Mecca, (Ottoman-SAUDI ARABIA / Kolkata, WEST BENGAL / DELHI :
Abul Kalam Ghulam Muhiyuddin (November 11, 1888-February 22, 1958), better known as Maulana Azad, was a writer-activist-statesman.
Historian S Irfan Habib speaks on Maulana Azad on his birth anniversary at an event organised by the Maulana Azad College alumni association in Calcutta on Tuesday / The Telegraph
Historian S. Irfan Habib, while delivering his Maulana Abul Kalam Azad memorial lecture titled “Revisiting Maulana Azad in Contemporary India” on Tuesday, rued how in today’s India, anytime he posts anything on social media on the freedom fighter, 80 per cent of the comments comprise hateful abuse.
“Full of abuse… 80 per cent of the comments. And from people who have no idea of who he was, what he stood for, and what he did for India,” said Habib, whose lecture on the Maulana on the icon’s 137th birth anniversary was organised by the Maulana Azad College alumni association to mark the college’s centennial.
Abul Kalam Ghulam Muhiyuddin (November 11, 1888-February 22, 1958), better known as Maulana Azad, was a writer-activist-statesman.
One of Mahatma Gandhi’s most trusted lieutenants and the youngest president of the Indian National Congress, he made crucial contributions to the freedom movement. He was also Independent India’s first education minister.
“I will speak about those issues relevant for today’s India. What he did for education, how he defined nationalism — today all those who have no idea of what nationalism is are nationalists — and how he defined Islam…. Islam too is in danger when we see what we believers have done to our own faith,” said Habib, former Maulana Azad Chair at the National University of Educational Planning and Administration, New Delhi.
Maulana Azad’s family moved from Mecca to Calcutta when he was two. He spent several decades of his life in this city, his residence on 5 Ashraf Mistry Lane of Ballygunge now a museum.
November 11 is celebrated as National Education Day to recognise his contribution in establishing the education foundations of India — from the Indian Institutes of Technology, the University Grants Commission, the All India Council for Technical Education, the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research, the Indian Institute of Science, and the Sahitya Akademi, the Sangeet Natak Akademi and the Lalit Kala Akademi, besides the Indian Council for Cultural Relations.
“Patriotism, nationalism and humanism, the difference between them Maulana tried to look at. In this (the belief in the culmination in humanism) he was very close to Gurudev Rabindranath Tagore, and he actually writes about it, that he believes in the idea of nationalism which was pitched by the idea of Tagore’s humanism and universalism,” said Habib.
“True relationship is only one, where the entire earth is one’s native land. This is necessary is today’s India, where we indulge in othering among own citizens, in the name of religion, caste, language, all sorts of issues, all sorts of divisive tools we use to divide Indians, while Maulana says mankind is one family and all humans are brothers, this is the idea of humanity of nationalism which Maulana left behind,” he added.
Habib underscored how the Maulana began as a pan-Islamist, speaking against the subjugation of Muslim nations by imperialist powers — a sentiment expressed strongly in his papers Al-Hilal and Al-Balagh, and it was because of his role as a fiercely upright journalist that the British Raj viewed him as one of the most dangerous persons in India.
Habib stated that after the Maulana was released from exile in Ranchi in 1920, he was torn between reading and writing in seclusion, or public life and the freedom struggle. It was soon after coming out of exile that the Maulana met Gandhi on January 18, 1920, for the first time.
“The meeting seemed to have had a profound impact on both… and they remained inseparable for the rest of his (Gandhi’s) life,” he said.
According to Habib, the Maulana fought on multiple fronts, not only against the British, but also Hindu and Muslim communalists.
“Maulana stressed on indivisible or composite nationalism, where he went back to early Islamic history, when the Prophet (Muhammad) created the first Muslim nation in Medina by aligning with the Yehudis (Jews). He saw no reason why Muslims could not join hands with Hindus and others in nation-forming…. He was appalled with communalists busy with sectarian campaigns when the need was to fight the British as a composite nationalist group,” Habib said.
“Maulana stood for a united India and remained steadfast in this resolve till the end. We are amid polarising politics where religion has become a distinct marker of identity…. The majoritarian nationalism being flaunted today runs contrary to the idea of composite nationalism espoused by Maulana all his life,” he added. “Maulana found the demand for Pakistan absurd as he was conscious of the fact that religion cannot be a binding factor for a nation.”
source: http://www.telegraphindia.com / The Telegraph Online / Home> West Bengal / by Meghdeep Bhattacharyya / November 12h, 2025
One of the oldest places in Uttar Pradesh is Sambhal in District Moradabad, has a long list of people in its history who confronted with British and posed great resistance with their historic acts of gallantry. Abdul Qaiyyum, Lala Prem Pal, Qari Abdul Haq, Maqsood Turki, Chaudhary Riyasat Ali, Lala Chandulal, Lala Roop Kishor, Maulvi Noorul Hasan, Sheikh Abdul Raheem, Chetan Swaroop, Radhey Lal Poddar, Munshi Moinuddin, Ml. Sultan Ahmad,Maulvi Abdul Waheed are prominent among such people.
The exact date of birth of Maulana Ismail Sambhli is not known however, he might have taken birth in 1899 at Mohallah Deepa Sarai. He belonged to the Sarwar Waley family of Turk community. His father, Munshi Kifayatullah was considered among the educated people of the area and was famous with the nickname ‘Munshiji’. His grandfather’s name was Sarwar Husain who was a native to village Mundha in J. P. Nagar. Later he shifted to Sambhal. His family surname, Sarwar Waley was due to his grandfather’s name.
He received primary education at Madrasatul Mohammadia, Deepa Sarai and was admitted to class VI to continue further education in English against his mother’s wish. She wanted him to get Arabic education and finally her will prevailed. Meanwhile, his father passed away and he was sent to his elder brother at Bahawalpur where he had the honour to receive education from Maulana Farooq Ahmad, Sheikhul Hadees and Head, Jamia Usmania.
Maulana Farooq Ahmad was the disciple of Shaikhul Hind Maulana Mahmoodul Hasan and relative of Maulana Mansoor Ansari who was put on exile on the pretext of abetting and participating in the freedom movement. He was extremely unhappy with British and a staunch supporter of freedom struggle. It was his company that helped instill a sense of nationalism in the heart of Maulana Ismail Sambhli and inspired him to participate in the freedom struggle.
After completing education at Bahawalpur, Maulana Ismail Sambhli returned back to his native place, Sambhal and continued with his education at Madrasa Sirajul Uloom. In the meantime the barbaric incident of Jalianwala Bagh took place that put the whole of India on fire. A protest strike was observed in Sambhal as well and a mass gathering of all communities was organized at the gardens of Gul Chhatar. Maulana Ismail Sambhli delivered a very inspiring lecture at the mass convention. Maulana was the youngest among all orators yet his oration impressed the public most and thus his national and political life began. Maulana gained popularity as Raees-ul Muqarrareen (master orator).
