would only be successful when Indian Society is educated with value-based education. He acted as the Vice Chancellor of Jamia Millia Islamia for 22 years (1926-48) and made it one of the finest educational institutes in India. He was awarded The Bharat Ratna, India’s highest National Honour.
Saifuddin Kitchlew (1888-1963)
Dr. Saifuddin Kitchlew completed his studies in Europe and then returned to India to practice Law. He was appointed as Municipal Commissioner of Amritsar when the infamous Rowlatt Act was passed by the British Government. He soon left his law practice and took part in the Non-Cooperation Movement. He was arrested with Mahatma Gandhi and Dr. Satyapal for leading a protest in Punjab and to protest the arrest of the trio, a public meeting gathered at the Jallianwala Bagh where Gen. Reginald Dyer and his troops fired mercilessly upon the unarmed civilian crowd. He was also the founding leader of the Indian Youth Congress. Kitchlew spends nearly fourteen years in jail for his revolutionary activities. He strongly opposed the Muslim League’s demand for Pakistan and partition of India. India Post released a special commemorative stamp featuring him on his 100 Birth Anniversary.
Abdul Majeed Khwaja (1885-1962)
Khwaja Sahab, as Abdul Majeed Khwaja was affectionately known as, served – first as Vice Chancellor and then as Chancellor of the Jamia Millia Islamia for the longest duration in its 100 years. Jamia’s history will remain incomplete without his mention.
He was educated at MAO College, Aligarh, after which he went to Cambridge and was called to the Bar. At Cambridge his contemporaries included Jawaharlal Nehru, Saifuddin Kitchlew, Syed Mahmud and T. A. K. Sherwani, all of whom joined India’s freedom movement.
Khwaja Sahab was a committed Congressman who had joined the party in 1915 and, despite ups and downs, remained with it till his last breath. He also remained associated with Jamiat Ulama-i- Hind almost from the beginning and was in the Khilafat delegation that went to England. He was Junior Law Professor at MAO College, had served as its Trustee and was also Secretary of the MAO Old Boys’ Association.
Khwaja Sahab was a distinguished lawyer, and was quite famous in Patna High Court. But, in response to the call for non-cooperation which included boycotting the British Government supported education, he gave up his legal practice, and got himself involved in the formation and building of Jamia.
Abdul Majeed Kwaja held high offices in the Khilafat Congress and was associated with Jamait- Ulamae-e-Hind from its inception. He was a close associate of Jawaharlal Nehru and a great advocate of Hindu-Muslim unity. He took keen interest in the Khilafat movement and went to England as a member of the Khilafat delegation (1920), led by Dr. MA Ansari.
Hakeem Ajmal Khan (1868-1927)
Ajmal Khan was a prominent leader of India’s freedom struggle and was among the founders of Jamia Millia Islamia. He is also the sole person who has had the honour to be elected the President of the Indian National Congress, the Muslim League and the All-India Khilafat Committee. He was a prominent freedom fighter, respected physician and academician of India. After beginning his practice, Khan was elected as the main physician to the Nawab of Rampur from the time period 1892 to 1902. Here, he was introduced to Sir Sayyid who chose him as the trustee of the MAO College.
His life changed its course from medicine towards politics after he started writing for an Urdu weekly ‘Akmal-ul-Akhbar’ that was launched during 1865-70. Khan was also heading the Muslim team, who met the Viceroy of India in Shimla in the year 1906 to give him a memorandum for creation of AMU.
At a time when many Muslim leaders were arrested, Ajmal Khan approached Mahatma Gandhi for help. As such, Gandhiji united with him and other Muslim leaders like Maulana Azad, Maulana Mohammad Ali and Maulana Shaukat Ali in the famous Khilafat movement. Ajmal Khan resigned from AMU as its trustee when the authorities refused to accept the non-cooperation movement waged by Gandhiji and the Congress against the British government. He was elected the president of the Indian National Congress in 1921.