When the British defeated Turkey, the resulting loss and the sense of defeat made the Muslims furious. On November 22, 1919 the Khilafat Committee was founded and the Jamiatul Ulema-e-Hind took birth in Delhi. The Khilafat Movement was pronounced through out the country. Just months after the sad demise of Sheikhul Hind Maulana Mahmoodul Hasan, Maulana Ismail Sambhli took admission in Darul Uloom Deoband where his nationalist ideas and concepts received firmness. He started partaking in the nationalist activities with much vigour and zeal and despite him being a student he was arrested on February 22, 1921 for his radical ideas and inflammatory speeches. After two – three days his case was heard at Moradabad Jail and he was sentenced to two years’ rigorous imprisonment. Then the political detainees were generally subject to extreme brutalities. Maulana and his companions borne all types of atrocities. They were put under penal servitude, were imprisoned in small cages and were compelled to sleep handcuffed. Precisely, they were put to all types of brutalities but did not tender apology. Finally, he was released after the term of his punishment was over. Back to home he concentrated on completing his education. After completing courses at Darul Uloom Deoband he joined Jamia Qasmia Madrasa Shahi, Moradabad as a teacher in later 1924. The country’s condition had changed by the time, Khilafat had come to an end, there were communal disturbances through out the country and Congress had suspended its Civil Disobedience Movement. Mahatma Gandhi was imprisoned for six years. People were feeling let down but Maulana Sambhali kept moving ahead with full confidence.
In 1930 when Congress proclaimed for complete freedom. On March 13 Mahatma Gandhi commenced his famous Dandi march in violation of the laws of salt. A Civil Disobedience Movement was also commenced.
The Britishers put the nationalist people to extreme brutalities. They were mercilessly beaten, shot by guns and imprisoned. The Jamiatul Ulema sense the need of the hour and vowed to support Congress in its Civil Disobedience Movement. It established a Daira-e-Harabia (Circle of War). Mufti Kifayatullah, Maulana Ahmad Saeed, Maulana Husain Ahmad and Maulana Mubarak Husain Sambhli were arrested one by one. Maulana Mohammad Ismail Sambhli was the seventh in this order to be arrested and was sentenced to six months’ rigorous imprisonment.
When the time came for Provincial Assembly elections, the Muslim League Parliamentary Board came to existence. On behalf of Maulana Ahmad Saeed, Nazim of Jamiatul Ulema Mohammad Ali Jinnah was given the right to nominate members to the parliamentary board. Mr. Jinnah nominated 22 members from 56 out of which 20 were of Jamiatul Ulema and two of Ahrar. The Provincial Boards were under the control of Central Board. Maulana Ismail Sambhli was admitted to UP Board. He was also declared candidate from Sambhal of Moradabad and Tehsil Bilari constituencies. Those days the land lords, nawabs, kings and English title holders enjoyed great immunity and British supported people were considered prominent in the society. The nationalists participated in the election to defeat the pro-British candidates.
In 1939, the war in Europe started and the Indian government without taking the members in confidence sent the Indian army to war. The Congress opposed the move and boycotted the Assembly. It convened its session at Ramgarh on March 20-21, 1940 under the president ship of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. The Civil Disobedience Movement was pronounced in the session and finally in the last of 1940 the non-violent civil disobedience movement commenced. A programme was chalked out for individual speeches. Maulana Ismail Sambhli was arrested in Moradabad during the movement and was sentenced for nine months’ imprisonment. In August 1942, Congress gave the famous ‘Leave India’ slogan. Mahatma Gandhi was arrested and sent to Sabarmati Jail. There were arrests every where in the country. Maulana Ismail Sambhli was again arrested in Sambhal and was put under house arrest at Moradabad Jail for indefinite period. Later he was released after one year.
In 1946, when elections were declared, the tussle between Congress and Muslim League was at its peak. Maulana Sambhli was elected, remained MLA till 1952.
Maulana Ismail Sambhli did not participate in the 1952 elections and stationed at Delhi as the Nazim-e-Ala of Jamiatul Ulema. He served Jamiat for four years and remained busy in social and political affairs. In 1957 he resigned from Jamiat and returned to Sambhal.
In 1962, he was appointed as Sheikhul Hadees at Madrasa Imdadia, Moradabad and served there for about three years.. In 1974, he shunned the idea of service and returned back to Sambhal and engaged himself in the literary work only to complete the half hatched books. “Maqalat-e-Tasawwuf”, “Akhbarul Tanzeel” (the Quranic prophesies) and “Taquleed-e-Aimma” are some important books authored by him.
Meanwhile he went to Mawana, Meerut and taught Quran’s translation for eight months. In his last age, he spent a few Ramadhan months in Bombay delivering lectures on the translation and analysis of Quran every night after Taraweeh. He fell sick in the last Ramadhan of his life yet, and after returning to Sambhal he breathed his last on 23rd November 1975 after one and half months’ prolonged illness. (deoband.net)
source: http://www.milligazette.com / The Milli Gazette / Home> News> Family & Kids / by Mohammad Najeeb Qasmi / May 22nd, 2016
The Assamese version of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad’s Tarjuman Al Quran, Volume-I Al Fatiha, translated by Komoruzzaman Ahmed, was released here yesterday by educationist and former vice chancellor of Rajib Gandhi University, Arunachal Pradesh, Dr A C Bhagabati.
Maulana Azad, besides being a well-known political figure, is a scholar of Islamic learning and Quran. He had translated the Quran into Urdu with commentary as Tarjuman Al Quran to help the common people understand the holy book, as it was understood by the people during Prophet Mohammad’s lifetime.
The book had originally been translated to English by Dr. Syed Abdul Latif during the life time of Maulana Azad. The book, released on June 2, is an Assamese translation of the main Volume-I, Al Fatiha of the Tarjuman Al Quran, where Maulana Azad presented the main principles of the Quran by analyzing each of the Seven Sentences of Sura Al Fatiha in detail.
The meeting was presided over by film-maker Abdul Majid.
The welcome address was made by Wasbir Hussain, author and journalist.
Addressing the meeting, Dr Ayesha Ashraf Ahmed, author and former professor of Shillong College talked about the core philosophy of the Quran. Author Ahmed also addressed the gathering.
source: http://www.assamtribune.com / The Assam Tribune / Home> Archives / by Staff Reporter / September 15th, 2010
At a landmark one-day national history conference, prominent scholars, professors, and historians Sunday gathered to commemorate the unparalleled contributions of Muslims to India’s cultural and civilizational fabric. Titled “Delhi: Crucible of Indo-Islamic Synthesis in Medieval India,” the conference was hosted by the Department of Islamic Studies, Jamia Hamdard University, in collaboration with the Institute of Study and Research Delhi (ISRD), New Delhi.
Held at the Hamdard Convention Centre, Jamia Hamdard, the conference aimed to explore the profound impact of Islamic heritage on shaping medieval Indian culture, society, and governance, with a special emphasis on Delhi as the epicenter of this cultural convergence.
A wide array of research papers was presented under several sub-themes aligned with the central topic, including the Advent of Islam in North India , Educational Institutions and Knowledge Production, Indo-Islamic Architecture, Sufi Traditions and Sacred Spaces, Language and Literature, Music and Performing Arts Role in the Freedom Struggle, Calligraphy and Decorative Arts, Culinary Heritage and the Culture of Cuisine, Women’s Contributions, Science and Technology, Mughal Gardens and Economic and Administrative Innovations.
As a chief guest, Jamaat-e-Islami Hind Syed Sadatullah Husaini emphasised that the Quran repeatedly encourages the study of history and historical events to extract lessons and guidance. “If lessons are taken from history, it becomes an asset,” he asserted, adding that history serves as a mirror of society.