Hasrat Mohani (1877-1951)
Syed Fazl-ul-Hasan, known by his pen-name Hasrat Mohani, co-founder of Communist Party of India, was an Indian political activist (as he was expelled from MAO College in 1903 due to his political activities), freedom fighter in the Indian independence movement and a noted poet of the Urdu language. He coined the notable slogan “InquilabZindabad” (translation of “Long live the revolution!”) in 1921. Together with Swami Kumaranand, he is regarded as the first person to demand complete independence for India in 1921 at the Ahmedabad Session of Congress. Maghfoor Ahmad Ajazi supported the complete independence motion demanded by Hasrat Mohani. The demand of “complete independence” was however not upheld by Mahatma Gandhi then as he believed that “it could not be incorporated in the Congress creed until the Hindu-Muslim unity is completely achieved which also meant that the idea was premature.
Mohani was opposed to the Nehru Committee Report and left Congress to become President of the Muslim League at Ahmedabad in 1921. As a member of the Constituent Assembly, he refused to sign the draft Constitution to protest partition and India’s membership of the Commonwealth.
While he was a devout Muslim, he didn’t find it odd to be inspired by Krishna, the Hindu deity. Makkah, Mathura and Moscow were Hasrat Mohani’s popular symbols. He did not find any conflict between them. A firm believer in religious integration, he repeatedly performed hajj pilgrim as well as attended the Sri-Krishna celebration fair held annually at Mathura.
Raja Mahendra Pratap (1886-1979)
Raja Mahendra Pratap Singh was an Indian freedom fighter, journalist, writer, revolutionary, President in the Provisional Government of India, which served as the Indian Government in exile during World War I from Kabul in 1915, and social reformist in the Republic of India. He also formed the Executive Board of India in Japan in 1940 during the Second World War. He also took part in the Balkan War in the year 1911 along with his fellow students of MAO college. He is popularly known as “Aryan Peshwa”. Government of U.P. established in 2021, Raja Mahendra Pratap Singh State University, at Aligarh, to cherish his memory and legacy. Prime Minister Narendra Modi laid the foundation stone of the University on 13 September 2021.
Maulana Shaukat Ali (1873-1938)
Shaukat Ali was the elder brother of the renowned political leader Mohammad Ali Jouhar. He helped his younger brother Mohammad Ali to publish the Urdu weekly, Hamdard, and the English weekly Comrade. In 1915 he published an article which said Turks were right to fight the British. These two weekly magazines played a key role in shaping the political policy of Muslim India back then. In 1919, while jailed for publishing what the British charged as seditious materials and organizing protests, he was elected as the last president of the Khilafat conference. He was re-arrested and imprisoned from 1921 to 1923 for his support to Mahatma Gandhi and the Indian National Congress during the Non-Cooperation Movement (1919–1922). His fans accorded him and his brother the title of Maulana. In March 1922, he was in Rajkot jail and was later released in 1923.
While still a supporter of Congress and its non-violent ethos, Ali even surpassed some of his colleagues in also providing support to the revolutionary independence movement. To this end, he supplied guns to Sachindranath Sanyal.
He opposed the 1928 Nehru Report. Instead, he demanded separate electorates for Muslims and finally the Khilafat Committee rejected the Nehru Report. Shaukat Ali attended the first and second Round Table Conferences (India) in London in 1930-31. Ali served as a member of the ‘Central Assembly’ in British India from 1934 to 1938. He travelled all over the Middle East, building support for India’s Muslims and the struggle for independence from British rule in India.
Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar (1878-1931)
Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar studied in MAO College and in Oxford University. He launched non-cooperation and Khilafat movement with Mahatma Gandhi. His regular writings in leading Indian and foreign newspapers like TheTimes,London,TheManchesterGuardian and TheObserver made him look like a visionary that the Indian Muslims and the general public was waiting for decades. Later, in the year 1911 he launched his well-received magazine TheComrade in Calcutta. But Kolkata didn’t suit him much and he shifted base to Delhi, from where he launched an Urdu daily, Hamdard, in 1913. Muhammad Ali was in the forefront in the war against British Raj. He wholeheartedly supported Mahatma Gandhi’s call for a national civil resistance movement, and inspired hundreds of protests and strikes all over India. He was arrested by British authorities and imprisoned for two years for what was termed as a seditious speech at one such meeting. He was one of the founders of Jamia Millia Islamia and was its first Vice Chancellor.