Refuting the prevailing negative narratives surrounding Muslims in India, Husaini remarked, “Muslims are not outsiders or foreign invaders. They are developers, not destroyers; builders, not colonizers; inheritors, not intruders.” He highlighted how the Delhi Sultanate acted as a conduit, connecting India with the thriving global centers of knowledge in the Muslim world.
He cited the example of Sanskrit scholars and experts in numerics being recognized and honored in the court of the Abbasid Caliphate. The Arabs, he noted, never appropriated the intellectual achievements of Indian scholars but instead gave them due credit. “Muslim Sultanates helped disseminate India’s hidden treasures of knowledge across the globe,” he stated.
Husaini also praised the architectural marvels of the Delhi Sultanate, such as the Qutub Minar, calling them a testament to the era’s artistic grandeur. He emphasized that the most valuable contribution of Muslim rulers was the promotion of unity and human equality, bringing together people across religions, castes, and classes under a shared identity of humankind—a concept Allama Iqbal referred to as “Wahdat-e-Khaas Quwwat” (special power of unity).
Referencing Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, he recalled Azad’s fervent appeals to Muslims at the time of Partition to remain in India, invoking their emotional and civilizational connection to iconic Islamic monuments such as the Taj Mahal, Red Fort, and Qutub Minar.
Dr. Afshar Alam, Vice Chancellor of Jamia Hamdard University, presided over the inaugural session. He provided a historical overview of Islamic rule in India, tracing it from Mohammad Ghori’s arrival in the 12th century to the British colonial era, covering the Slave, Khilji, Tughlaq, Sayyid, Lodhi, and Mughal dynasties.
He emphasized how Delhi became the nucleus of Indo-Islamic cultural fusion, with Central Asian and Persian architectural styles merging with indigenous Indian designs. This, he said, resulted in a unique Indo-Islamic architectural identity, visible in the city’s rich heritage.
Alam also elaborated on the contributions of the Islamic period in education, science, music, literature, governance, and social reform, asserting that this synthesis laid the foundation of what is now referred to as South Asian culture. “This fusion didn’t just shape Indian civilization—it gave it depth, diversity, and resilience,” he concluded.
Dr. Hafeezur Rahman, convenor of the Khusro Foundation and an expert in Urdu and Persian, delivered speech as a special guest. He reflected on historiography, distinguishing between pro-establishment and anti-establishment narratives, and praised Islam’s contribution to historical objectivity through the tradition of “Asma al-Rijal” (biographical evaluation of narrators).
He noted, “It is often said that the Mughals gifted India three unparalleled treasures: the Taj Mahal, Mirza Ghalib, and the Urdu language.” Rahman particularly celebrated the role of Sufi saints, especially Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya and his disciple Ameer Khusrau, a 13th-century polymath and the founding father of the Urdu language. Khusrau, he said, was also a distinguished scholar in astrology, astronomy, and music.
Quoting Khusrau’s oft-repeated teaching from his spiritual mentor—”Agar duniya aap ke raste mein kaante bichhaye, to tum phool bichhao” (If the world throws thorns in your path, you lay down flowers)—he emphasized the Sufi message of love and resilience.
Dr. Hafeezur Rahman further illustrated how cultural synthesis led to creations like biryani and sherwani, both products of Indo-Islamic fusion. He expressed hope that the academic papers presented at the conference would become historical documents in their own right.
Dr. Fazlur Rahman, Assistant Professor in the Department of Islamic Studies, anchored the conference and gave a brief introduction to its aims.
ISRD Secretary and Organizer Asif Iqbal outlined five core objectives and sub-themes of the event. Asif Iqbal emphasized that civilizational interactions—such as those between Islam and Indian culture—often result in positive transformations. He stated that Muslims, while introducing new cultural and civilizational values to the subcontinent, also embraced indigenous practices. “This mutual exchange reshaped the cultural and intellectual landscape of the region,” he said.
ISRD President Saleemullah Khan offered reflections on the ethical teachings of Prophet Muhammad, citing his instruction to Hazrat Ali to return belongings even to those who plotted to kill him during the Hijrah (migration to Madinah). He also quoted Urdu writer Rashidul Khairi, who praised the skills, cooperation, and intelligence of Delhi’s women during the medieval era.
Professor Arshad Hussain, Head of the Department of Islamic Studies at Jamia Hamdard, delivered the welcome address and warmly greeted all dignitaries and guests.
The day featured parallel academic sessions, with 50 research papers presented by scholars and students from institutions including Jamia Millia Islamia (JMI), Aligarh Muslim University (AMU), Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), Maulana Azad National Urdu University (MANUU), National Institute of Technology (NIT), Delhi University, and Jamia Hamdard.
Sessions were chaired by eminent professors such as Prof. Obaidullah Fahad (AMU), Dr. Faizan Ahmed (National Archives of India), Dr. Mohiuddin Ghazi (former Dean, Al Jamia Al Islamia, Kerala), Prof. Azizuddin Husain, and Prof. Parvez Nazir. Guest speakers received mementoes, and research scholars were presented with certificates.
In the valedictory session, Prof. Mohammad Salim Engineer, retired professor from MNIT Jaipur, addressed emerging researchers, emphasizing key research ethics—many of which, he noted, align with Islamic principles. These include academic honesty, objectivity, peer review, and depth over volume. “There’s no shortcut to excellence,” he advised. “Hard work can even surpass intelligence.”
In light of the current communal atmosphere, he urged the Muslim community to take charge of creating history, not just recalling it.
Abdul Kalam, co-convenor of the event, delivered closing thanks, while Dr. Shadab Musa, Assistant Secretary of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, offered a speech reflecting on the present socio-political environment.
source: http://www.indiatomorrow.net / India Tomorrow / Home> Breaking News> Education> National Interest / by Anwarulhaq Baig / April 21st, 2025
Asma Memorial Trust felicitates 80 educators including retired ones and specially-abled who served without recognition.
(Clockwise) Noor alam with Afaf Jameel, Junaid Kamal, Sangita Gurang (red sari) and the felicitated ones
Kolkata:
When the name of Junaid Kamal was announced, a 32-year-old man, with the help of two crutches, tried to stand up from his seat and began moving towards the stage to be felicitated at Asma Memorial Trust’s function. Soon, the fine art teacher was assisted in walking to receive a memento, a plant, and a set of notebooks and pens.
It was the first time in his 13-year teaching career that the art teacher, who is associated with four different organizations in Kolkata and serves the community, was recognized as a specially-abled person (left leg and right paralysed).
“I am thankful for the felicitation. For someone like me, it is not only difficult to study, but getting a respectable job is another challenge. Even when you succeed, it is rare that people appreciate it in this fast-paced life,” the Academy of Fine Arts graduate told eNewsroom.
Junaid was not alone; at least 15 retired educators, from both government and private schools, were also felicitated at the event.
Dr Umar Khyyam (70) of Maulana Azad College, Mobark Ali Mobarak (65) from Bankura district Urdu School, Nurul Hoda (62) of Kankinara Himayatul Ghurba High School (underprivileged), and Ashraf Ahmad Jafri (65) of Karaya School, Kolkata, were among them.