He was elected the President of INC in 1923. The fearless Maulana, despite his ill-health, went to attend the first Round Table Conference in London in 1930. He told the British Government in a very clear tone that he would not return to India alive unless the country was set free. “I would prefer to die in a foreign country so long as it is a free country, and if you do not give us freedom in India, you will have to give me a grave here”, the Maulana said. The true freedom lover, Muhammad Ali died during the same journey in London on 4 January 1931. He was buried in Jerusalem in the proximity of the Dome of Rock. While speaking bluntly in the Round Table Conference, he said, “I have not come to ask for Dominion Status. I do not believe in the attainment of Dominion Status. The one thing to which I am committed is complete independence. In Madras in 1927, we passed a resolution making that our goal.”
AbdulQaiyumAnsari(1905-1973) was a freedom fighter of India. He was known for his commitment to national integration, secularism and communal harmony. He fought against Jinnah’s two nation theory through the All-India Momin Conference of which he was the President. He vehemently opposed the very idea of Pakistan and spoke out openly to the extent of inviting attack by Muslim League supporters. While speaking in Patna during the Bihar Provincial Momin Conference on 21 April 1940, Abdul Qayyum said: “It is blasphemy to say that Islam is in danger here. It is tragedy to place orders for a Pakistan for the segregation of Islam. It is a defeat of Islam to run away from the battle of life in search of a privilege. It is a fantastic wavering of a fevered mind”.
He was impressed by Mahatma Gandhi, Maulana Azad and Ali Brothers who were the leading lights of the freedom movement. His activism in the freedom movement and social causes can be gauged by the fact that he established a national school for the students who had boycotted government schools in response to the call of the Indian National Congress (INC). For this he was arrested and imprisoned at the young age of 16 since it amounted to participation in Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movements. Abdul Qaiyum Ansari was also a champion of weaker sections of the society. He was among the top leaders of the Momin Conference and used the forum to make every effort to beat Muslim League and its divisive agenda. Besides, he also stood firmly against divisive politics of other organizations. He worked closely with the INC throughout as a youth leader and even took part in the students’ agitation against the Simon Commission during its visit to Calcutta in 1928. He was also an accomplished journalist, writer and a poet.
Ali Sardar Jafri (1913-2000)
Sardar was a rebel, freedom fighter, pacifist, radical activist, story writer, critic and documentary filmmaker at once. But, above all, he was a poet endowed with exquisite imagination, one of the brightest stars on the firmament of 20th century Urdu poetry. Like all great poets he was a prophet engaged in unravelling the mysteries and ambiguity of human drama. The principal theme of his poetry was compassion, love, perseverance and sensitivity surviving amidst the callous inhumanity of our times. In his unique style, he depicted the exemplary survival of the human spirit in face of all- pervasive adversity and defeatism. In so doing he not only carried forward the traditions of Urdu poetry but enriched its treasure with new symbols and powerful imagery. Indeed, his poetry gradually evolved into a genre of its own kind whose influence is difficult to ignore among the present generation of Urdu poets.
Sardar’s early works reflected a restless yearning for India’s independence from the colonial yoke. Equally intense was his yearning for the freedom and dignity of the proletariat. This was because of the strong impact of the Progressive Writers’ Movement inspired by Marxism and the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia in 1917. As early as 1938, he joined the movement at its conference held in Calcutta and soon became one of its leading advocates. The influence of Marxism on his poetry was thus profound and everlasting.
AMU conferred a doctorate (D. Litt.) on him in 1986, fifty years after he was expelled from the university. He was the fourth person to receive this honour, his predecessors being the notable Dr. Allama Iqbal, Mrs. Sarojini Naidu and Jigar Moradabai. His works have been translated into many Indian and foreign languages.