There were also current teachers, such as Afaf Jameel of Frank Anthony Public School, Sangita Gurung of Assembly of God Church School, Michael A Panja of GD Goenka Public School, Dr Khalid Hossain of Monu Memorial Institution (Kolkata), Debashish from Well and Gold, Md. Shahnawaz of Noble Mission School, Mubashshreen Shakil of KS Consultancy & Academy, Shaguta Adnan, who teaches French, and Manwar Sultana of Sir Syed English Medium School, among the total 80 teachers who were felicitated.
The felicitated and the felicitetors together after Asma Memorial Trust’s event
Teachers from South Point, East West, Goenka, Albani Hall, Islamia, Mohammed Jan, Flair International, and Izma International schools were also honored.
Noor Alam, the founder of NEET Basket, who also established the Asma Trust in memory of his wife to promote value-based education and encourage those involved in it, told eNewsroom, “We used to celebrate Education Day on the birthday of India’s first education minister, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. But this year, we started the celebration earlier and began by felicitating educators who have served society but have not received any recognition for it.”
Alam, the Rashtriya Shiksha Ratan Award winner also pointed out that during the felicitation, a plant was given to each honoree to symbolize how educators nurture children. Just as trees benefit society in many ways, a well-nurtured child can positively impact the community.
The chief guest, Indian Revenue Service (IRS) officer Shamsher Ahmad, who took voluntary retirement and started Crescent School in one of Kolkata’s ghettos—Topsia—shared his journey as an educator. “When I started the school in Topsia (in 2002), I decorated the building very well. People asked me why I was doing so. I told them that to build confidence in the Topsia students, they must study in a place that is not inferior to other major schools in the city.”
“In later years, to boost their confidence to appear for the Union Public Service Examinations, I used my contacts and made my school a center for the UPSC exam, which produces IAS and IPS officers. As a result, today our school produces doctors and students who pursue higher education after graduating from Crescent,” Ahmad said to the gathering.
Sangita Gurung of Assembly of God said a one liner for the teachers, “Teach what your preach and preach what you teach, is the motto remained in my career and it should be with every teacher.”
Dr Sarfaraz Adil, founder of Izma International School , reminded attendees of the importance of education in Islam and how it has been emphasized. “Getting an education is one of the fundamentals of Islam. It not only includes religious education but also opens doors to physics, astronomy, and chemistry. Before Islam, there was no scientific temperament in religion. Only the rich could study, but Islam made education accessible to everyone. Prophet Muhammad announced that any slave who learned and became educated would be freed. Later, a slave named Hazrat Barira became educated and declared that she should be freed, according to the Prophet’s word. And she was freed. Although it was difficult because she was married to an uneducated slave, she wanted her freedom and to be separated from her husband, so she was granted it.”
Dr Adil also had a message for today’s teachers: “Information is easily shared among students. So, what is important for teachers is to teach students skills and show them
source: http://www.enewsroom.in / E Newsroom India / Home> Bengal> Education / by Shahnawaz Akhtar / September 16th, 2024
The Telegraph visits the haveli where the Khilafat and Non-Cooperation movements came to be mergedThe Telegraph visits the haveli where the Khilafat and Non-Cooperation movements came to be merged.
Farangi Mahal in Lucknow. / Photo courtesy: Adnan Abdul Wali
Stepping into Farangi Mahal in Lucknow after skirting rows of low-priced chikankari salwar kameez shops and their steady din is somewhat like stepping into the stillness of a forest after having left a busy city. Only, Farangi Mahal is anything but a forest. It is a cluster of buildings that hold within them a bit of history that has been almost forgotten, as the past often is in India, obscured by new settlements or construction, or billboards, if not demolished altogether.
In Farangi Mahal the past is difficult to see also because of the turn Indian politics has taken.
I am part of a group from Calcutta visiting Lucknow last October.
Inside Farangi Mahal, located in the old neighbourhood of Chowk, we enter its elegant and serene courtyard. The lime-and-mortar white exterior is tinged with a blue, peeling off in places. The afternoon sun slants down on the pillared arches and the exposed bricks but does not take away from the fragile beauty of the structure.
Adnan Abdul Wali, a member of the family that owns the house, the Farangi Mahalis, ushers us into the courtyard. His Urdu and Hindi are as impeccable as his courtesy. He is a direct descendant of Maulana Abdul Bari Farangi Mahali, who was a leader of the Khilafat Movement.
Farangi Mahal’s story, however, goes back beyond the nawabs and the British. It was occupied by French merchants during the rule of Mughal emperor Aurangzeb and that is how it got its name. The merchants, owing to some offence, lost the property and Aurangzeb gave it to Abdul Bari’s ancestors, who needed a safe haven.
The farman issued by Mughal emperor Aurangzeb decreeing that Bari’s ancestors could live here / Photo courtesy: Adnan Abdul Wali
“The Khilafat movement started from here,” says Wali. Farangi Mahal is where the idea of joining the Khilafat Movement and the Non-Cooperation Movement was born and Abdul Bari was the architect of the plan. It was a glorious moment of Hindu-Muslim unity in Indian history and Lucknow played its part in it.
Abdul Bari, an eminent religious scholar who belonged to the tradition of highly respected scholars from his family, was also an astute politician. He had travelled across many Muslim countries and was acutely aware of the impact of British imperialism on the Islamic world.
In March 1919 came the Rowlatt Act, which was to be followed by the horrors of the Jallianwala Bagh massacre in April 1919, one of the events that would lead Mahatma Gandhi to launch the Non-Cooperation Movement. Before that happened, a large number of Muslims in India were already disturbed by the threat of the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire in Turkey following World War I and the jeopardised future of the Caliph, the Ottoman head of state, who is nominally the supreme religious and political leader of Sunni Muslims across the world. Turkey had been defeated by the Allied Forces, which included the British.
Adnan Abdul Wali, a direct descendant of Abdul Bari and the family that owns the house. / Photo courtesy: Adnan Abdul Wali
Abdul Bari was convinced that in India, Muslims needed to be made aware that the fate of the Ottoman Empire was their religious concern — and the articulation of the Khilafat (Caliphate) cause needed a larger, national platform.
From around 1919, Abdul Bari was raising support in the countryside, says Francis Robinson, a historian who specialises in Islam in South Asia. Abdul Bari had founded a newspaper for the purpose. But more importantly, he wanted to woo Gandhi to the Khilafat struggle.
Gandhi came to stay in Farangi Mahal for the first time in March 1919 and within six months, Abdul Bari had won him over, says Robinson. This also led to a period of a very special friendship between the two men, which was rooted not only in a common political cause but also shared spiritual beliefs and a love for mysticism, as embodied in Sufi philosophy.
Politically, the campaign for Khilafat and Gandhi’s stamp on it saw Abdul Bari reaching the height of his influence during 1919 and 1920.
Abdul Bari and his Farangi Mahal relatives, with the help of the lawyer Chaudhri Khaliquzzaman, drew up the constitution of the All-India Central Khilafat Committee, says Robinson. “He devoted enormous effort first to persuade the Khilafat Committee to adopt non-cooperation as a policy and second, at the Allahabad meetings in June (1920), in persuading the committee to accept Gandhi as chair of the group that was to put non-cooperation into action,” adds Robinson.
From then on till September 1920, Abdul Bari successfully campaigned to organise a significant Muslim presence at the Calcutta Special Congress, which was held from September 4 to 9, 1920. The session passed the resolution of the Non-Cooperation Movement with a demand for Swaraj. The Khilafat Committee and the Congress came together with non-cooperation as the common goal.
After March 1919, Gandhi stayed at Farangi Mahal three times, recounts Wali proudly. Other leaders such as Jawaharlal Nehru, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and Sarojini Naidu stayed here as well. During Gandhi’s second visit, in September 1919, Muslims in the area abstained from cow slaughter during Bakrid as a mark of respect to Gandhi and appreciation for his support to the Khilafat cause. “Abdul Bari had requested Muslim families to make the gesture,” says Wali.
This was somewhat different from the recent celebration of November 25 as No Non-Veg Day by the BJP government in Uttar Pradesh. The announcement was made to honour the birth anniversary of Sadhu T.L. Vaswani and slaughterhouses and meat shops were required to remain closed that day. There is a world of difference between giving up meat voluntarily and being forced to do so, as there is between non-violence and violence. But such distinctions perhaps do not make much sense anymore in Lucknow, once the capital of nawab-ruled Oudh, now ruled by the BJP with Yogi Adityanath at its helm. Like the No Non-Veg Day, the city has several streets and institutions named after lesser-known Hindu saints.
Abdul Bari is said to have introduced Gandhi to the sufi saint Bakhtiyar Kaki, disciple and successor to Moinuddin Chishti. Three days before his death, Gandhi delivered his last public address at the shrine of Bakhtiyar Kaki in Mehrauli.
Abdul Bari had earlier invited Gandhi to Ajmer, where Chishti is enshrined. At Ajmer Sharif Dargah, Gandhi is said to have experienced his first qawwali on Chishti. It was there that he asked Abdul Bari about Bakhtiyar Kaki. He had first visited Ajmer Sharif in 1921 and would visit it again.
In 1922, after the Chauri Chaura incident, Gandhi withdrew the Non-Cooperation Movement. Abdul Bari did not relent; he was not sparing of Gandhi either, says Robinson, but one has to remember his politics was primarily religious in inspiration. His influence declined steadily from this time and he died in 1926, a disappointed man, according to Robinson.
His name is often seen missing now from the roll call of prominent Khilafat leaders.
And yet Abdul Bari was not only a politician but also an eminent educator, Wali reminds. His ancestors had established a madrasah that became well-known all over the Islamic world and had introduced a syllabus, Dars-e-Nazami, which became a much-respected system of learning.
As a revered teacher in his family tradition, Abdul Bari introduced major changes to the curriculum by stressing the learning of Western sciences and discouraging rote learning.
Wali breaks down. It is very difficult to reconcile the present with the past, he says. Lucknow was never a utopia; communal riots had broken out here around the time of Gandhi’s visits to Farangi Mahal. But now the very fabric of society has changed, he feels. He reads from an Urdu book, and though the meaning of the words remains elusive, the music lingers. Farangi Mahal, with Wali bent over his book, look almost unreal.
But Farangi Mahal still stands, held up by its ancient, sturdy, flat bricks, and memory. Some things stay.
source: http://www.telegraphindia.com / The Telegraph Online / Home> Culture / by Chandrima S Bhattacharya / January 07th, 2024
Amar Sohal’s ‘The Muslim Secular’ is a compelling exploration of ideas, identities, and legacies that takes you on a scholarly journey that traverses the intricate terrain of India’s struggle for Independence and its subsequent partition through the lens of three influential Muslim leaders: Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, and Sheikh Abdullah.
Photo: Getty Images
Amidst the dynamic sociopolitical landscape of the subcontinent, the Muslim community grapples with multifaceted challenges, navigating issues of identity, representation and political agency. It is against this backdrop that Amar Sohal’s book ‘The Muslim Secular: The Parity and Politics of India’s Partition’ emerges as a pertinent exploration.
Sohal embarks on a scholarly journey that traverses the intricate terrain of India’s struggle for Independence and its subsequent partition through the lens of three influential Muslim leaders: Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, and Sheikh Abdullah. This meticulously crafted work not only delves into the historical narratives surrounding these figures but also navigates the complex intersectionality of religion, politics, and regional identity, offering readers a profound and nuanced understanding of a pivotal period in South Asian history.
Sohal’s narrative unfolds with the exploration of Azad’s vision, which significantly departs from conventional perspectives. Azad, rather than emphasising a stark dichotomy between Hindus and Muslims, envisions a shared Indian nationality rooted in historical evolution. His integrationist stance grapples with the challenges of sectarian antagonism, weaving a narrative that transcends the simplistic notions of religious division. Sohal adeptly captures Azad’s dynamic response to historical exigencies, portraying him not merely as a religious leader, but as a visionary navigating the multifaceted socio-cultural landscape of India.
The focus then shifts to Ghaffar Khan, a transformative figure whose reinterpretation of the Muslim Pashtun warrior archetype challenges prevailing stereotypes. By divorcing bravery from violence, he introduced an ethical dimension to the pursuit of freedom. Sohal meticulously unravels the intricacies of Ghaffar Khan’s advocacy for a symbiotic relationship between Muslim Pashtuns and Hindu Hindustanis. The book doesn’t shy away from the complexities of Ghaffar Khan’s engagement with the post-Partition referendum in Kashmir, illuminating the enduring impact of his ideas on regional political dynamics.
Amar Sohal’s book ‘The Muslim Secular: Parity and the Politics of India’s Partition’
Abdullah emerges as another pivotal figure and Sohal meticulously traces the evolution of his perspectives on Kashmiri identity. Abdullah’s delicate balance between preserving the region’s distinctiveness and fostering unity with the broader Indian context adds layers of complexity to his political trajectory. Sohal deftly navigates Abdullah’s integrationist phase in later years, providing readers with a nuanced understanding of the man and his enduring influence on the Kashmiri political landscape.
What distinguishes ‘The Muslim Secular’ is its seamless transition between historical narratives and contemporary implications. Sohal draws intriguing parallels with the present, shedding light on how the legacies of Azad, Ghaffar Khan, and Abdullah continue to shape the political landscape. The comparison with the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement in Pakistan adds depth to the exploration of non-violence and symbiotic centre-region relationships, offering readers insights into the ongoing dynamics in the region.
Expanding the scope of the book, Sohal delves into the role of large Muslim-minority communities in Kerala, West Bengal, and Assam. These communities, constituting a significant portion of the population, actively resist the homogenising efforts of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) through sub-national political formations. Inspired by the integrationist visions of Abdullah and Ghaffar Khan, they navigate the intricate socio-political terrain, contributing to the overarching theme of the book. This expansion not only enriches the narrative but also provides a holistic understanding of how these visions transcend regional boundaries.
‘The Muslim Secular’ stands out as a seminal work that transcends traditional historiography. Sohal’s narrative is not only informative but also reflective, inviting readers to engage deeply with the complexities of India’s political trajectory. The book encourages a nuanced understanding of the legacies of Azad, Ghaffar Khan, and Abdullah, urging readers to contemplate their enduring impact on the current socio-political milieu.