K.M. Ashraf (1903-1962)
Kunwar Mohammad Ashraf was an eminent historian, scholar of Islamic studies, a communist leader and crusader of Hindu-Muslim unity. During the non-cooperation movement, he left MAO College to join recently created Jamia Millia. Later he rejoined AMU in 1923 to pursue M.A. (History) and LL.B. courses. He received a Ph.D. from SOAS, London University. After teaching at AMU for a year, he gave up his academic career due to his commitment to the national movement. Ashraf came under the influence of Professor Mohammad Habib and joined socialist movement. Inspired by the Russian Revolution, he joined the Congress Socialist Party formed in 1934. During 1933-34, he led the Meo peasant struggle against the Maharaja of Alwar’s oppression and the Government had to intervene to introduce reforms. Dr. Ashraf was a trusted associate of Jawaharlal Nehru and was a member of AICC from 1934-45. He headed the Muslim Mass Contacts Campaign Cell of Congress, 1937-39, formed to wean away the Muslims from the influence of Muslim League and propagate Congress’ nationalist programmes. Ashraf exhorted the Indian Muslims to participate in the freedom movement and staunchly opposed M.A, Jinnah’s idea of Pakistan. He served as the Secretary to Jawaharlal Nehru and Maulana Azad when they were Congress Presidents. In 1948 he edited Naya Daur, the daily newspaper that denounced communalism and was distributed by the CPI. He taught at the University of Delhi and joined the Humboldt University, Berlin as a Guest Professor (Medieval Indian History) in 1960. In 1962 he died and was buried in the ‘Cemetery of Socialists’ at Berlin.
Rafi Ahmad Kidwai (1894-1954)
An Indian independence activist and a socialist to the core, Rafi Ahmed Kidwai’s ceaseless efforts in making the country free from British rule have been nothing but praiseworthy. Although a graduate from MAO College, his skills of keen observation and learning from human nature took him beyond bookish knowledge. During the crisis situations that he had to deal with during his service to the nation, he showed distinct man management skills and an innovative approach to resolve human issues. And with Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru as his mentor, there was no stopping him further. His efforts in bringing out many reforms and fighting against the unjust with utmost conviction will always be remembered. A committed freedom fighter to the very end!
It was by 1920 that Kidwai’s political career officially began after he had become an active force behind the Khilafat Movement and the Non-Cooperation Movement and was even jailed for the same. In 1922, he moved to Allahabad after being released from jail and served as the private secretary to Motilal Nehru. In 1926, Kidwai was elected to the Central Legislative Assembly of British India and from there on it was his political and social insightfulness that made him the Chief Whip of the Congress Legislative Assembly from 1926 to 1929. He also held the secretary position of the United Provinces Congress Committee and organized a no-rent campaign to protect Ashraf came under the influence of Professor Mohammad Habib and joined socialist movement. The farmers of the Rae Bareli district from the ongoing economic depression. For this, he was even sentenced for six months.
The Government of India Act 1935 made him a minister-in-charge of managing the revenues and jail portfolios in Pandit Govind Ballabh Pant’s cabinet in the United Provinces when congress government was set up. He was second to Pant as home minister in the 1946 government and in the same year, he became the home minister of UP. Post-independence, Kidwai became India’s first minister for communication in Jawahar Lal Nehru’s cabinet. Kidwai, along with Abul Kalam Azad, were the two Muslims in Nehru’s central cabinet. The “own your telephone” service that he launched in 1948 still goes by the name of OYT; under which a new telephone may be obtained. In the same year, he also launched night air mail service as a minister for communications.