In conclusion, ‘The Muslim Secular’ is a compelling exploration of ideas, identities and legacies. Sohal’s nuanced and insightful approach ensures that readers not only gain a profound understanding of the historical context but also appreciate the lasting relevance of these visionary leaders in shaping India’s political landscape. The book serves as an indispensable resource for scholars, historians, and anyone seeking a comprehensive understanding of the intricate interplay between religion, politics, and regional identity during a pivotal period in South Asian history.
However, it is imperative to recognise that the book might present challenges for the general reader, particularly in the initial sections. The narrative, laden with academic jargon and intricate historical details, necessitates a certain familiarity with the subject matter. While this scholarly depth undoubtedly elevates the work, it could potentially form a barrier for readers less acquainted with the nuances of Indian history and politics. Yet, for those willing to navigate this initial complexity, the reward is a profound and enlightening exploration that unveils the complex tapestry of India’s political evolution, offering insights that extend far beyond the pages of this thought-provoking work.
Sohal’s ‘The Muslim Secular’ not only adds scholarly richness to the discourse but also invites readers to confront and engage with the multifaceted dimensions of a crucial period in South Asian history.
(Saleem Rashid Shah is a literary critic and an independent writer based in New Delhi. He tweets at @SaleemRashid176. Views expressed are personal.)
source: http://www.outlookindia.com / Outlook / Home> Weekend Reads / by Saleem Rashid Shah / October 28th, 2023
Uncover the remarkable contributions of Muslim freedom Fighters of India to fight for freedom from British colonial rule.
In present times, Indian Muslims find themselves subjected to demonization and unwarranted questioning of their patriotism. Communal elements seek to manipulate history by intentionally excluding Muslims and disseminating false propaganda against them through social media. The vital contributions and sacrifices made by Indian Muslims in the struggle for India’s freedom from British colonial rule are systematically obscured. However, a closer examination of history reveals that not only did Indian Muslims play an essential role in the freedom movement, but they also made significant sacrifices for the cause of anti-colonial nationalism.
Indian Muslims: Unveiling Their Crucial Role
According to a report by the Milli Chronicle, the names of 95,300 freedom fighters are etched on the India Gate in Delhi, and remarkably, 61,945 of these names belong to Muslims, signifying that 65% of these brave individuals were Muslims. The significance of this statistic is eloquently captured by the renowned writer Mr. Kushwant Singh, who boldly states that the story of Indian freedom is etched in the blood of Muslims, emphasizing their disproportionately larger contribution to the struggle, considering their smaller population percentage.
Profiles of Courage: Muslim Freedom Fighters
The annals of history are adorned with the stories of Muslim freedom fighters who put their lives on the line to liberate India from the shackles of British oppression. These individuals, driven by an unwavering determination to secure their homeland’s independence, demonstrated exceptional courage and resilience.
Sultan Haidar Ali Salabat Jung: The First Freedom Fighter
Sultan Haidar Ali, father of Tipu Sultan, pioneered the fight against British colonial forces. A secular leader, he united both Hindus and Muslims in his quest for freedom, although his efforts were eventually betrayed.
Tipu Sultan: A Trailblazer in Battle
Son of India’s first freedom fighter Haider Ali, Tipu Sultan pioneered the use of iron-cased rockets, utilizing them effectively to defeat British forces in several historic battles over two decades.
Shaheed Ashfaqullah Khan: A Martyr’s Legacy
Member of the Hindustan Republican Association (HRA), Ashfaqullah Khan paid the ultimate price for India’s freedom. Notable for his daring attacks on British government trains, his sacrifice remains etched in history.
Maulana Abul Kalam Azad: A Beacon of Unity
Maulana Azad, a key leader in the anti-colonial nationalist movement, became the youngest President of the Indian National Congress. He rallied Hindus and Muslims alike against British oppression and launched Urdu Weekly Al-Hilal to expose British misrule.
Maulana Hasrat Mohani: Champion of Change
Mohani’s powerful Urdu speeches incited Indians to stand up against British rule. His unyielding spirit saw him arrested and jailed, but his impact on India’s fight for freedom remained profound.
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan: The Frontier Gandhi
A pivotal figure in the Khilafat movement, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan established the Khudai Khitmatgars, promoting peace and unity. Jailed for 13 years by the British, his dedication was unwavering.
Sirajud Daula: Battling Against Betrayal
The last Nawab of Bengal, Sirajud Daula, fought valiantly against British forces. Despite betrayal, he remained a symbol of resistance against British rule.
Vakkom Majeed: Courage Amidst Oppression
Vakkom Majeed’s resilience during the Quit India movement earned him repeated jail terms, highlighting his unwavering commitment to India’s freedom.
Fazl-e-Huq Khairabadi: Life in Exile
Sentenced to life in the notorious Kalapani jail on Andaman, Fazl-e-Huq Khairabadi continued his fight for freedom despite insurmountable odds.
Badruddin Tayabji: Founding the INC
Badruddin Tyabji and Qamruddin Tyabji were instrumental in establishing the Indian National Congress (INC). Badruddin’s wife, Suraiya Tayabji, designed the present Indian flag.
Shah Nawaz Khan: A Triumphant Act
Major of Azad Hind Force, Shah Nawaz Khan was the first to hoist the tricolor at the Red Fort, symbolizing India’s victorious struggle against British imperialism.
Barrister Saifuddin Kitchlew: A Voice for Justice
Jailed for 14 years by the British for protesting against the Jallianwala Bagh massacre and the Rowlatt Acts, Kitchlew’s opposition to the two-nation theory set him apart.
Bakht Khan: A Gallant Defender
Bakht Khan’s courageous defense against the British in Delhi, Bengal, and Lucknow showcased his unwavering dedication to India’s freedom.
Titu Mir: Bengali Rebel
Titu Mir’s armed resistance against British colonial authorities exemplified his determination to free India from British rule.
Syed Ahmad Barelvi: Organizing Resistance
Syed Ahmad Barelvi’s efforts in uniting native armies against the British from Delhi to Kabul showcased his strategic prowess.
Zain-ul-Abideen: INA Officer’s Patriotic Slogan
Zain-ul-Abideen, an officer of the Indian National Army (INA), coined the iconic patriotic slogan “Jai Hind.”
Empowering Women in the Freedom Struggle
The fight for India’s freedom was not limited to men; several Muslim women also contributed significantly to the struggle.
Begum Hazrat Mahal: A Rebel Leader
Rebelling against the British in 1857, Begum Hazrat Mahal seized control of Lucknow from British forces, showcasing her leadership and courage.
Surayya Tyabji: Designing India’s Flag
Wife of freedom fighter Badruddin Tayyabji, Surayya Tyabji designed the Indian flag that we proudly hoist today.
Abadi Bano Begum: A Pioneer in Politics
Abadi Bano Begum, known as Bi Amma, actively participated in politics, matching her male counterparts in the Indian National Movement. Her sons went on to become prominent leaders.
Azizan: A Warrior’s Spirit
Azizan organized a battalion of warrior women, displaying her remarkable skill in the art of war and refusing to yield to British pressure.
A Timeless Legacy
The contributions and sacrifices of Indian Muslims in the fight against British colonialism are immeasurable. While recounting the names of every Muslim freedom fighter may be an impossible feat, their collective impact remains undeniable. The fact that many chose to remain in India underscores their deep-rooted connection to the land. Despite attempts to distort history, India will forever be the cherished home of its Muslim citizens.