Saith Yaqoob Hasan (1875-1940)
Saith Yaqoob Hasan (Maulana Yakub Hasan Saith) was an Indian businessman, freedom- fighter and politician who served as a cabinet minister for Public Works in the Madras presidency, under Rajaji (1937-1939). In 1916, Saith was elected to the Madras Legislative Council by the South Indian Chamber of Commerce. He joined the INC and participated in the Khilafat agitations in 1919 and was imprisoned for six months. He was arrested and imprisoned once again in 1921 for his participation in the Non-Cooperation Movement. On his return from jail in 1923, he resigned from the Congress and founded the Madras Province Muslim League. This move was prompted by Saith’s preference for Dominion Status when the Congress declared independence as its primary goal. As a result, no Muslim leader from the Presidency participated in the Civil Disobedience Movement. Saith stood for the elections and was elected to the Assembly.
Before the 1937 elections, Saith, left the Madras Provincial Muslim League and joined the Indian National Congress. Soon, he became one of the top leaders of the provincial Congress. He condemned Mohammad Iqbal’s two-nation theory and supported a united India. However, he still supported most of the other policies of the Muslim League.
Shoeb Qureshi
Qureshi edited Harijan during the detention of Gandhiji.
(Abdulrahim P. Vijapur is currently Emeritus Professor of Political Science at the University of Science and Technology, Meghalaya. Formerly he was Professor of Political Science at Aligarh Muslim University. He retired in 2020 after serving AMU for 37 years. He can be reached at: Email: arvijapur@gmail.com )
This article was first published in countercurrents.org on 26 August 2022
source: http://www.indoislamic.org / Indo Islamic Heritage Centre / Home> Article / by Abdulrahim P Vijapur / October 23rd, 2023
Janakinath Bose, Bivabati Devi, Subhas Chandra Bose and Sarat Chandra Bose in Shillong, 1927
‘The Great Escape of Subhas Chandra Bose’, i.e., his escape from house arrest by the British Government in Kolkata (then Calcutta) to Berlin in 1941 is now part of folklore. Almost every Indian with a basic knowledge of the Indian Freedom Struggle knows that Bose escaped dressed as a Pathan and reached Berlin via Delhi, Peshawar, and Kabul.
Historians have overlooked the role of women in many historical events and this case is no exception. Writers have discussed in detail how Mian Akbar Shah, Sisir Bose, Bhagat Ram Talwar alias Rahmat Khan, Uttam Chand, Haji Amin, etc. helped Bose in this journey to Berlin. They have failed to note the contributions of Bivabati Devi, Ramo Devi, Larissa Quaroni, and Mrs Haji Abdul Sobhan in the great escape.
Netaji held Bivabati Devi, wife of Subhas Chandra Bose’s elder brother Sarat Chand, in high esteem. Bhagat Ram Talwar, who had accompanied Subhas in his journey through Peshawar and Afghanistan, writes, “He considered her as his second mother. He said that in times of difficulty, he always turned to her for advice and guidance. He took her into confidence as also did Sarat Chandra Bose and their son Sisir Bose. With their help, he succeeded in dodging the police.”
Larissa Quaroni and Alberto Pietro Quaroni
It was Bivabati who ensured that after Subhas’ escape all his meals reached his room and empty dishes removed so that police did not know about his absence till 27 January 1941, and by then he had reached Kabul.
Talwar also noted, “He had spoken to me of her (Bivabati’s) capacity to judge a particular situation and understand things and of her tact to adapt and prepare herself to meet a certain situation and thus how she was of tremendous help to him all his life.”
Ramo Devi, wife of Uttam Chand, an Indian who owned a shop in Kabul, was another person who helped Netaji in his escapade. Uttam was a revolutionary who served the jail in India during the 1930s for his nationalistic activities. Subhas stayed at his house in Kabul for a few days.
Talwar recalled, “Ramo Devi played a great and noble role in affording us protection in our difficult days during our stay in Kabul. She displayed wonderful tact and presence of mind in handling the situation. Credit goes to her for the fact that during our stay for such a long period, the neighbours or visitors never got suspicious of us. She spared no pains to make Netaji’s stay in her house as comfortable as possible. She always provided good food for Netaji and looked after him with great care, particularly when Netaji was unwell. She managed the children so well that we never had a reason to suspect that they would let the secret out. Under her control, even the servant proved to be useful and reliable. I think she gave very valuable support to her husband in this difficult task of sheltering a personality so well-known and so much sought after by the police.”