Conclusion
Urdu poet Rahat Indori’s words,
“Sabhi ka khoon hai shamil yaha ki mitti me,
Kisi ke baap ka Hindustaan thodi hai,”
encapsulate the essence of Muslim Freedom Fighters of India’ unyielding commitment to their homeland. The sacrifices and contributions of Indian Muslims in the struggle for independence stand as a testament to their unwavering dedication and indomitable spirit. Their stories deserve to be acknowledged and celebrated, inspiring future generations to honor the diverse tapestry of individuals who fought for a free and united India.
source: http://www.munsifdaily.com / The Munsif Daily / Home> News> Indai> Pan India / by Munsif Web Desk / August 18th, 2023
The famous writer Kushwant Singh, once wrote: “Indian Freedom is written in Muslim blood, since their participation in the freedom struggle was much more, in proportion to their small percentage of the population.”
The story and history of India’s independence are written with the blood of Muslims. According to historical references, 65% of those who stood, fought and sacrificed against the British for India’s independence were Muslim freedom fighters, the hams live reported.
A large number of people from all religions and castes took part in the freedom struggle, undoubtedly. However, the struggles of many Muslim prominent personalities who also contributed to India’s freedom and even sacrificed everything including their lives are little known. Muslims have been at the forefront to oppose the British and stood shoulder to shoulder with people from other communities while fighting against them. Getting freedom was not easy, our ancestors had to go face a lot of struggles and difficulties to get us the freedom that we are enjoying now.
The First Call To Oppose British
In the 1750s, Nawab Siraj-ud-Daulah was the first awakened Indian ruler, who stood his ground against the British. He lost the Battle of Plassey in 1757 due to the betrayal of Mir Jafar (Commander of Nawab’s army). With this, Siraj-ud-Daulah’s reign marks the end of the last independent rule in India and the beginning of the East India company’s rule that was unabated for the next two hundred years.
First Freedom Struggle By Muslim Rulers
The first freedom struggle against the British was started by the rulers of Mysore Hyder Ali and his son, Tipu Sultan, during the 1780s and 90s. Both used the first iron-cased rockets and cannons effectively against the British invaders.
Tipu Sultan is considered to be one of India’s first freedom fighters for his fierce fight and brave against the East India Company. He resisted the conquest of the British in southern India and was reluctant to welcome them on his soil. He was the only Indian ruler who understood the dangers that the British posed to India, and fought four wars to oust them from the country.
The Unsung Heroines Of India’s Freedom Struggle
Begum Hazrat Mahal, the unsung heroin, played a very important role in India’s war of Independence. Being a woman, she led a rebellion against the British East India Company in 1857. She shot the British ruler, Sir Henry Lawrence and defeated the British army in a conclusive Battle at Chinhat in 1857.
In the great revolt of 1857, as many as 225 Muslim women sacrificed their lives in the uprising. These unsung Muslim women freedom fighters who have sloganeered, shed blood and given their lives for the country’s independence have now been forgotten to due biases.
A majority of freedom fighters did a nameless service to the nation and one such lesser-known name was Abadi Bano Begum (Bi Amma). Bi Amma was the first woman to address a political rally wearing an abaya. She took part in National freedom struggles, Khilafat Movement and propagated Hindu-Muslim unity. Following Mahatma Gandhi’s advice, Bi Amma played an. An important role in encouraging women to take part in the freedom movement. Further, she played a pivotal role in the Swadeshi movements.
In the book, Gandhi and the Ali Brothers: Biography of a Friendship by Rakhahari Chatterji, Maulana Mohammad Jouhar says, “Suffice it to say that, although she was practically illiterate, I have, in all experience, of men of all sorts of types, come across none that I could call wiser and certainly that was more truly godly and spiritual than our mother.”
Bi Amma was also the mother of Muhammad Ali Jauhar and Shaukat Ali popularly known as the Ali Brothers whom she raised on her own after her husband died when she was young.
Amjadi Begum, the wife of Muhammad Ali Jauhar and daughter-in-law of Bi Amma, is yet another Muslim women freedom fighter. Mahatma Gandhi also dedicated an article on her titled ‘A Brave Woman‘ where he admired her as a courageous wife of a courageous man.
At the age of 45, Asghari Begum, another forgotten Muslim woman, has also taken part in the 1857 revolt and challenged British rule in the present-day Uttar Pradesh. However, she was captured by the British in 1858 and burnt alive.
Habiba, a Muslim woman’s fought many battles against the British in Muzaffarnagar in 1857. However, she was captured and hanged along with 11 other female warriors at the age of 25.
The Great Revolt of 1857
During the Great Revolt of 1857, Hindus and Muslims under the leadership of the last Mughal emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar tried to oust the British from India. A majority of Hindu sepoys requested Zafar to lead them in the war of Independence. Although the Revolt failed due of several reasons, Muslims have always stood on the front line to oppose the British.
Former Prime Minister of India, Rajiv Gandhi during his visit to Bahadur Shah’s grave, wrote in the visitor’s book: “Although you (Bahadur Shah) do not have land in India, you have it here; your name is alive… I pay homage to the memory of the symbol and rallying point of India’s First War of Independence….”
Muslims came to India and ruled here for over 800 years but they did not steal anything from here as the British, the Dutch and the French did. By bringing plenty of knowledge in literature, architecture, judiciary, political structure, government body and management structure, which is still used in Indian management strategy, they helped India to progress into a unified and civilized nation.
Lighthouse of Rebellion
How many of us know that the organizer and leader of “First Indian freedom struggle” in 1857 was Moulavi Ahamadullah Shah. Known as the ‘Lighthouse of Rebellion’ in Awadh, he Faizabad free from British rule for almost one year, until his death at the hands of British agents on June 5, 1858.
“With being a practicing Muslim, he was also the epitome of religious unity and Ganga-Jamuna culture of Faizabad. In the revolt of 1857, royalties like Nana Sahib of Kanpur, Kunwar Singh of Arrah fought alongside Maulavi Ahmadullah Shah. Maulavi’s 22nd Infantry Regiment was commanded by Subedar Ghamandi Singh and Subedar Umrao Singh in the famous Battle of Chinhat,” according to researcher and historian Ram Shankar Tripathi.
The important role of Muslims in the uprising is the reason that the British government singled out the community for the worst revenge. From the Nawab, the King of Mysore, the last Mughal King, Princes, the landlords, the Ulemas, intellectuals, Urdu journalists, including common people, all members of the Muslim community have made great sacrifices for the freedom of India.
In the uprising of the 1857 revolt, thousands of ulema were slaughtered and the whole of Delhi was emptied of Muslims, according to excerpts from Syed Ubaidur Rahman’s book Biographical Encyclopedia of Indian Muslim Freedom Fighters. They were not even allowed to return to their homes and reclaim their properties.
First Journalist To Sacrifice His Life During The Great Revolt
Moulvi Muhammad Baqir, a scholar and activist of Indian independence activist was the first journalist to be executed following the rebellion in 1857. The editor of Urdu newspapers, Delhi Urdu Akhbar, was washed dead on 16th September 1857 for writing Nationalist articles, without even a trial.
Although India got independence on 15 August 1947, the foundation of the freedom struggle was laid before 1857. Since the time of the Revolt of 1857, which is considered to be the beginning of India’s freedom struggle, Muslim leadership has spearheaded the cause.
First Muslim To Be Hanged For Conspiring Against East India Company
At the age of 27 years, Shaheed Ashfaqulla Khan was the first Muslim to be hanged for conspiring against the British Raj. Khan was hanged to death on December 19, 1927. With this, he became a martyr and a legend among the people because of his love for the country and his unshakeable spirit.
Reshmi Rumal Tehreek (The Silk Movement)
Muslims not only took the lead in the uprising, but also stood in the front line in all other efforts to topple the British colonial regime in India.
After the revolt of 1857, the Muslim leaders changed their strategy of resistance by setting up educational institutions across the country. Reshmi Rumal Tehreek or The Silk Letter Movement (1913-1920) was an initiative by Deobandi Leaders Maulana Mahmud Hasan and Maulana Ubaidullah Sindhi to topple the British Empire.
However, when British intelligence learned about it, hundreds of sympathizers of the initiative were arrested and put in prison for years without any trial. The top leaders including Maulana Mahmud Hasan and half a dozen of his followers were banished to Malta after a faux trial where they faced the worst hardship.
Role of Muslims in Congress’ anti-colonial struggle
Justice Abbas Tyabji, an Indian freedom fighter from Gujarat and associate of Mahatma Gandhi, was the first Muslim president of the Indian National Congress party. Justice Tyabji is also known for leading Salt Satyagraha following Gandhi’s arrest in 1930.
Another Congress president during the colonialism was Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, who is one of the chief Muslim leaders of the anti-colonial nationalist movement. He became the youngest President of the Indian National Congress in 1923 at the age of 35. He faced multiple imprisonments by the colonial state.
From Justice Tayabji to Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, there have been eight Muslim leaders who were in the Indian National Congress’s freedom movement. The other prominent Muslim leaders include, Muhammad Ali Jauhar, Shaukat Ali, Maulana Azad, Dr Mukhtar Ansari, Hakim Ajmal Khan, Maulana Mahmud Hasan and many others. They made every possible sacrifice for the cause of the end the colonial rule.
Frontier Gandhi
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan was a Pashtun independence activist who campaigned to end the rule of the British Raj in India. He founded the Khudai Khidmatgar resistance movement against British colonial rule in India. He was also known as Frontier Gandhi for his principles of non-violence and friendship with Gandhi. Khan worked towards the formation of a united, independent, secular India.
Muslim Man Coins “Jai Hind”
The patriotic slogan “Jai Hind” was initially coined by Zain-ul Abideen Hasan, but it was adopted by Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose. It is now used as a way of salutation throughout India. It means “Victory to India” in English.
The Creation Of the National Flag
For a majority of us, the current national flag was designed by Pingali Venkayya. However, it was a Muslim Lady Surayya Tyabji, who created the flag’s final look today.
Although we have recounted several names of the Muslims who have contributed to India’s freedom struggle, there are several thousands of them who fought on the streets against the British Raj.
source: http://www.thecongnate.com / The Cognate / Home> History / by Rabia Shireen / August 15th, 2022
“I appeal to the youth of this country that they sit at the feet of this goddess (Nishat un Nisa Begum) to learn the lessons of independence and perseverance.” Famous Indian writer Brij Narayan Chakbast wrote this in 1918 about the freedom fighter Nishat un Nisa Begum.
People knew more about her husband Maulana Hasrat Mohani, who coined the slogan Inquilab Zindabad (Long live revolution). Historians have kept Nishat, like many other women, at the margins of historical narratives. She existed not as a protagonist but as a supporting actor in a play that had her husband as the protagonist.
This happened even though Hasrat admitted that he would have remained an apolitical editor if he had not married her. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad likened her to “a mountain of determination and patience.” Mahatma Gandhi also acknowledged a key role in the Non-Cooperation Movement. By no stretch of the imagination, she was a dependent woman and owed her existence to Hasrat.
Born in Lucknow in 1885, Nishat was home tutored, as was the custom of those times. She knew Urdu, Arabic, Persian, and English. Even before she married Hasrat in 1901 was teaching girls from backward sections of the society at her home. Marriage exposed her to the world of politics. Nishat and Hasrat were among the first Muslims in India to join Bal Gangadhar Tilak’s extremist group of Congress and open a Swadeshi shop in Aligarh. In 1903, the couple started a nationalist Urdu newspaper ‘Urdu e Mualla’. The British did not like it and jailed Hasrat in 1908. After his release, the couple resumed the newspaper. The newspaper had only two employees – Nishat and Hasrat.
Hasrat was again jailed during the First World War. Nishat, who like other Muslim women of her times, used to take a veil, came out in public to defend her husband in the court trial. She wrote letters to leaders, and articles in newspapers, and removed her veil while visiting courts. To go out of one’s house without a purdah was a courageous act.
Hasrat’s friend Pandit Kishan Parshad Kaul wrote, “She (Nishat) took this courageous step at a time when the veil was a symbol of dignity not only among Muslim women but among Hindu women as well”.
In those times Congress and other organizations used to raise public funds to help the families of jailed freedom fighters. Nishat declined to accept her share from it. Pandit Kishan Parshad recalled later that in 1917 when he once visited her in Aligarh he saw her living in abject poverty. Being a friend of Hasrat, he offered her money. Nishat told him, “I am happy with whatever I have”. She later asked him if he could help her in selling the Urdu books printed by their defunct press.
Kishan Parshad told Shiv Prasad Gupta, another prominent freedom fighter from Lucknow about Nishat’s condition. Gupta didn’t take a moment to write a cheque to purchase all the books from Nishat.
When Edwin Montagu visited India in 1917, Nishat was among the representatives of the All India Women’s Conference (AIWC) to meet him. In the meeting, she demanded that all the freedom fighters be released from jail.
Nishat had abandoned the purdah for good. In 1919, she attended the Amritsar Congress session after the Jallianwala Massacre and impressed everyone with her passionate speeches. A Muslim woman, without purdah and participating in politics at par with her husband, she was noticed as a “comrade of Hasrat.”
Nishat and Hasrat were sure that asking for concessions from the British was futile. They moved a resolution for Purna Swaraj (Complete Independence) and not a dominion status at the Ahmedabad session of Congress in 1921 as the party’s goal. Nishat spoke in support of the motion. The resolution was defeated as Mahatma Gandhi opposed the idea. Eight years later, Congress adopted the Purna Swaraj as its goal.
Hasrat was again jailed in 1922 and this time Nishat attended the Congress Session at Gaya without him. She eloquently opposed the participation of Congress members in the Legislative Councils. She said those who wanted complete independence from British rule could not dream of entering the assemblies formed by them.
According to Prof. Abida Samiuddin, Nishat’s politics did not depend on Hasrat alone. She was the first Muslim woman to address a Congress Session. Her work for the popularisation of Swadeshi, the All India Women Conference, correspondences with the nationalist leaders, articles in newspapers, public speeches, and other political activities are proof that she carried her identity in the Indian Freedom Struggle. She was active in workers’ movements till her death in 1937.
source: http://www.awazthevoice.in / Awaz, The Voice / Home> Stories / by Saquib Salim / May 14th, 2023