Bhagat Ram Talwar alias Rahmat Khan Bhagat Ram Talwar alias Rahmat KhanBhagat Ram
Bhagat Ram Talwar alias Rehmat Khan
Larissa Quaroni was married to Mr. Alberto Pietro Quaroni, the ambassador of Italy in Kabul. After his futile attempts to get help from the USSR and German embassies, the Italian ambassador extended all the help to Subahs to get out of Kabul and reach Berlin. He gave him a new passport with the fake identity of an Italian, Orlando Mazotta.
The government in Kabul would not support anti-British activity on its soil. Larissa acted as a messenger between the Italian embassy and Subhas. She would take the messages from the embassy to Uttam Chand’s shop. She procured Bose’s new Italian passport and also arranged clothes for his travel.
Haji Abdul Sobhan, an Indian revolutionary based in Kabul, had served jail as a member of the Ghadar Party. He married a German woman. He and Uttam Chand looked after Subhas’ stay in Kabul.
Sobhan’s wife was Subha’s link with Germany. She suggested that if everything went as planned the German forces could reach Afghanistan in six months and with their help tribals could attack the British in India. When Subhas was living in Berlin, she kept sending clothes and messages to him through her sister.
There is no denying that Subhas Chandra Bose and other men with him did something heroic but these women were no less. It is unimaginable that the escape could have succeeded if these women were not there.
source: http://www.awazthevoice.in / Awaz, The Voice / Home> Story / by Saquib Salim / January 23rd, 2025
Bijnor District / executed in Moradabad, UTTAR PRADESH :
Koi gul baqi rahega na chaman reh jaayega
Par Rasoolullah ka deen-e-hasan reh jayega
(No flower will be left, nor will any garden remain; but the beautiful religion of Muhammad (pbuh) will forever endure.)
Maulana Syed Kifayat Ali Kafi, a prominent Islamic scholar, poet, and freedom fighter, was executed by the British on May 6, 1858, at the crossroads of Moradabad. His execution marks a significant, yet often overlooked, chapter in India’s struggle for independence.
Early Life and Education
Born in Bijnor district, Maulana Kafi hailed from a respectable Sadat family. He pursued his education in Moradabad, Bareilly, and Badaun, gaining expertise in religious studies, traditional medicine (Hikmat), and poetry. His teachers included Sheikh Abu Saeed Rampuri in religious knowledge, Sher Ali in medicine, and Maulvi Mehdi Ali Khan and Zaki Moradabadi in poetry. Maulana Kafi was not just a scholar but also an accomplished poet, with works such as Diwan-e-Kafi, Diwan-e-Tanha, Kamalat-e-Azizi, and Naseem-e-Jannat to his name.
A Patriot’s Call to Arms
As British rule continued to oppress India, Maulana Kafi’s determination to see a free Hindustan grew stronger. When the First War of Independence erupted in 1857, Maulana Kafi actively participated in the struggle. His fatwa of Jihad against British rule, posted on the walls of the Jama Masjid in Moradabad, was a rallying cry for Muslims to rise against the oppressors.
Joining General Bakht Khan Rohilla’s forces, Maulana Kafi fought bravely from Delhi to Bareilly and Allahabad. After liberating Moradabad, he helped establish a local government under Nawab Majiduddin Khan, also known as Nawab Majju Khan. Maulana Kafi was appointed Sadar-e-Shariat, where he oversaw judicial matters according to the Sharia law.
Betrayal and Capture
Despite the initial successes, the freedom movement in Moradabad faced significant setbacks due to betrayals by local traitors and the Nawab of Rampur who had aligned with the British. As a result, the British recaptured Moradabad, and on April 30, 1858, Maulana Kafi was arrested, following a tip-off by a local informer named Fakhruddin Kalal.
Martyrdom
Maulana Kafi’s trial was swift and brutal. On May 6, 1858, after enduring severe torture and refusing to renounce his faith and commitment for his motherland, he was hanged by the British. His final moments were marked by an extraordinary sense of calm and composure.
Maulana Syed Kifayat Ali Kafi’s sacrifice remains a poignant reminder of the countless unsung heroes who fought and gave their lives for India’s freedom. His legacy, though forgotten by many, continues to inspire those who remember the courage and conviction of one of the nation’s noble martyrs.
source: http://www.themilligazette.com / The Milli Gazette Online / Home> News> Special Reports / by Sahil Rizvi / August 18th, 2024
“He (Mahatma Gandhi) said that while he did not think that Umar Sobhani was a revolutionary, he was frank and open by nature and he (Gandhi) thought that if Umar felt convinced that a revolution was the best way to secure the well-being of India, he would not hesitate to adopt such methods. He thought that in such a case Umar Sobhani would plainly tell him (Gandhi) of his intentions…” This is what Mahatma Gandhi was reported to have told to C.I.D on 8 May 1919 during a police interrogation.
Unsung Heroes of Freedom Struggle
Sobhani was a rich businessman from Mumbai who traded in cotton and joined the freedom struggle early in his life.
Those who take an interest in Mahatma Gandhi consider Young India, an English journal edited by Gandhi, and Navajivan, a Gujarati journal, as his voice. Interestingly, these journals were started by Sobhani who later cajoled Gandhi to take charge as the editor.
Rajmohan Gandhi, one of the grandsons of Mahatma Gandhi, notes, “Three of the Sabarmati ‘covenanters’, Umar Sobhani, Shankerlal Banker and Indulal Yagnik, were between them bringing out two journals, Young India, a weekly in English from Bombay, and Navajivan, a monthly in Gujarati from Ahmedabad, and were also associated with the nationalist daily, the Bombay Chronicle. At the end of April, in one of the Raj’s drastic measures, Horniman, the British editor of the Chronicle, was deported, and the paper’s publication had to be suspended.
“In response, Sobhani, Banker, and Yagnik requested Gandhi to take over the editorship of Young India and Navajivan and with their help bring out Young India twice a week and Navajivan every week. Gandhi agreed, and on 7 May 1919 the first number of Young India, New Series, came out. When, soon, the Chronicle resumed publication, Young India reverted to being a weekly but now published, for Gandhi’s convenience, in Ahmedabad, along with Navajivan, which first appeared as a weekly on 7 September.
“Gandhi now possessed what he had hoped for from the moment of his return to India: vehicles to communicate his message.”
Charkha (spinning wheel) is a synonym for Mahatma Gandhi and his movement and Sobhani played an instrumental role in making it a success. Rajmohan writes, “Indian spinning mills wanted to turn all their yarn into mill-made cloth, not sell it to hand-weavers. Gandhi therefore asked associates to search for spinning wheels that could make yarn. At the Godhra conference in November. 1917, a woman called Gangaben Majmudar, who had ‘already got rid of the curse of untouchability and fearlessly moved among and served the suppressed classes’ (A 442), promised him that she would locate a wheel.
“She found not one but hundreds in Vijapur in the princely state of Baroda, all lying in attics as ‘useless lumber’ (A 443). Women who in the past plied the charkhas told Gangaben that they would spin again if someone supplied slivers of cotton and bought their yarn.
Gandhi said he would meet the conditions, his friend Umar Sobhani supplied slivers from his Bombay mill, and the ashram received more hand-spun yarn than it could cope with.”
Sobhani was one of the original 20 signatories of the pledge to oppose the Rowlatt Act. The pledge was prepared by Gandhi at his Sabarmati Ashram in Ahmedabad. Along with Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Sobhani was one of the associates of Gandhi who backed him against the old guards in Congress on the question of the non-cooperation movement in 1918.
K. R. Malkani, a former R.S.S stalwart and BJP leader, writes, “Gandhiji’s right-hand man in Bombay in the 1921 movement was Umar Sobhani. The first bonfire of one and a half lakh pieces of choicest silk was ignited by Gandhi in Umar’s mill compound in Parel.
“When Gandhiji decided to collect Rs. 1 crore for Tilak Swaraj Fund, Umar offered to contribute the entire amount, but Gandhiji wanted it collected from a large number of people. But even so, Umar contributed Rs. 3 lacs.
“Umar was a big cotton merchant. When the British came to know of his role in the Freedom Movement, they ran special trainloads of cotton to Bombay by Viceregal order. As a result, cotton prices collapsed in Bombay and Umar suffered a loss of Rs. 3.64 crores. Daan-Vir Sobhani ended his life.
“Earlier the British tried to divide the family. At their instance, Umar’s father, Haji Yusuf Sobhani contested the office of Sheriff of Bombay. Umar worked. against his father and had him defeated. Later the British tried to tempt Yusuf Sobhani with a knighthood, but Umar told his father that he could accept the title only “over my dead body.” Today probably not even people living on Sobhani Road, Cuffe Parade, Bombay, know who the great Sobhani was!”
Sobhani used to lead the marches in Mumbai, arrange the meetings of Gandhi, and raise funds for the political agitations against the English. Gandhi, according to the police reports, used to call him one of the props of the satyagraha in Mumbai.
source: http://www.awazthevoice.in / Awaz, The Voice / Home> Story / by Saquib Salim / July 31st, 2024
Marai Village, Siphajr (Darang District) , ASSAM :
Inside the shrine of Baga Baba
As National Highway-15 traverses through the village Marai of the Darang district in northern Assam, travellers see a shrine that commands the devotion and reverence of both Hindus and Muslims.
This is the shrine of Baba Baga which is visited by people of all faiths, and is especially popular among travelers who have taken the NH-15. Trucks and buses that come from far and wide stop here to offer prayers and make donations. All passenger buses and goods trucks stop here as the shrine management has kept drinking water available.
Baga Baba was born as Abdul Khaleque. He came to Assam in 1916 from the then Sylhet district (now in Bangladesh). Initially, he lived in Gog, Satsali, and Badalguri and finally settled down in Marai village of Sipajhar in 1919.
The shrine of Baga Baba in village Marai
From there, he launched his mission of spreading Islam in the greater Darang district. The Sufi cleric also joined the Indian freedom movement; he was also jailed.
Baga Baba died in 1933 and the locals raised a mausoleum (mazar) on his grave.
Speaking with Awaz-The Voice, Hafiz Ali, secretary of Baga Baba Mazar, said: “The cleric lit the torch of Islam here. Along with preaching the religion, he also spread the message of peace, harmony, and brotherhood. Then he sent Maulana Didaruddin Saheb to be educated as a maulana. Everybody believes Baga Baba to be an Auliya (master of some divine power) of Allah. Hindus and Muslims alike come here and pray.
“At present, people from all over Assam and India who travel through this highway donate at this mazar. Today the village has nine mosques. The inflow of people and pilgrims has increased over the years. Hindus and Muslims have equally contributed to it.
Drinking water facility at the shrine for travellers
The construction work of the mazar was initiated by former president Jiban Baruah. There are still many non-Muslims, such as Bhumidhar Saharia, Himanshu Kalita, and others, in the management committee of the Mazar,” he said.
The shrine hosts Milad sharif every Thursday of the week. In addition, a Urs is held every year on 12 of Magh (late January), the death anniversary of Baga Baba. People from different parts of India participate in the Urs. Although the Baga Baba Mazar is located on the northern side of NH 15, there is also a premises of the Mazar on the southern side of the road.
It is worth mentioning that the Baga Baba Mazar has played a significant role in maintaining Hindu-Muslim unity and harmony in the entire Darang district as well as in the greater Marai Bijulibari area.
source: http://www.awazthevoice.in / Awaz, The Voice / Home> Story / by Ariful Islam, Sipajhar / June 25th, 2024
